Papers by Frank Schimmelfennig
Http Dx Doi Org 10 1080 13501763 2014 886902, Oct 13, 2014
ABSTRACT In a ‘demoi-cracy’, separate statespeoples enter into a political arrangement and jointl... more ABSTRACT In a ‘demoi-cracy’, separate statespeoples enter into a political arrangement and jointly exercise political authority. Its proper domain is a polity of democratic states with hierarchical, majoritarian features of policy-making, especially in value-laden redistributive and coercive policy areas, but without a unified political community (demos). In its vertical dimension, demoi-cracy is based on the equality and interaction of citizens' and statespeoples' representatives in the making of common policies. Horizontally, it seeks to balance equal transnational rights of citizens with national policy-making autonomy. The EU belongs to the domain of demoi-cracy and has established many of its features. We argue that both vertical and horizontal Demoi-cratization have been triggered by processes of supranational integration in the European Union (EU). They differ, however, in the origins and the outcomes. Vertical Demoi-cratization has initially been a reaction of parliamentary institutional actors to majoritarian decision-making in regulatory policy-areas, resulting in the empowerment of the European Parliament (EP) and the strengthening of parliamentary oversight at the national level. By contrast, horizontal Demoi-cratization has been promoted by governments as an alternative to majoritarian and legally binding policy-making in core areas of statehood, as well as coercive and redistributive policy-areas; it has resulted in soft, co-ordinative forms of policy-making, seeking to protect national autonomy. The extent to which these developments actually meet the normative standards of Demoi-cracy in practice, however, is mixed.
European Political Science Review, Jun 30, 2010
Institutional democratization has made considerable progress in the history of the European Union... more Institutional democratization has made considerable progress in the history of the European Union. Mainstream theories of democratization, however, fail to capture this process because they are wedded to the nation-state context. This paper therefore proposes a transformationalist theory of democratization beyond the state. EU democratization results from conflict about the redistribution of political competences between institutional actors in a multi-level system, in which liberal democracy is the shared norm of legitimate authority. To the extent that institutional actors, who push for further integration in order to increase efficiency, undermine existing democratic institutions at the national level, their competitors can put into question the legitimacy of integration by invoking the shared liberal democratic community norms and shame them into making democratic concessions. The normative origins of democracy in the EU are illustrated in case studies on democratic membership conditionality, legislative rights of the European Parliament, and the institutionalization of human rights in the EU.
Http Dx Doi Org 10 1080 13501763 2014 881415, Oct 13, 2014
... and the participants of the workshop" Exter-nal Governance in the European Union" a... more ... and the participants of the workshop" Exter-nal Governance in the European Union" at the ... market would not have led the small economies of Central and Eastern Europe to adopt EU ... The adoption of EU rules by nonmember countries like Norway or Switzerland provides ample ...
Http Dx Doi Org 10 1080 13501763 2014 897744, Apr 28, 2014
ABSTRACT What is the effect of European Union (EU) enlargement on differentiated integration? And... more ABSTRACT What is the effect of European Union (EU) enlargement on differentiated integration? And is it driven by the relative bargaining power of old and new member states or by the equal or even preferential treatment of weaker candidates? This article analyses differentiation in EU treaty and secondary law across the EU's six enlargement rounds. It shows that exemptive differentiation privileging the new member states has been more frequent than discriminatory differentiation. Whereas there is some evidence that poorer new members suffer more strongly from discrimination, most of the variation in differentiation across new member states is explained by differences between enlargement rounds. In addition, the EU grants poorer candidates more time to fully adopt the EU acquis. The analysis suggests that bargaining between old and new member states over differentiation is constrained by the equal and even preferential treatment of weaker candidates.
Http Dx Doi Org 10 1080 13501760802196861, Feb 8, 2011
... helped to arrest General Zdravko Tolimir (number three on the ICTY list after Karadzic and ..... more ... helped to arrest General Zdravko Tolimir (number three on the ICTY list after Karadzic and ... However, the rejection of the Annan peace plan by the Greek community ahead of ... elections of 2007, the Erdogan government considered major concessions on the Cyprus issue too risky ...
