I

(WMMl(j[0-i^<i_^l^^

IN MEMORIAM
BERNARD MOSES
 Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2007 with funding from
IVIicrosoft Corporation

[Link]
 THE

CORONADO EXPEDITION
1540-1549

G-EORG^E PARKER, ^VHSTSHIF' /SI]

-

EXTRACT FROM THE FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT OK THE

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY

WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFPIOE
1896
Bsfficrou Library

THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542

G^EOR&E PARKER A^^INSHIP

329
 CONTENTS
Page
Introductory note 339
Itinerary of the Coronado expeditions, 1527-1547 341
Historical introduction 345
The causes of the Coronado expedition, 1528-1539 345
Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca 345
The governors of New Spain, 1530-1537 350
The reconnoissance of Friar Marcos de Niza 353
The eft'ect of Friar Marcos' report 362
The expedition to New Mexico and the great plains 373
The organization of the expedition 373
The departure of the expedition 382
The expedition by sea under Alarcon 385
The journey from Culiacan to Cibola 386
The capture of the Seven Cities 388
The exploration of the country 389
The Spaniards at Zuni 389
The discovery of Tusayan and the Grand canyon 390
The Rio Grande and the great plains 390
The inarch of the army from Culiacan to Tigiiex 391
The winter of 1540-1541 along the Rio Grande 392
The Indian revolt 392
The stories about Quivira 393
The journey across the buft'alo plains 395
The winter of 1541-1542 399
Tlie friars remain in the country 400
The return to New Spain 401
The end of Coronado 402
Some results of the expedition 403
The discovery of Colorado river 403
Th(^ voyage of Alarcon 403
The journey of Melchior Diaz 406
The Indian uprising in New Spain, 1540-1542 408
Further attempts at discovery, 411
The voyage of Cabrillo 411
Villalobos sails across the Pacific 412
The narrative of Castaneda 413
Bibliographic note 413
The Spanish text 414
Proemio 414
Primera parte 416
Capitnlo primero doude se trata como se supo la primera pobla-
cion de las siete viudades y como Nuuo de guzman lii^oa rmada
para descnbrirlla 416
331
332 '
CONTENTS [[Link].u

—
The narrative of Castaneda Continued. Page
The Spanish text — Continued.
—
Primera parte Continued.
Capitulo segundo como bino a ser gouernador frangisco nasques
coroiiado y la segundo relavion que dio cabeya de uaea 417
Capitulo tei'vero coiiio luatarou los de cibola a el negro esteuan y
fray niarcos bolbio luiyendo 418
Capitulo quarto vomo el buen don Antonio do mendofa hiQO Jor-
nada para el descubrimiento de Cibola 419
Capitiilo quinto que trata (Hiienes fuerou i)or capitaues a cibola.
. 420
Capitulo sexto como se jnntaron en eonpostela todas las capitanias
y salieron en orden para la Jornada 421
Capitulo septiiuo como el campo Uego a chiametla y mataron a el
mae&tre de caiipo y lo que mas acaevio hasta llegar a culiacan. . 422
Capitulo otauo como el campo entro on la uilla de culiacan y el
recebimiento (jue ee hifo y lo que mas acaetio hasta la partida.. 423
Capitulo nueve como el canpo salio de culiacan y Uego el general
a fibola y el campo a sefiora y lo que mas acaegio 424
Capitulo de(,imo como el campo salio de la uilla dc seuora que-
daudo la uilla poblada y como Uego a ^ihola y lo que le a uino
en el camino a el capitan melchior diasyendo en denianda de los
nabios y como descubrio el rio del tison 425
Capitulo on^e como don pedro de touar descubrio a tusayan o
tutabaco y don garci lopes de cardenas bio el rio del tison y lo
que mas acaecion 428
Capitulo do^c como binieron a vibola gentes de cicuye a ber los
christianos y como fue her'''' de aluarado a ber las uacas 430
Capitulo trece como el general Uego con poca gente la uia de tnta-
haco y dexo campo a don tristan que lo Uebo a tiguex 432
Capitulo catorce como el campo saho de sibola para tiguex y lo
que les acaefio en el camino con niebe 432
Capitulo quinye como se alfo tiguex y el castigo que en ellos ubo
sin que lo ubiese en el causador 433
Capitulo desiseis como se puso <;erco a tiguex y se gaiio y lo que
mas acontencio mediante el cerco 435
Capitulo desisiete como binieron a el campo mensajcros del ualle
de senora y como murio el capitan melchior dias en la Jornada
de tizon 438
Capitulo desiochocomo el geueral procuro dexar aseutada la tierra
para iren denianda de quisuira donde deyiael tuico auiael prin-
yipio de lariqueya 439
Capitulo desinueve como salieron en demanda deqniuira y lo que
acontecio en el camino 440
Capitulo ueinte comocayeron grandes piedraseu el campo y como
se descubrio otra barranca donde se dibidio el campo en dos
partes 442
Capitulo ueiute y uno como el campo bolbio a tiguex y el general
Uego a (luiuira 443
Capitulo ueinte y dos como el general bolbio de quiuira y se hi; ie-
ron otras eutradas debajo del norte 445
Seguuda parte en que se trata de los pueblos y prouincias de altos y de
BUS ritos y costumbres recopilada por pedro de castaneda ueyiuo de
la yiudad de Naxara 446
Capitulo primero de la prouincia de Culiacan y de sus ritos y cos-
tniiibres 447
wmsHipJ CONTENTS 333
—
The narrative of Castaueda Coutinued. Page
The Spanisli text — Continued.
—
Segiinda parte Coutinued.
Capitulo seguudo do la prouincia de petlatlan y todo lo poblado
hasta ohichilticale 448
Capitulo tercero dc lo ques chichilticale y el despoblado de f ibola
SHs costumbres y riros y <le otras cosas 4.50
Capitulo quarto conio se tratan los de tiguex y de la prouincia de
tiguex y sua coniarcas 451
Capitulo quinto de cicuyc y los pueblos de su contoruo y de como
uuas gentes binieron a conquistat aquella tierra 4-52
Capitjilo sexto en que se declara quantos fuerou los pueblos que se
uierou en los poblados de terrados y lo poblado de ello 454
Capitulo septimo que trata de los llanos que se atrabesaron de
bacas y de las gentes que los tabitan 4.55
Capitulo ocbo de quiuira y en que rumbo esta y la notigia que dan. 456
Tercera parte como y en que se trata aquello que acontegio a francisco
uas(ine8 coronado estando inbernando y como dexo la Jornada y se
bolbio a la nueba espana 458
Capitulo primero couio bino de Senora don pedro de touar con
gente y se partio para la uueba espana dou garci lopes de car-
deuas 458
Capitulo segundo como oayo el general y se hordeno la buelta
para la uueba espana 459
Capitulo teryero como se alfo Suya y las causas que para ello die-
ron los ])ohladore8 460
Capitulo quarto como se quedo fray juan de padilla y fray luis en
la tierra y el campo se apergibio la buelta de mexico 461
Capitulo quinto como el canpo salio del poblado y camiuo a culia-
oan y lo que acontegio en el camino 462
Capitulo sexto como el general salio de culiacan pAra dar quenta a
el uisorey del campo que le encargo 463
Capitulo septimo do las cosas que le acontevierou al capitan Juan
gallego por la tierra algada lleuando el socorro 464
Capitulo otauo en que se quentan alguuas cosas admirables que se
bieron en los llanos cou la fa^^iou de los toros 466
Capitulo uono que trata el rumbo que llebo el campo y como se
podria yr a buscar otra uia que mas derecha fuese abiendo de
boluer aquella tierra 468
Translation of the narrative of Castaneda 470
Preface 470
First Part 472
Chapter 1, which treats of the way we first came to know about
the Seven Cities, aud of how Nuuo de Guzman made an expedi-
tion to discover them 472
Chapter 2, of how [Link] Vazquez Coronado came to be gov-
ernor, aud the second accouut which Cabeza de Vaca gave 474
Chapter 3, of how they killed the negro Stephen at Cibola, and
Friar Marcos returned in ilight 475
Chapter 4, of how the noble Dou Antonio de Mendoza made an
expedition to discover Cibola 476
Chapter 5, concerning the captains who went to Cibola 477
Chapter 6, of how all the compauies collected in Compostela and
set off on the journey in good order 478
Chapter 7, of how the army reached Chiametla, and the killing
of the army-master, and the other things that happened up to
the arrival at Culiacan 479
334 CONTENTS [[Link].U

The narrative of Castaneda —

Continued. P»ge
—
Translation of the narrative of Castaneda Continued.
—
First Part Continued.
Chapter 8, of how tlio army entered the town of Culiacan and the
reception it received, and other things which liappened before
the departure 481
Chapter 9, of how the army started from Culiacan and the arrival
of the general at Cibola and of the army at Senora and of oth"r
thiui^s that happened 482
Chapter 10, of how the army started from the town of Senora,
leaving it inhabited, and how it reached Cibola, and of what
happened to Captain Melchior Diaz on his expedition in search
of tlie ships and how he discovered the Tison (Firebrand)
river 484
Chapter 11, of how Don I'edro de Tovar discovered Tusayan or
Tutahaco and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas saw the Firebrand
river and the other things that had happened 487
Chapter 12, of how people came from Cicuye to Cibola to see the
Christians, and how Hernando de Alvarado went to see the
cows .'
490
Chapter 13, of how the general went toward Tutahaco with a few
men and left the army with Don Tristan, who took it to Tiguex.. 492
Chapter 14, of how the army went from Cibola to Tignex and
what happened to them on the way, on account of the snow. .. 493
Chapter 1.5, of why Tiguex revolted, and how they were pun-
ished, without being to blame for it 494
Chapter 16, of how they besieged Tiguex and took it, and of what
happened during the siege 497
Chapter 17, of how messengers reached the army from the valley
of Senora, and how Captain Melchior Diaz died on the expe-
dition to the Firebrand river 501
Chapter 18, of how the general managed to leave the country in
peace so as to go in search of Quivira, where the Turk said
there was the most wealth 502
Chapter 19, of how they started in search of Quivira and of what
happened on the way 504
Chapter 20, of how great stones fell in the camp, and how they
discovered another ravine, where the army was divided into
two parts 506
Chapter 21, of how the army returned to Tignex and the general
reached Quivira 508
Chapter 22, of how the general returned from Quivira and of
other expeditions toward the north 510
Second Part, which treats of the high villages and provinces and of
their habits and customs, as collected by Pedro de Castaneda, native
of the city of Najara 512
C'hapter 1, of the province of Culiacan and of its haViits and
customs 513
Chapter 2, of the province of Petlatlan and all the inhabited
country as far as Chichilticalli 514
Chapter 3, of Chichilticalli and the desert, of Cibola, its customs
and habits, and of other things .516
Chapter 4, of how they live at Tiguex, and of the province of
Tiguex and its neighborhood 519
Chapter 5, of Cicuye and the villages in its neighborhood, ai.d
of how .some people came to conquer this <'Ountry 523
wtNSHip] CONTENTS 335
The narrative of CastaHeda —
Contiuuetl. Page
—
Translation of the narrative of Castaueda Continued.
—
Second Part Continued.
Chapter 6, which gives the number of villages which were seen in
the country of the terraced houses, and their population 524
Chapter 7, which treats of the jilains that were crossed, of the cows,
and of the people who inhabit them 526
Chapter 8, of Quivira, of where it is and some information about
it 528
Third Part, which describes what hai)peneil to Francisco Vazquez
Corouado during the winter, an<l how he gave up the expedition
and returned to New Spain 530
Chapter 1, of how Don Pedro de Tovar came from Sefiora with
some men, and Don Oarcia Lopez de Cardenas started back to
New Spain 530
Chapter 2, of the general's fall and of how the return to New Spain
was ordered 531
Chapter 3, of the rebellion at Snya and the reasons the settlers
gave for it 533
Chapter i, of [Link] Friar .Tuan de Padilla and Friar Luis remained
iu the country and the army prepared to return to Mexico 534
Chapter 5, of how the army left the settlements and marched to
Culiacan, and of what happened on the way 537
Chapter 6, of how the general started from Culiacan to give the
viceroy an account of the army with which he had been in-
tiusted 538
Chapter 7, adventures of Captain Juan Gallego while he
of ttie
was bringing reenforcements through the revolted country 540
Chapter 8, wliich describes some remarkable things that were seen
on the plains, with a description of the bulls 541
Chapter 9, which treats of the direction which the army took, and
of how another more direct way might be found if anyone was
going to return to that covintry 544
Translation of the letter from Mendoza to the King, April 17, 1540 547
Translation of the letter from Corouado to Mendoza, August 3, 1540 552
Translation of the Traslado de las Nuevas 564
Kelacion postrera de Si vola 566
Spanish text 566
Translation 568
Translation of the Relacion del Suceso 572
Translation of a letter from Corouado to the King, October 20, 1541 . : 580
Translation of the narrative of Jaramillo 584
Translation of the report of Hernando de Al varado 594
Testimony concerning those who went on the expedition with Francisco Vaz-
quez Coronado 596
A list of works useful to the student of the Corouado expedition 599
 ILLUSTRATIONS
Page
Plate XXXVIII. The New Spain and New Mexico country 345
XXXIX. TheUlplus globe of 1542 349
XL. Sebastian Cabot's map of 1544 353
XLI. Map of the world by Ptolemy, 1548 357
XLII. BattistaAgnese's New Spaiu, sixteenth century 361
XLIII. The City of Mexico about 1550, by Alonzode Santa Cruz 365
XLIV. Zaltieri's l^arte, 1566 369
XLV. Mercator's northwestern part of New Spain, 1569 373
XLVI. Mercator's interior of New Spaiu, 1569 377
XLVII. Abr. Ortelius' Theatnim Orbis Terraruni, 1570 381
XLVIII. Dourado's Terra Antipodv Regis Castele Inveta, 1.580 385
XLIX. Western hemisphere of Mercator, 1587 389
L. Northern half of l)e Bry's America Sive Novvs Orbis, 1596. . 393
LI. Wytlliet's Vtrivsqve Hemispherii Deliueatio, 1597 397
LII. WytfliefsNfw Granada and California, 1597 401
LIII. Wytfliet's kingdoms of Quivira, Anian, and Tolni, 1597 405
LIV. Matthias Quadus' Fasciculus Geograpliicus, 1608 409
LV. Thobuft'alo of Gouiara, 1554 512
LVl. The buftalo of Thevet, 15.58 516
LVII. Thebutfaloof De Bry, 1595 520
LVllI. On the terraces at Zuni 525
LIX. Middle court at Zuni 527
LX. Zuni court, sliowiug "balcony" 529
LXI. /Cuni interior 531
LXII. Zunis in typical modern costume 534
LXIII Hopi maidens, showing primitive Pueblo hairdressing 536
LXIV. Hopi grinding and paper-bread making 539
LXV. Hopi [Link] maker 543
LXVI. Pueblo pottery making 547
LXVII. Pueblo spinning and weaving 551
LXV'III. The Tewa pueblo of P'o-who-gi or San Ildefonso 555
LXIX. Pueblo of .lemez 559
LXX. Ruins of Spanish church above Jemez .562

LXXI. The Keres pueblo of Sia 569

LXXII. The Keres pueblo of Cochitf 571
LXXIII. The Tewa pueblo of Nambe 573
LXXIV. A Nambo Indian in war costume 576
LXXV. A Nambe water carrier 578
LXX VI. TheKeres pueblo of Katishtya or San Felipe 583
LXXVI I. Thesouth town of the Tiwa pueblo of Taos .585

LXXVIII. The Tewa pueblo of K'hap6o or Santa Clara 587

LXXIX. The Tewa pueblo of Ohke or San Juan 589
LXXX. A native of San Juan , 592
LXXXI. A native of Pecos 596
LXXXII. Facsimile of pages of Castaneda's relacion 456
LXXXIII. Facsimile of pages of Castaneda's relacion 442
LXXXIV. Facsimile of pages of Castaneda's relacion 466
14 ETH 22 337
 THE COROISrADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542

By George Parker Winship

mTRODUCTORY NOTE
The following Listorical introduction, with the accomiianying trans-
lations, is the result ofwork in the Seminary of American History at
Harvard University. Undertaken as a bit of undergraduate study,
it has gradually assumed a form which has been considered worthy of

jjublication, chiefly because of the suggestions and assistance which

have been given with most generous readiness by all from whom I have
had occasion to ask help or advice. To Dr Justin Winsor; to Profes-
sor Henry V\'. Haynes, who opened the way for students of the early
Spanish history of the North American southwest; to Dr J. Walter
Fewkes, who has freely offered me the many results of his long-cou-
tinued and minute investigations at Tusayan and Zufii; and to the
careful oversight and aid of Mr F. W. Hodge and the other members
of the Bureau of Ethnology, much of the value of this work is due.
Mr Augustus Hemeuway has kindly permitted the use of the maps and
documents deposited in the archives of the Hemenway Southwestern
Archeological Expedition by Mr Adolph F. Bandelier. My indebted-
ness to the researches and writings of Mr Bandelier is evident tluough-
out. —
Seuor Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta whose death, in November,
1894, removed the master student of the documentary history of
—
Mexico most courteously gave me all the information at his command,
and with his own hand copied the Relacidn postrera de Sivohi, which is
now for the first time printed. The Spanish text of Castaneda's narra-
tive, the presentation of which for the first time in its original language
aflbrds the best reason for the present publication, has been copied
and printed with the consent of the trustees of the Lenox Library in
New York, in whose custody is the original manuscript. I am under
many obligations to their librarian, Mr Wilberforce Eames, who has
always been ready to assist me by whatever means were within his
power.
The subject of this research was suggested by Professor Channing of
Harvard. K my work has resulted in some contribution to the litera-
ture of the history of the Spanish conquest of America, it is because
of his constant guidance and inspiration, and his persistent refusal to
339
340 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ktii. anj..14

consent to any abandoning of tlie work before the results bad been
expressed in a manner worthy of the universitj'.
Before the completion of the arrangements by which this essay
becomes a part of the annual report of the Director of the Bureau of
Ethnology, it had been accepted for publication by the Department
of History of Harvard University.
Geokge Parker Winship
Assistant in American History
in Rarrard University.
Camukidge, Massachusetts,
February, 1S'.)5.
 ITINERAEr OF THE COEONADO EXPEDITIONS, 1527-1547

152V
June 17 Narvaez sails from Spain to explore the mainland north of
the Gulf of Mexico.