... at the workshops without con-tributing a chapter to the final volume: Dorothee Bohle, Martin ... more ... at the workshops without con-tributing a chapter to the final volume: Dorothee Bohle, Martin Brusis, Dorota Dakowska, Adam Fagin, Asuman Goskel, Abby Innes, Petr Jehlicka, Jan-I linrik Meyer-Sahling, Dimitris Papadimitriou, Nieves Perez-Solorzano Borragan, Gwendolyn ...
Http Dx Doi Org 10 1080 13501763 2011 652902, Jun 29, 2012
The Lisbon Treaty extended the codecision procedure to the Common Agricultural Policy. This is no... more The Lisbon Treaty extended the codecision procedure to the Common Agricultural Policy. This is not only a hard case of parliamentarization but also a deviant case for existing explanations of the empowerment of the EP. We argue that the parliamentarization of agricultural policy in the EU cannot be explained by policy-seeking, inter-institutional bargaining or legitimacy-seeking behaviour -or by sectoral policy dynamics in general. In a process-tracing analysis we show that it was part of a broader process of legal rationalization and democratic constitutionalization in the constitutional Convention, which prevailed over the resistance of vested policy interests.
ABSTRACT Parliaments in the demoi-cratic system of the EU develop in co-evolution. We study why s... more ABSTRACT Parliaments in the demoi-cratic system of the EU develop in co-evolution. We study why some national parliaments react to the empowerment of the European Parliament (EP) by strengthening their own competences, whereas others do not. First, we argue that national parliamentary parties take systematic positions on the powers of the EP. In particular, support for parliamentarisation at the European level decreases to the extent that parties are culturally conservative, confront Eurosceptic populations and have weak supranational office opportunities. Second, aggregate support for the EP among the party composition of national parliaments tells us whether or not national parliaments perceive the EP as a competitor and strive for stronger parliamentary competences at the national level. We present support for these arguments using quantitative and qualitative analyses of party positions on the European Parliament and of national parliaments’ oversight institutions in EU affairs.
Http Dx Doi Org 10 1080 13501763 2014 994020, Jan 8, 2015
ABSTRACT Liberal intergovernmentalism explains the politics to cope with the euro area crisis by ... more ABSTRACT Liberal intergovernmentalism explains the politics to cope with the euro area crisis by the constellation of national preferences and bargaining power and by institutional choices designed to commit euro area countries credibly to the currency union. National preferences resulted from high negative interdependence in the euro area and the fiscal position of its member states: a common preference for the preservation of the euro was accompanied by divergent preferences regarding the distribution of adjustment costs. These mixed motives constituted a ‘chicken game’ situation characterized by hard intergovernmental bargaining and brinkmanship. Whereas negotiations produced a co-operative solution averting the breakdown of the euro area and strengthening the credibility of member state commitments, asymmetrical interdependence resulted in a burden-sharing and institutional design that reflected German preferences predominantly.
« Leuffen, Dirk, Rittberger, Berthold, Schimmelfennig, Frank. 2012. Differentiated Integration. E... more « Leuffen, Dirk, Rittberger, Berthold, Schimmelfennig, Frank. 2012. Differentiated Integration. Explaining Variation in the European Union. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan ». Revue française de science politique. 63 (3-4): 704-706.
Living Reviews in European Governance, 2012
This article reviews the literature on Europeanization beyond the group of EU member, "quasi-memb... more This article reviews the literature on Europeanization beyond the group of EU member, "quasi-member" and applicant states. It uses the analysis of Europeanization in applicant states as a theoretical starting point to ask if, how and under which conditions we can expect domestic effects of European integration beyond Europe. Focusing on Europeanization effects in the areas of regionalism, democracy and human rights, and the literature on the European Neighborhood Policy in particular, the article collects findings on the strategies and instruments as well as the impact and effectiveness of the EU. The general conclusion to be drawn from the theoretical and empirical literature reviewed is one of low consistency and impact.