1528
April 15 Narvaez lauds in Florida.
Sept. 22 The failure of the Narvaez expedition is assured.

1535
Cortes makes a settlement in Lower California.
Mendoza comes to Mexico as viceroy of New Spain.

153e
April Cabeza de Vaca and three other survivors of the Narvaez
expedition arrive in New Spain.
The Licenciate de la Torre takes the resideucia of Nuno de
Guzman, who is imprisoned until June 30, 1538.
1537
Franciscan friars labor among the Indian tribes living north
of New Spain.
Coronado subdues the revolted miners of Amatepeque.
The proposed expedition under Dorantes comes to naught.
April 20 De Soto receives a grant of the mainland of Florida.
1538
September It is rumored that Coronado has been nominated governor of
New Galicia.
153Q
Pedro de Alvarado returns from Spain to the New World.
March 7 Friar Marcos de Niza, accompanied by the negro Estevan,
starts from Culiacan to find the Seven Cities.
April 18 The appointment of Coronado as governor of New Galicia is

confirmed.
May De Soto sails from Habana.
May g Friar Marcos enters the wilderness of Arizona.
May 21 Friar Marcos learns of the death of Estevan.
May 25 De Soto lands on the coast of Florida.
Julys Ulloa sails from Acapulco nearly to the head of the Gnlf of
California in command of a fleet furnished by Cortes.
August Friar Marcos returns from the north and certifies to the truth
Sept. 2 of his leport before Mendoza and Coronado.
October The news of Niza's discoveries spreads through New Spain.
341
342 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANS. 14

November Meudoza begins to prepare for an expedition to conquer the

Seven Cities of Cibola.
Melcbior Diaz is sent to verify the reports of Friar Marcos.
De Soto finds the remains of the camp of Narvaez at Bahia
de los Cavallos.
Nov. 13 Witnesses in Habana describe the effect of the friar's reports.
1540
Jan. I Mendoza celebrates the new year at Pasquaro.
Jan. 9 Coron:ido at Guadalajara.
Feb. 5 Cortes stops at Habana on his way to Spain.
February The members of the Cibola expedition assemble at Compos-
tela, where the viceroy finds them on his arrival.
Feb. 22 Eeview of the army on Sunday.
Feb. 23 The army, under the command of Francisco Vazquez Coro-
nado, starts for Cibola (not on February 1).
Feb. 26 Mendoza returns to Compostela, having left the army two
days before, and examines witnesses to discover how many
citizens of New Spain have accompanied Corouado. He
writes a letter to King Charles V, which has been lost.
March The army is delayed by the cattle in crossing the rivers.
The death of the army master, Samaniego, at Chiametla.
Keturn of Melchior Diaz and Juan de Saldivar from Chichilti-
calli.
March 3 Beginning of litigation in Spain over the right to explore and
couijuer the Cibola country.
March 28 Reception to the army at Cnliacan, on Easter day.
April The army is entertained by the citizens of Culiacan.
Mendoza receives the report of Melchior Diaz' exjiloration,
perhaps at Jacona.
Coronado writes to Mendoza, giving an account of what has
already happened, and of the arrangements which he has
made for the rest of the journey. This letter has been lost.
April 17 Mendoza writes to the Emi)eror Charles V.
April 22 Coronado departs from Culiacan with about seventy-five
horsemen and a few footmen.
April Coronado passes through Petatlan, Cinaloa, Los Cedros,
May Yaquemi, and other places mentioned by Jaramillo.
May 9 Alarcou sails from Acapulco to cooperate with Coronado.
The army starts from Culiacan and marches toward the
Corazones or Hearts valley.
May 26 Coronado leaves the valley of Corazones. He proceeds to Chi-
June chilticalli, passing Senora or Sonora and Ispa, and thence
cros.'jes the Arizona wilderness, fording many rivers.

The army builds the town of San Hieronimo in Corazones

valley.
WIKSHIP] ITINERARY, 1540-1541 343
July 7 Ooronado reaches Cibola and captures the first city, the
pueblo of Hawikub, which he calls Granada.
July II The Indians retire to their stronghold on Thunder mountain.
July 15 Pedro de Tovar goes to Tusayan or Moki, returning within
thirty days.
July ig Coronado goes to Thunder mountain and returns the same day.
Aug. 3 Coronado writes to Mendoza. He sends Juan Gallego to
Mexico, and Melchior Diaz to Corazones with orders for
the army. Friar Marcos accompanies them.
Aug.2S(?) Loi)ez de Cardenas starts to find the canyons of Colorado
river, and is gone about eighty days.
Aug. 26 Alarcon enters the mouth of Colorado river.
Aug. 29 Hernando de Alvarado goes eastward to Tiguex, on the Eio
Grande, and to the buffalo plains.
Pedro de Alvarado arrives in New Spain.
Sept. 7 Hernando de Alvarado reaches Tiguex.
Diaz and Gallego reach Corazones about the middle of Sep-
tember, and the army starts for Cibola.
Coronado visits Tutaliaco.
September The firmy reaches Cibola, and goes thence to Tiguex for its
to winter quarters. The natives in the Eio Grande jjueblos
January revolt and are subjugated. The Turk tells the Spaniards
about Quivira.
October Diaz starts from Corazones before the end of September,
with twenty-five men, and explores the country along the
Gulf of California, going beyond Colorado river.
Diego de Alcaraz is left in command of the town of San
Hieronimo.
Nov. 2g Mendoza and Pedro de Alvarado sign au agreement in
regard to common explorations and conquests.

1541
Jan. 8 Diaz dies on the return from the mouth of the Colorado, and
his companions return to Corazones valley.
March Alcaraz, during the spring, moves the village of San Hier-
onimo from Corazones valley to the vallej' of Suya river.
April 20 Beginning of the Mixton war in New Galicia.
Coronado writes a letter to the King from Tiguex, which has
been lost.
Tovar and i)erhaps Gallego return to Mexico
April 23 Coronado starts with all his force from Tiguex to cross the
buffalo plains to Quivira.
May The army is divided somewhere on the great plains, perhaps
on Canadian river.. The main body returns to Tiguex,
arriving there by the middle or last of June.
De Soto crosses the ]\rississippi.
344 THE COEONAUO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANIt. 14

June Coroiiado, with thirty horsemen, rides uorth to Quivira,

where he arrives forty-two ?) days later.
(

June 24 Pedro de Alvarado is killed at Nochistlan, in New Galicia.

August Coronado spends about tweuty-flve days in the country of
Quivira, leaving "the middle or last of August."
Sept. 28 The Indians in 'Sew Galicia attack the town of Guadalajara,
but are repulsed.
Oct. 2 Coronado returns from Quivira to Tiguex and writes a letter
to the King.
November Cardenas starts to return to Mexico with some other inva-
lids from the army. He finds the village of Suya in ruins
and hastily returns to Tiguex.
December Coronado falls from his horse and is seriously injured.
The Mixton penol is surrendered by the revolted Indians
during holiday week.

1542
Coronado and his soldiers determine to return to Sew Spain.
They start in the spring, and reach Mexico probably late in
the autumn. The general makes his report to the viceroy,
who receives him coldly. Coronado not long after resigns
his i)osition as governor of Sew Galicia and retires to his
estates.
April 17 De Soto reaches the mouth of Red river, where he dies,
May 21.
June 27 Cabrillo starts on his voyage up the California coast. He
dies in January, 1543, and the vessels return to Sew Spain
by April, 1544.
Nov. I Villalobos starts across the Pacific. His fleet meets with
many misfortunes and losses. The survivors, five years
or more later, return to Spain.
Nov. 25 Friar Juan de la Cruz is killed at Tiguex, where he remained
when the army departed for Sew Spain. Friar Luis also
remained in the new country, at Cicuye, aiul Friar Juiin
de Padilla, at Quivira, where he is killed. The compan-
ions of Friar Juan de Padilla make their way back to
Mexico, arriving before 1552.

1544
Nov. 30 Promulgation of the Sew Laws for the Indies.
Sebastian Cabot publishes his map of the Sew World.

1547
Mendoza, before he leaves Sew Spain to become viceroy of
Peru, answers the charges preferred against him by the
officials appointed to investigate his admiuistratiou.
>
GC
I-
z
D
O
o
o
o
X
UI
s

u
z

<
z
<
Q.
w

Ui

U
X
I-
 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
The Causes of the Coeonado Expedition, 1528-1539

alvar nunez cabeza de vaca

The American Indians are always on the move. Tribes shift the
location of their homes from season to season and from year to year,
while individuals wander at will, hunting, trading or gossiping. This is
very largely true today, and when the Europeans first came in contact
with the American aborigines, it was a characteristic feature of Indian
life. The Shawnees, for example, have drifted from Georgia to the
great lakes, and part of the way back, during the period since their
peregrinations can first be traced. Traders from tribe to tribe, in
the days when European commercial ideas were unknown in North
America, carried bits of copper dug from the mines in which the abo-
riginal implements on the shores of Lake Superior, to
are" still found,
the Atlantic coast on the one side and to the Rocky mountains on the
other. The Indian gossips of central Mexico, in 1535, described to
the Spaniards the villages of New Mexico and Arizona, with their many-
storied houses of stone and adobe. The Spanish colonists were always
eager to learn about unexplored regions lying outside the limits of the
white settlements, and their Indian neighbors and servants in the val-
ley of Mexico told them many tales of the people who lived beyond the
mountains which hemmed in New Spain on the north. One of these
stories may be found in another part of this memoir, where it is pre-
served in the narrative of Pedro Castaneda, the historian of the Coro-
nado expedition. Castaiieda's hearsay report of the Indian story, which
w'as related by an adventurous trader who had penetrated the country
far to the north, compares not unfavorably with the somewhat similar
stories which Marco Polo told to entertain his Venetian friends.' But
whatever may have been known before, the information which led to
the expedition of Friar Marcos de Niza and to that of Francisco Vaz-
quez Coronado was brought to New Spain late in the sjiring of 1536 by
Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca.
In 1520, before Cortes, the conqueror of Motecuhzoma, had made his
peace with the Emperor Charles V
and with the authorities at Cuba,
Panfilo de Narvaez was dispatched to the Mexican maiidand, at the

'The Indian's story is in the first chapter of Castaiieda's Narrative. Some additional information
isgiven in Bandolier's Contributions to the History of the Southwest, the first chapter of which is
entitled "Sketch of the knowledge which the Spaniards in ilexico possessed of the countries north of
the province of New Galicia previous to the return of Cabeza de Vaca." For bibliographic references
to this and other works referred to throughout this memoir, see the list at the end of the paper.
345
346 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].u

head of a considerable force. He was sent to subdue and supersede

the conqueror of Mexico, but when they met, Cortes quickly proved
that ho was a better general than his opponent, and a skillful politician
as well. Narvaez was deserted by his soldiers and became a x)risoner
in the City of Mexico, where he was detained during the two years
which followed. Cortes was at the height of his power, and Narvaez
must have felt a longing to rival the successes of the conqueror, who
had won the wealth of the Mexican empire. After Cortes resumed
his dutiful obedience to the Spanish crown, friends at home obtained
a royal order which effected the release of Xarvaez, who returned to
Spain at the earliest opportunity. Almost as soon as he had estab-
lished himself anew in the favor of the court, he petitioned the King
for a license which should permit him to conduct explorations in the
New World. After some delay, the desired ])atent was granted. It
authorized IS^arvaez to explore, conquer, and colonize the country
between Florida and the Eio de Palmas, a grant comprising all that
portion of Korth America bordering on the Gulf of Mexico, which is
now included within the limits of the United States. Preparations
were at once begun for the complete organization of an expeditiou suit-
able to the extent of this territory and to the power and dignity of its
governor.
On June 17, 1527, Narvaez, governor of Florida, Eio de Palmas and
Espiritu Santo —the Eio Grande and the Mississippi on our modern
—
maps sailed from Spain. He went first to Cuba, where he refitted his
fleet and replaced one vessel which had been lost in a hurricane during
the voyage. When everything was ready to start for the unexplored
mainland, he ordered the pilots to conduct his fleet to the western limits
—
of his jurisdiction our Texas. They landed him, April 15, 1528, on
the coast of the present Florida, at a bay which the Spaniards called
Bahia de la Cruz, and which the map of Sebastian Cabot enables us to
identify with Apalache bay. The pilots knew that a storm had driven
them out of their course toward the east, but they could not calculate
on the strong current of the gulf stream. They assured the commander
that he was not far from the Eio de Palmas, the desired destination, and
—
so he lauded his force of 50 horses and 300 men just half the number
of the soldiers, mechanics, laborers, and priests who had started with
him from Spain ten months before. He sent one of his vessels back to
Cuba for recruits, and ordered the remaining three to sail along the
coast toward the west and to wait for the army at the fine harbor of
Panuco, which was reported to be near the mouth of Palmas river. The
fate of these vessels is not known.
Naryaez, having completed these arrangements, made ready to lead
his army overland to Panuco. The march began April 19. For a while,
the Spaniards took a northerly direction, and then they turned toward
the west. Progress was slow, for the men knew nothing of the country,
and the forests and morasses presented many ditticulties to the soldiers
WIN8HIP] THE EXPEDITION OF NAEVAEZ 347

unused to woodcraft. Little help could be procured from the Indians,

who soon became openly hostile wherever the Spaniards encountered
them. Food grew scarce, and no persuasion could induce the natives
to reveal hidden stores of corn, or of gold. On May 15, tired and dis-
couraged, the Spaniards reached a large river with a strong current
flowing toward the south. They rested here, while Cabeza de Vaca,
the royal treasurer accompanying the expedition, took a small party of
soldiers and followed the banks of the river down to the sea. The
fleet was not waiting for them at the mouth of this stream, nor could
anything be learned of the fine harbor for Avhich they were searching.
Disappointed anew by the report which Cabeza de Vaca made on his
return to the main camp, the Spanish soldiers crossed the river and
continued their march toward the west. They plodded on and on, and
after awhile turned southward, to follow down the course of another
large river wliich blocked their westward march. On the last day of
July they reached a bay of considerable size, at the mouth of the river.
They named this Bahia de los Cavallos, perhaps, as has been surmised,
because it was here that they killed the last of their horses for food.
The Spaniards, long before this, had become thoroughly disheartened.
Neither food nor gold could be found. The capital cities, toward
which the Indian captives had directed the wandering strangers, when
reached, were mere groups of huts, situated in some cases on mounds
of earth. Not a sign of anything which would reward their search,
and hardly a thing to eat, had been discovered during the months of
toilsome marching. The Spaniards determined to leave the country.
They constructed forges in their camp near the seashore, and hammered
their spurs, stirrups, and other iron implements of warfare into nails and
saws and axes, with which to build the boats necessary for their escape
from the country. Ropes were made of the tails and manes of the
horses, whose hides, pieced out with the shirts of the men, were fash-
ioned into sails. By September 22, five boats were ready, each large
enough to hold between 45 and 50 men. In these the soldiers
embarked. Scarcely a man among them knew anything of naviga-
tion, and they certainly knew nothing about the navigation of this
coast. They steered westward, keeping near the land, and stopping
occasionally for fresh water. Sometimes they obtained a little food.
Toward the end of October they came to the mouth of a large river
which poured forth so strong a current that it drove the boats out to
sea. Two, those which contained Narvaez and the friars, were lost.
The men in the other three boats were driven ashore by a storm, some-
where on the coast of western Louisiana or eastern Texas.' This was
'Tlio most impdrtant aourco of iuforniation regarding; the expedition of Xarvaez is the Kelntion
written by Cabeza de Vaca. Tliis is best eonsiilted in Buckingliani Smith's translation. Mr Smith
jncludeB ni his volume everything winch" lie could iind to supplement the main narration. The best
study ot the rout© followed by the survivors of the expedition, after they landed in Texas, is that of
Bandelier in the second chapter of his Contributions to the History of the .Southwest. In this essay
Bamlelier has brought together all the documentary evidence, and he writes with the knowledge
obtained by traveling through the different portions of the country which Cabeza de Vaca must have
348 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [Link].14

in the winter of 1528-29. Toward the end of April, 1536, Cabeza de

Vaca, Alonso del Castillo Maldouado, Andres Dorantes, and a negro
named Estevau, met some Spanish slave catchers near the llio de Peta-
tlan, in Sinaloa, west of the monntains which border the Gulf of Cali-
fornia. These four men, with a single exception,' were the only survivors
of the three hundred who had entered the continent with Narvaez
eight years before.
Cabeza de Vaca and his comi)anions stayed in Mexico for several
months, as the guests of the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza. At
first, it was i)robably the intention of the three Spaniards to return to

Spain, in order to claim the due reward for their mainfold sufferings.
Mendoza says, in a letter dated December 10, 1537,' that he purchased
the negro Estevan from Dorantes, so that there might be someone left
in New Spain who could guide an expedition back into the countries
about which the wanderers had heard. An earlier letter from the
viceroy, dated February 11, 1537, commends Cabeza de Vaca and Fran-
cisco Dorantes —
he must have meant Andres, and perhaps wrote it so
—
in his original manuscript as deserving the favor of the Empress.
Maldonado is not mentioned in this letter, and no trace of him has
been found after the arrival of the four survivors in Mexico. All that
we know about him is that his home was in Salamanca.^
Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes started from Vera Cruz for Spain in
October, 1536, but their vessel was stranded before it got out of the
harbor. This accident obliged them to postpone their departure until
the following spring, when Cabeza de Vaca returned home alone. He
told the story of his wanderings to the court and the King, and was
rewarded, by 1540, witli an appointment as adelantado, giving him the
command over the recently occupied regions about the Kio de la Plata.
The position was one for which he was unfltted, and his subordinates
traversed. Dr J. G, Shea, in bin chapter in the Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. ii, p.
[Link] in some points vrith Mr Bandelier's interpretation of the route of Cabeza de Vaca west
of Texas, and also with Mr Smith's identifications of the different points in the march of tlio main
army before it embarlced from the Bahia de los Cavaltos. Other interesting conjectures are given in
H. H. Bancroft's North Mexican States, vol. i, p. 63, and map at p. 67.
Buckingham Smith collected in his Letter of Hernando de Soto. pp. 57-01, and in his Narrative of
the Career of Hernando de Soto <see index), all that is known in regard to Ortiz, one of the soldiers of
Narvaez, who was found among the Indians by De Soto in 1540.
Mendoza to Charles V, 10 Diciembre, 1537. Cabeza do Vaca y Dorantes, . . deapues de haber
.