... it began negotiations on a Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA) with the EuropeanCommu... more ... it began negotiations on a Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA) with the EuropeanCommunity. ... Belarus joined the North Atlantic Cooperation Council in March 1992 and became a NATO ... The EU, for instance, made the Interim Agreement to the PCA which would ...
teaching and research staff, visiting professors, graduate students, visiting fellows, and invite... more teaching and research staff, visiting professors, graduate students, visiting fellows, and invited participants in seminars, workshops, and conferences. As usual, authors bear full responsibility for the content of their contributions. Das Institut für Höhere Studien (IHS) wurde im Jahr 1963 von zwei prominenten Exilösterreicherndem Soziologen Paul F. Lazarsfeld und dem Ökonomen Oskar Morgenstern -mit Hilfe der Ford-Stiftung, des Österreichischen Bundesministeriums für Unterricht und der Stadt Wien gegründet und ist somit die erste nachuniversitäre Lehr-und Forschungsstätte für die Sozial-und Wirtschaftswissenschaften in Österreich. Die Reihe Politikwissenschaft bietet Einblick in die Forschungsarbeit der Abteilung für Politikwissenschaft und verfolgt das Ziel, abteilungsinterne Diskussionsbeiträge einer breiteren fachinternen Öffentlichkeit zugänglich zu machen. Die inhaltliche Verantwortung für die veröffentlichten Beiträge liegt bei den Autoren und Autorinnen. Gastbeiträge werden als solche gekennzeichnet.
ABSTRACT Over the past half century, the European Parliament has undergone a remarkable transform... more ABSTRACT Over the past half century, the European Parliament has undergone a remarkable transformation from an assembly endowed with supervisory powers to a directly-elected legislator, co-deciding most secondary legislation on equal footing with the Council. Furthermore, while human rights were not institutionalized in the founding Treaties, the European Court of Justice began to make references to fundamental rights in its jurisprudence since the late sixties, and the recent past has seen the codification of fundamental rights in the Charter of Fundamental Rights. Under what conditions have the parliamentarization and the institutionalization of human rights at the EU level progressed? We explain the constitutionalization of the EU – parliamentarization and the institutionalization of human rights – as strategic action in a community environment. According to this approach, community actors use the liberal democratic identity, values and norms that constitute the EU’s ethos strategically to put social and moral pressure on those community members that oppose the constitutionalization of the EU. We find that salience has been the most relevant condition for triggering incremental constitutionalization: The more a proposed or implemented decision by the member states to pool or delegate sovereignty is perceived to curb the competencies of national parliaments and to undermine national or other international human rights provisions, the more salient the “legitimacy deficit” of European integration becomes. This state of affairs, in turn, generates normative pressure on EU actors to redress the situation through strengthening the powers of the EP and human rights provisions at the EU level.
Journal of European Public Policy, 2015
teaching and research staff, visiting professors, graduate students, visiting fellows, and invite... more teaching and research staff, visiting professors, graduate students, visiting fellows, and invited participants in seminars, workshops, and conferences. As usual, authors bear full responsibility for the content of their contributions. Das Institut für Höhere Studien (IHS) wurde im Jahr 1963 von zwei prominenten Exilösterreicherndem Soziologen Paul F. Lazarsfeld und dem Ökonomen Oskar Morgenstern -mit Hilfe der Ford-Stiftung, des Österreichischen Bundesministeriums für Unterricht und der Stadt Wien gegründet und ist somit die erste nachuniversitäre Lehr-und Forschungsstätte für die Sozial-und Wirtschaftswissenschaften in Österreich. Die Reihe Politikwissenschaft bietet Einblick in die Forschungsarbeit der Abteilung für Politikwissenschaft und verfolgt das Ziel, abteilungsinterne Diskussionsbeiträge einer breiteren fachinternen Öffentlichkeit zugänglich zu machen. Die inhaltliche Verantwortung für die veröffentlichten Beiträge liegt bei den Autoren und Autorinnen. Gastbeiträge werden als solche gekennzeichnet.
This draft paper makes three claims. First, and conceptually, I argue that the EU is best underst... more This draft paper makes three claims. First, and conceptually, I argue that the EU is best understood as a system of differentiated integration. Second, and empirically, differentiation has become an increasingly relevant aspect of European integration. Third, while theories of European integration have failed so far to deal explicitly with differentiated integration, intergovernmentalism provides a fruitful starting point for theorizing differentiation.
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Papers by Frank Schimmelfennig