lIega<lo aqui, determinaron de iraeen Eapaua, y viendo que si V. M. eraservidodo enviaraquella tierra
alguna gente para saber de cierto lo que era, no quedaba persona quo jiudiese ir con ella ni dar uinguna
razon, compr6 A Dorantes pani este ofecto un negro que vino de allA y se halh) con ellos en todo,qne se
llama Est^han, por ser persona de razon. Despues sucwlio, como el navio en que Dorantes iba se vol\-i6
al Puerto, y sabido esto, yo le escribi A la Vera-Cruz, rogAndole que vinieso aqui y como llegii ii esta
:

ciudud, yo le habl6 dici<>udole que hubiese por bien de volver A esta tierra con algnnos religiosos y
gente de caballo, que yoledaria ji calalla, y saber de cierto loque eu ella habia. Y61vistamivoluutad,
y el servicio que yo le puse delantre quo hacia con ello &. Dies y & V. il., me respondi6 que holgaba
dello, y asi cstoy determinable de envialle alld con la gent« de caballo y religiosos que digo. Pienso que
ha de redundar dello gran servicio A Dies y il V. M— From the text printed in Pacheco y Cardeuas,
Docs, de Indias, li, 200.
•Some recent writers have been misled by a clmuce comma inserted by the copyist or printer in one
—
of the old narratives, which divides the name of Mahlonado Alonso del CastiUo, Maldonndo— making
it appear as if there were five instead of four survivors of the Narvaez expedition who made their

way to Mexico.
a s

o *

I o
wiNSBip] SURVIVORS OF NARVAEZ' EXPEDITION 349

sent him back to Spain. The complaints against him were investi-
gated by the Council for the Indies, but the judgment, if any was given,
has never been published. He certainly was not punished, and soon
settled down in Seville, where he was still living, apparently, twenty
years later.'
While Doxantes was stopping at Vera Cruz during the winter of
1536-37, he received a from Mendoza,
letter asking him to return to the
City of Mexico. After several interviews, the A'iceroy induced Doran-
tes to remain in New Spain, agreeing to provide him with a party of
horsemen and friars, in order to explore more thoroughly the country
through which he had wandered. Mendoza explains the details of his
plans in the letter written in December, 1537, and declares that he
expected many advantages would be derived from this expedition which
would redound to the glory of God and to the profit of His Majesty the
King. The viceroy was prepared to expend a large sum 3,500 or 4,000 —
—
pesos to insure a successful undertaking, but he promised to raise the
whole amount, without taking a single maravedi from the royal treas-
ury, by means of a more careful collection of dues, and especiallj' by
enforcing the payment of overdue sums, the collection of which hitherto
had been considered impossible. This reform in the collection of rents
and other royal exactions and the careful attention to all the details of
the fiscal administration were among the most valuable of the many
services rendered by Mendoza as viceroy. The expedition under I)o-
rantes never started, though why nothing came
the preparations, of all
wrote Mendoza in his next letter to the King, "I never could find out.'"
The three Spaniards wrote several narratives of their experiences on
the expedition of Narvaez, and of their adventurous journey from the
gulf coast of Texas to the Pacific coast of Mexico.^ These travelers,
who had lived a savage life for so long that they could wear no clothes,
and were unable to sleep except upon the bare ground, had a strange
tale to tell. The story of their eight years of wandering must have
—
been often repeated of their slavery, their buffalo-hunting expedi-
tions, of the escape from their Indian masters, and their career as
traders and as medicine men. These were wonderful and strange expe-

' Besides the general historians, we have Cabeza de Vaca's own aeconnt of his career in Paraguay
in his Comentarios, reprinted in Vedia, Historiadores Primitivos, vol. i, Ternaux translated this
narrative int« French for hia Voyages, part vi,
*The Spanish text of this letter has not been seen since Hamusio uswl it in making the translation
for his Viaggi, vol. iii, fol. 355, ed. 1556. There is no date to the letter as Kamusio gives it. Ternaux-
Compans translated it from Ilamusio for hia Cibola volume (Voyages, vol. ix, p. 287). It is usually-cited
from Ternaux's title as the *' Premiere lettredc ilendoza." I quote from the French text the portion of
the letter which explains my narrative : . ".. Andrea Dorantt^s, un do ceux qui firentpartie de Tar-
m^e de I'amphilo Xarvaez, vint prfes de moi. J'oua de frequents entretiens avec lui; .je pensaiqu'il
poavait rendre un grand service k votreniajeste [Link] I'exp^diais avec quarante ou cinquante clievauxet
;

tons les objets n^^cessaires pour d^couvrir ce pays. Je d^penaai beaucoup d'argent pour I'exp^'dition,
niais je ne aais pas comment il ae fit queTalfaire n'eut pas de suite. Be tousles pr6paratifs (luej'avais
taits, il ne me resta qu'un n^gre qui eat venu avec Dorant^s, quelqnes eaclaves que j'avais achet^s,
ft dos Indiens. naturels de ce pays, que j'avais fait raasembler."
—
*Two of these are extant the Relacion of Cabeza deVjvcaand Oviedo's version of an account signed
by the three Spaniards and sent to the Real Audiencia at Santo Domingo, in his Historia General de
las Indias, lib. xxxv, vol. iii, p. 582, ed. 1853.
350 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

riences,but the story contained little to arouse the eager interest of

the colonists in New Spain, whose minds had been stirred by the
accounts which came from Peru telling of the untold wealth of the
lucas. A
few things, however, had been seen and heard by the wan-
derers which suggested the possibility of lands won h conquering. "A
copper hawks- bell, thick and large, figured with a face," had been given
to Cabeza de Vaca, soon after he started on his journey toward Mexico.
The natives who gave this to him said that they had received it from
other Indians, "who had brought it from the north, where there was
much copper, which was highly esteemed." After the travelers had
crossed the Eio Grande, they showed this bell to some other Indians,
who said that " there were many plates of this same metal buried in
the ground in the place whence it had come, and that it was a thing
which they esteemed highly, and that there were fixed habitations
where it came from."' This was all the treasure which Cabeza de Vaca
could say that he had seen. He had heard, however, of a better region
than any he saw, for the Indians told him "that there are pearls and
great riches on the coast of the South sea (the Pacific), and all the
best and most opulent countries are near there." may be sure that We
none of this was omitted whenever he told the Spanish colonists the
story of the years of his residence in Texas and of the months of his
journey across northern Mexico.''

THE GOVERNORS OF NEW SPAIN, 1530-1537

Don Antonio de Menrtoza, " the good viceroy," had been at the head
of the government of New Spain for two years when Cabeza de Vaca
arrived in Mexico. The effects of his careful and intelligent adminis-
tration were already beginning to appear in the increasing prosperity
of the province and the improved condition of the colonists and of
their lands. The authority of the viceroy was ample and extensive,
although he was limited to some extent by the andiencia, the members of
which had administered the government of the province since the retire-
ment of Cortes. The viceroy was the president of this court, which had
resumed more strictly judicial functions after his arrival, and he was
officially advised by his instructions from the King to consult with his
fellow members on all matters of importance.
Nuno de Guzman departed for New Spain in 1528, and became the
head of the first audiencia. Within a year he had made himself so
deservedly unpopular that when he heard that Cortes was coming back
to Mexico from Spain, with the new title of marquis and fresh grants
of power from the King, he thought it best to get out of the way of his
rival. Without relinquishing tlie title to his position in the capital
'See Buckingham Smith's translation of Cabeza de Vaca's Narrative, p. 150.
*The eifect of the stories tohl by Cal>eza de Vaca, and later by Friar ^[arcos, is considered in apaper
priute<l in the Proceedings of the American Hiatorical Association at Waahington, 1894, "Why Coro-
nado went to New Mexico in 1540."
WIH8H1P] GUZMAN, TORRE, AND ONATE 851
city,Gazman collected a considerable force and marched away toward
the Wf st and north, determined to win honor and security by new con-
quests. He explored and subdued the country for a considerable dis-
tance along the eastern shores of the Gulf of California, but he could
find nothing there to rival the Mexico of Motecuhzoma. Meanwhile
reports reached Charles Y of the
manner in which Guzman had been
treating the Indians and the Spanish settlers, and so, March 17, 1536,^
the King appointed the Licentiate Diego Perez de la Torre to take the
residencia^ of Guzman. At the same time Torre was commissioned to
replace Guzman as governor of New Galicia, as this northwestern prov-
ince had been named. The
had already determined to return to
latter
Spain, leaving Don Christobal de Onate, a model executive and admin-
istrative official, incharge of his province. Guzman almost succeeded
in escaping, but his judge, who had landed at Vera Cruz by the end of
1536, met him at the viceroy's palace in Mexico city, and secured his
arrest before he could depart. After his trial he was detained in Mex-
ico until June 30, 1538,- when he was enabled to leave Kew Spain by an
order which directed him to surrender his jierson to the ofiicers of the
Casa de Contratacion,^ at Seville. Guzman lost no time in going to
Spain, where he speut the next four years in urging his claims to a right
to i)articipate in the northern conquests.
Torre, the licentiate, had barely begun to reform the abuses of Guz-
man's government when he was killed in a conflict with some revolted
Indian tribes. Onate again took charge of affairs until Mendoza
appointed Luis Galindo chief justice for jSTew Galicia. This was merely
a temporary appointment, however, until a new governor could be
selected. The viceroy's nomination for the position was confirmed by
the King, in a cedula dated April 18, 1539, which commissioned Fran-
cisco Vazquez Coronado as governor.*
Cortes had been engaged, ever since his return from Spain, in fitting
out expeditions which came to nothing,^ but by which he hoped to
accomplish his schemes for completing the exx^loration of the South sea.
His leisure was more than occupied by his efforts to outwit the agents
of the viceroy and the audiencia, who had received orders from the
King to investigate the extent and condition of the estates held by
Cortes. In the spring of 1.535, Cortes established a colony on the oppo-
site coast of California, the supposed Island of the Marquis, at Santa

'The beat sources for these proceedings is in Mota Padilla's Historia de la Nueva Galicia {ed.
Icazbalceta, pp. 104-109). A xuore available account in English is in H. H. Bancroft's Mexico, vol. ii.

p. 457.
^An official investigation into the administration of an official who is about to be relieved of his
duties.
'The best account, in English, of the Casa de Contratacion is given by Professor Bernard [Link], of
Berkeley, California, in the volume of papers read before the American Historical Association at its
1894 meeting.
*See Fragmentos de una Historia de la Nueva Galicia, by Father Tello (Icazbalceta, Documentos de
Mexico, vol. ii, p. 369).
'Mendoza, in the "premiere lettre," gives a brief sketch of the etforts which Cortes had been mak-
ing, and then adds II ne put done .jamais eu faire la conqu6t« il semblait meme que Dieu vouliit
.- ' ^
;

miraculeusement Ten Eloigner." Ternaux, Cibola volume, p. 287. ^

352 THE OORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

Cruz/ near the modern La Paz. Storms and shipwreck, hunger and
surfeiting, reduced the numbers and the enthusiasm of the men whom
he had conducted thither, and when his vessels returned from the
mainland with the news that Mendoza had arrived in Mexico, and
bringing letters from his wife urging him to return at once, Cortes
went back to Mexico. A few months later he recalled the settlers
whom he had left at Santa Cruz, in accordance, it may be, with the
command or advice of Mendoza.^ When the stories of Cabeza de Vaca
suggested the possibility of making desirable conquests toward the
north, Cortes possessed a better outfit for undertaking this work than
any of the others who were likely to be rivals for the privilege of
exploring aud occupying that region.
Pedro de Alvarado was the least known of these rival claimants.
He had been a lieutenant of Cortes until he secured an independent
command in Guatemala, Yucatan and Honduras, where he subdued the
natives, but discovered nothing except that there was nowhere in these
regions any store of gold or treasures. Abandoning this field, he
tried to win a share in the conquests of Pizarro and Almagro. He
approached Peru from the north, and conducted his army across the
mountains. This march, one of the most disastrous in colonial history,
so comijletely destroyed the efficiency of his force that the conquerors
of Peru easily compelled him to sell them what was left of his expedi-
tion. They paid a considerable sum, weighed out in bars of silver
which he found, after his return to Panama, to be made of lead with
a silver veneering.^ Alvarado was ready to abandon the work of con-
quering America, and had forwarded a petition to the King, asking
that he might be allowed to return to Spain, when Mendoza, or the
audiencia which was controlled by the enemies of Alvarado, furthered
his desires by ordering him to go to the mother country and present
himself before the throne. This was in 1536. While at court Alvarado
must have met Cabeza de Vaca. He changed his plans for making a
voyage to the South seas, and secured from the King, whose favor he
had easily regained, a commission which allowed him to build a fleet
in Central America and explore the South sea the Pacific toward — —
the west or the north. He returned to America early in 1539, bringing
with him everything needed in the equipment of a large fleet.
Mendoza, meanwhile, 1536-1539, had been making plans and prepa-
rations. He had not come to the !N^ew World as an adventurer, and he
lacked the spirit of eager, reckless, hopeful expectation of wealth and
fame, which accomplished so much for the geographical unfolding of the
two Americas. Mendoza appears to have arranged his plans as carefully
as if he had been about to engage in some intrigue at court. He rec-

1 On the maps it is usually designated as S. f.

2 The and petitions of Cortes. H. H. Bancroft tells

details of this episode are given in the relations
the story in his North Mexican States, vol. i, p. 77. The Cortes map of 1536 is reproduced, from a
traciiij;, in Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. ii, p. 442.

^This is the story which Garcilaso de la Vega tells iu his Commentales Keales, pt. ii, lib. il.
3
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY

SEBASTIAN CABOT'S
Af1«r Krattc
 FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PI. XL

OF 1544
wmsHip] EXPEDITIONS PLANNED BY MENDOZA 353

ognized bis rivals and tlieir strength. Nuiio de Guzman was in disgrace
and awaiting a trial, but he was at the court, where he could urge his
claims ])ersistently in person. Cortes was active, but he was where
Mendoza could watch everything that he tried to do. He might suc-
ceed in anticipating the viceroy's plans, but his sea ventures heretofore
had all been failures. So lo7ig as he kept to the water there seemed
to be little danger. Mendoza's chief concern appears to have been to
make sure that his rivals should have uo chance of uniting their
claims against him. Eepresenting the Crown and its interests, he felt
sure of everything else. The viceroy had no ambition to take the field
in person as an explorer, and he selected Alvarado as the most available
leader for the expedition which he had in mind, probably about the
time that the latter came back to the New World. He wrote to
Alvarado, suggesting an arrangement between them, and after due
consideration on both sides, terms and conditions mutually satisfactory
were agreed on. Mendoza succeeded in uniting Alvarado to his inter-
ests, and engaged that he should conduct an expedition into the country
north of Mexico. This arrangement was completed, apparently, before
the return of Friar Marcos from his reconnoissance, which added so
largely to tlie probabilities of success.

THE RECONNOISSANCE OF FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA

Mendoza did not confine himself to diplomatic measures for bringing
about the exploration and conquest which he had in mind. In his
undated "premiere lettre" the viceroy wrote that he was prepared to
send Dorantes with forty or fifty horses and everything needed for an
expedition into the interior but nothing was done.
;

About this time, 1.537-38, Friar Juan de la Asuncion seems to have

visited the inland tribes north of the Spanish settlements, Mr Ban-
delier has presented all the evidence obtainable regarding the labors of
this friar.' The most probable interpretation of the statements which
refer to his wanderings is that Friar Juan went alone and without
ofiBcial assistance, and that he may have traveled as far north as
the river Gila. The details of his journey are hopelessly confused. It
is more than probable that there were a number of friars at work
among the outlying Indian tribes, and there is no reason why one or
more of them may not have wandered north for a considerable dis-
tance. During the same year the viceroy made an attempt, possibly
in person, to penetrate into the country of Topira or Topia, in north-
western Durango,^ but the mountains and the absence of provisions
forced the party to return. It may be that this fruitless expedition was
the same as that in which, according to Castaiieda, Coronado took part,
while Friar Marcos was on his way to Cibola. It is not unlikely, also,

Contributions to the History of the Soutliwest, pp 79-103.

^This region is identified by Bandelier in his Contributions, p. 104, note. The letter from which
the details are obtained, written to accompany the report; of lYlar Marcos when this was transmitted
to the King:, is in Ramusio, and also in Ternaux, Cibola volume, p. 285.

14 ETH 23
354 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].l4

that Friar Marcos may have made a preliminary trip toward the north,
during the same year, although this is hardly more than a guess to ex-
plain statements, made by the old chroniclers, which we can not under-
stand.
As yet nothing had been found to verify the reports brought by
Cabeza de Vaca, which, by themselves, were hardly sufficient to justify
the equipment of an expedition on a large scale. But Mendoza was
bent on discovering what lay beyond the northern mountains. He still
had the negro Estevan, whom he had purchased of Dorantes, besides
a number of Indians who had followed Cabeza de Vaca to Mexico and
had been trained there to serve as interpreters. The experience which
the negro had gained during the years he lived among the savages
made him invaluable as a guide. He was used to dealing with the
Indians, knew something of their languages, and was practiced in the
all-important sign manual.
Friar Marcos de Niza was selected as the leader of the little party
which was to find out what the viceroy wanted to know. Aside from
his reconnoitering trip to Cibola, very little is known about this friar.
Born in Xice, then a part of Savoy, he was called by his contemporaries
a Frenchman. He had been with Pizarro in Peru, and had witnessed
the death of Atahualpa. Eeturning to Central America, very likely
with Pedro de Alvarado, he had walked from there barefooted, as was
his custom, up to Mexico. He seems to have been somewhere in the
northwestern provinces of New Spain, when Cabeza de Vaca appeared
there after his wanderings. A
member of the Franciscan brother-
hood, he had already attained to some standing in the order, for he
signs his repojl; or personal narration of his explorations, as vice-
commissary of the Franciscans. The father provincial of the order,
Friar Antonio de Ciudad-Rodrigo, on August 26, 1539,' certified to the
high esteem in which Friar Marcos was held, and stated that he was
skilled in cosmography and in the arts of the sea, as well as in
theology.
This choice of a leader was beyond question an excellent one, and
Mendoza had every reason to feel confidence in the success of his under-
taking. The viceroy drew up a set of instructions for Friar Marcos,
which directed that the Indians whom he met on the way should receive
the best of treatment, and provided for the scientific observations
which all Spanish explorers were expected to record. Letters were to
be left wherever it seemed advisable, in order to communicate with a
possible sea expedition, and information of the progress of the party
was to be sent back to the viceroy at convenient intervals. These
instructions are a model of careful and explicit directions, and show
the characteristic interest taken by Mendoza in the details of every-
thing with which he was concerned. They supply to some extent,
I
This certification, with the report of Friar Marcos and other doooments relating to him, is printed
in the Pacheco y Cardenas Coleccion, vol. iii, pp. 325-351.
WIK8H1P] NIZA AND ESTEVAN 355
also, the loss of the similar instructions which Coronado must have
received when he started on his journey in the following February.'
Friar Marcos, accompanied by a lay brother, Friar Onorato, accord-
ing to Mendoza's "premifere lettre," left Culiacan on March 7, 1539.
Coronado, now acting as governor of New Galicia, had escorted them
as far as this town and had assured a quiet journey for a part of the
way beyond by sending in advance six Indians, natives of this region,
who had been "kept at Mexico to become proiicient in the Spanish
language and attached to the ways of the Christians."^ The friars
proceeded to Petatlan, where Friar Onorato fell sick, so that it was
necessary to leave liim behind. During the rest of the journey. Friar
Marcos was the only white man in the party, which consisted of the
negro Estevan, the Indian interpreters, and a large body of natives who
followed him from the different villages near which he passed. The
friar continued his journey to "Vacapa," which Mr Bandelier identi-
fies with the Eudeve settlement of Matapa in central Sonora, where he
arrived two days before Passion Sunday, which in 1539 fell on March 23.'
At this place he waited until April 6, in order to send to the seacoast
and summon some Indians, from whom he hoped to secure further
information about the pearl islands of which Cabeza de Vaca had
heard.
The negro Estevan had been ordered by the viceroy to obey Friar
Marcos in everything, under pain of serious punishment. While the friar
was waiting at Vacapa, he sent the negro toward the north, instruct-
ing him to proceed 50 or 60 leagues and see if he could find anything
which might help them in their search. If he found any signs of a
rich and populous country, it was agreed that he was not to advance
farther, but should return to meet the friar, or else wait where he heard
the good news, sending some Indian messengers back to the friar, with
a white cross the size of the palm of his hand. If the news was very
promising, the cross was to be twice this size, and if the country about
which he heard promised to be larger and better than ^ew Spain, a
cross still larger than this was to be sent back. Castaueda preserves
a story that Estevan was sent ahead, not only to explore and pacify
the country, but also because he did not get on well with his superior,
who objected to his eagerness in collecting the turquoises and other
things which the natives prized and to the moral effect of his relations
with the women who followed him from the tribes which they met on
their way. Friar Marcos says nothing about this in his narrative, but
he had different and much more important ends to accomplish by his
report, compared with those of Castaneda, who may easily have gathered
the gossip from some native.

'The instructions given to Friar Marcos have been translated by Bandelier in his Contributions,
p. 109. The best account of Friar Marcos and his explorations is given in that volume.
^Herrera, Historia General, dec, vi, lib. vii, [Link].
'Bandelier, in bis Contributions, p. 122, says this was ^'about the middle of April," but his chro-
nology at this point must be at fault.
356 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

Estevan started ou Passion Sunday, after dinner. Four days later

messengers sent by liiui brought to the friar " a very hirge cross, as tall
as a man." One of the Indians who had given the negro his informa-
tion accompanied the messengers. This man said and affirmed, as the
friar carefully recorded, ''that there are seven very large cities in the
first province, all under one lord, with large houses of stone and lime;
the smallest one-story high, with a flat roof above, and others two and
three stories high, and the house of the lord four stories high. They
aie all united under his rule. And on the portals of the principal houses
there are many designs of turquoise stones, of which he says they
have a great abundance. And the people in these cities are very well
clothed. . .Concerning other provinces farther on, he said that
.

each one of them amounted to much more than these seven cities." All
this which the Indian told Friar Marcos was true; and, what is more,
the Spanish friar seems to have correctly understood what the Indian
meant, except that the Indian idea of several villages having a common
allied form of government was interpreted as meaning the rule of a
single lord, who lived in what was to the Indians the chief, because the
most i^opulous, village. These villages of stone and lime or rather of —
stone and rolls or balls of adobe laid in mud mortar and sometimes
—
whitened with a wash of gypsum' were very large and wondrous
affairs when compared with the huts and shelters of the Seri and some
of the Piman Indians of Sonora.^ The priest can hardly be blamed for
translating a house entrance into a doorway instead of picturing it as
a bulkhead or as the hatchway of a ship. The Spaniards those who —
—
had seen service in the Indies had outgrown their earlier custom of
reading into the Indian stories the ideas of government and of civiliza-
tion to which they were accustomed in Europe. But Friar Marcos was
at a disadvantage hardly less than that of the companions of Cortes,
when they first heard of Moctecuhzoma, because his experience with
the wealth of the Xew World had been in the realm of the Incas. He
interpreted what he did not understand, of necessity, by what he had
seen in Peru.
The story of this Indian did not convince the friar that what he heard
about the grandeur of these seven cities was all true, and he decided
not to believe anything until he had seen it for himself, or had at least
received additional proof. The friar did not start immediately for the
seven cities, as the negro had advised him to do, but waited until he
could see the Indians who had been summoned from the seacoast.
These told him about pearls, which were found near their homes. Some
'•painted" Indians, living to the eastward, having their faces, chests,
and arms tattooed or decorated with pigments, who were perhaps the
Pima or Sobaipuri Indians, also visited him while he was staying at
Vacapa and gave him an extended account of the seven cities, very
similar to that of the Indian sent by Estevan.

> See Y. W. Hodge, " Aborigiual Use of Adobes," The Archseologist, Columbus, Ohio, August, 1896,
' These are described in tbe Casta&eda narrative.
wiNSHip) MARATA, ACUS, AND TOTONTEAC 357

Friar Marcos started on the second day following Pasciia Florida, or

Easter, whiclicame on April 6, 1539. He expected to find Bstevan
waiting at the village where he had first heard about the cities. A
second cross, as big as the first, had been received from the negro, and
the messengers who brought this gave a fuller and much more specific
account of the cities, agreeing in every respect with what had previ-
ously been related. When the friar reached the village where the
negro had obtained the first information about the cities, he secured
many new details. He was told that it was thirty days' journey from
this village to the city of Cibola, which was the first of the seven. Not
one person alone, but many, described the houses very particularly and
showed him the way in which they were built, just as the messengers
had done. Besides these seven cities, he learned that there were
other kingdoms, called Marata, Acus, and Totonteac. The linguistic
students, and especially Mr Frank Hamilton Gushing, have identified
the first of these with Matyata or Makyata, a cluster of pueblos about
the salt lakes southeast of Zuui, which were in ruins when Alvarado
saw them in 1540, although they appeared to have been despoiled not
very long before. Acus is the Acoma pueblo and Totonteac was in all
probability the province of Tusayan, northwestward from Zufii. The
friar asked these people why they went so far away from their homes,
and was told that they went to get turquoises and cow skins, besides
other valuable things, of all of which he saw a considerable store in
the village.
Friar Marcos tried to find out how these Indians bartered for the
things they brought from the northern country, but all he could under-
stand was that " with the sweat and service of their persons they went
to the first city, which is called Cibola, and that they labored there by
digging the earth and other services, and that for what they did they
received turquoises and the skins of cows, such as those people had."
We now know, whatever Friar Marcos may have thought, that they
doubtless obtained their turquoises by digging them out of the rocky
ground in which they are still found in New Mexico, and this may
easily have seemed to them perspiring labor. It is not clear just how
they obtained the buffalo skins, although it was doubtless by barter.
The friar noticed fine turquoises suspended in the ears and noses of
many of the people whom he saw,' and he was again informed that
the principal doorways of Cibola were ceremonially ornamented with
designs made of these stones. Mr Cushing has since learned, through
tradition, that this was their custom. The dress of these people of
Cibola, including the belts of turquoises about the waist, as it was
described to the friar, seemed to him to resemble that of the Bohe-
mians, or gypsies. The cow skins, some of which were given to him,
were tanned and finished so well that he thought it was evident that
they had been prepared by men who were skilled in this work.

'In lieu of turquoiBes the Pima and Maricopa today frequently wear Hmall beaded rings j>endent
from the ears and Hcptura
358 THE COBONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].u

At this point iu his narrative Friar Marcos first uses the word pueblo^
village, in referring to the seven cities, a point which would be of
some interest if only wecould be sure that the report was written
firom notes made as he went along. He certainly implies that he kept
some such record when he speaks of taking down the statements of
the Indian who first told him about the seven cities. It looks as if the
additional details which he was obtaining gradually dimmed his vision
of cities comparable to those into which he had seen Pizarro gather the
golden ransom of Atahualpa.
Friar Marcos had not heard from Estevau since leaving Vacapa, but
the natives told him that the negro was advancing toward Cibola, and
that he had been gone four or five days. The friar started at once to
follow the negro, who had proceeded up Sonora valley, as Mr Bandelier
traces the route. Estevan had planted several large crosses along
the way, and soon began to send messengers to the friar, urging the
latter to hasten, and promising to wait for him at the edge of the wilder-
ness which lay between them and the country of Cibola. The friar
followed as fast as he could, although constantly hindered by the
natives, who were always ready to verify the stories he had already
heard concerning Cibola. They pressed him to accept their offers of
turquoises and of cow skins in spite of his persistent refusals. At one
village, the lord of the place and his two brothers gi-eeted the friar,
having collars of turquoises about their necks, while the rest of the
people were all encaconados, as they called it, with turquoises, which
hung from their ears and noses. Here they supplied their visitor with
deer, rabbits, and quailj besides a great abundance of corn and pifion
seed. They also continued to offer him turquoises, skins, fine gourds,
and other things which they valued. The Sobaipuri Indians, who were
a branch of the Papago, among whom the friar was now traveling,
according to Bandelier, seemed to be as well acquainted with Cibola
as the natives of 2few Spain were with Mexico, or those of Peru with
Cuzco. They bad visited the place many times, and whatever they
possessed which was made with any skill or neatness had been brought,
so they told him, from that country.
Soon after he encountered these people, the friar met a native of
Cibola. He was a well-favored man, rather old, and appeared to be
much more intelligent than the natives of this valley or those of any of
the districts through which the friar had passed in the course of his
march. This man reported that the lord of Cibola lived and had his
seat of government in one of the seven cities called Abacus, and that
he appointed men in the other cities who ruled for him. Abacus is
readily identified with Hawikuh, one of the present ruins near K'iap-
kwainakwiu, or Ojo Caliente, about 15 miles southwest of Zuiii. On
—
questioning this man closely, the friar learned that Cibola by which,
as Bandelier and Cushing maintain, the Indian meant the whole range
—
occupied by the Zuni people was a large city, in which a great many
wiNSHip] THE ROUTE OF NIZA 359
people dwelt and which had streets and open squares or plazas. In some
parts of it there were very large houses, which were ten stories high,
and the leading men met together in these on certain days of the year.
Possibly this is one of the rare references in the accounts of these early
visits to Zuiii, to the ceremonials of the Pueblo Indians, which have
been studied and described with so much care by later visitors, notably
by Mrs M. C. Stevenson and by Dr J. Walter Fewkes of the Hemen-
way Southwestern Archeological Expedition.
This native of Cibola verified all the reports which the friar had
already heard. Marata, he said, had been greatly reduced by the lord
of Cibola during recent wars. Totonteac was a much larger and richer
place, while Acus was an independent kingdom and province. The
strange thing about all these reports is not that they are true, and that
we can identify them by what is now known concerning these Indians,
but the hard thing to understand is how the Spanish friar could have
comprehended so well what the natives must have tried to tell him.
When one considers the difliculties of language, with all its technicali-
ties, and of radically different conceptions of every phase of life and of
thought, the result must be an increased confidence in the common sense
and the inherent intelligence of mankind.
On his way up this valley of Sonora, Friar Marcos heard that the sea-
coast turned toward the west. Eealizing the importance of this point,
he says that he "went in search of it and saw clearly that it turns to
the west in 35 degrees." He was at the time between 31 and 31^ degrees
north. Just opposite the head of the Gulf of California. If Bande-
lier's identification of the friar's route is accepted— and it has a great
deal more iu its favor than any other that can be proposed with any due
—
regard to the topography of the country Friar Marcos was then near
the head of San Pedro valley, distant 200 miles in a direct line from the
coast, across a rough and barren country. Although the Franciscan
superior testified to Marcos' proficiency in the arts of the sea, the friar's
calculation was 3 J degrees out of the way, at a latitude where the usual
error in the contemporary accounts of expeditions is on the average a
degree and a half. The direction of the coast line does change almost
due west of where the friar then was, and he may have gone to some
point among the mountains from which he could satisfy himself that
the report of the Indians was reliable. There is a week or ten days,
during this part of the journey, for which his narrative gives no specific
reckoning. He traveled rather slowly at times, making frequent stops,
so that the side trip is not necessary to fill this gap. The point is a
curious one; but, in the absence of any details, it is hardly likely that
the friar did more than secure from other Indians stories confirming
what he had already been told.
—
Friar Marcos soon reached the borders of the wilderness the country
in and about the present Wh ite Mountain Apache reservation in Arizona.
He entered this region on May 9, and twelve days later a young man
 —

360 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 Tuthann-U

who had beeu with Estevan, the son of one of the Indian chiefs accom-
panying the friar, met him and told tlie story of the negro's death.
Estevan had hastened to reach Cibola before the friar, and just prior to
arriving at the first city he had sent a notice of his approach to the
chief of the place. As evidence of his position or autliority, he sent a
gourd, to which were attached a few strings of rattles and two plumes,
one of which was white and the other red.
While Cabeza de Vaca and his companions were traveling through
Texas, the natives had flocked to see these strange white men and soon
began to worship them, pressing about them for even a touch of their
garments, from which the Indians trusted to receive some healing power.
While taking advantage of the prestige which was thus obtained,
Cabeza de Vaca says that he secured some gourds or rattles, which were
greatly reverenced among these Indians and which never failed to
produce a most respectful behavior whenever they were exhibited. It
was also among these southern plains Indians that Cabeza de Vaca
heard of the permanent settlements toward the north. Castaiieda says
that some of these plains Indians came each year to Cibola to pass the
winter under the shelter of the adobe villages, but that they were dis-
trusted and feared so much that they were not admitted into the villages
unless unarmed, and under no conditions were they allowed to spend
the night within the flat-roof houses. The connection between these
Indian rattles and the gourd which Estevan prized so highly can not
be proven, but it is not unlikely that the negro announced his arrival
to the Cibola chiefs by sending them an important part of the para-
phernalia of a medicine man of a tribe with which they were at enmity.
There are several versions of the story of Estevan's death, besides
the one given in Friar Marcos' narrative, which were derived from the
natives of Cibola. Castaiieda, who lived among these people for a while
the next year, states that the Indians kept the negro a prisoner for
three days, "questioning him," before they killed him. He adds that
Estevan had demanded from the Indians treasures and women, and
this agrees with the legends still current among these people.' When
Alarcon ascended Colorado river a year later, and tried to obtain news
of Coronado, with whom he was endeavoring to cooperate, he heard
of Estevan, who was described as a black man with a beard, wearing
things that sounded, rattles, bells, and plumes, on his feet and arms
the regular outfit of a southwestern medicine man,' Friar Marcos was
told that when the messengers bearing the gourd showed it to the chief
of the Cibola village, he threw it on to the ground and told the messen-
gers that when their people reached the village they would find out
what sort of men lived there, and that instead of entering the place
they would all be killed. Estevan was not at all daunted when this
answer was reported to him, saying that everything would be right
'Bandelier, Contributions, pp. 154,155.
^There is an admirable and extended account, with many illustrations, of the .Vpache medicine men,
by Captain John G. Bourke. in the ninth report of the Bureau of Kthnology.
 BUREAU OF FTHNOLOGV

u,» i^ ,
w ,„ ,>,
,^ ,,, ,^ ,^ ,^
,^^
^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^

»
^oMtf ^jbI caters

J« MARE INCO GNITO

C.:Sm\tr*.

1»

::dJUr
H TROPICODI CANCRO S^t.d.^

«.^«^I^Ul^M^

'''111
M A B.

IQ.VIN0TT1AI.E
'»• 'J>
m 16* •» IJ* <4J in

If H> '»» 00 «>

l«i "M

BATTISTA AGNESE'S NEW

AHet K
 FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIl

I, SIXTEENTH CENTURY
WLvsHii] THE DEATH OF ESTEVAN 361

when he reached the village in person. He proceeded thither at once,

but instead of being admitted, he was placed under guard in a house
near by.' All the turquoises and other gifts which he had received
from the Indians during his journey were taken from him, and he was
confined with the people who accomi)anied him, over night, without
receiving anything to eat or drink. The next morning Estevan tried to
run away, but was overtaken and killed. The fugitives who brought
this news to Friar Marcos said that most of their companions also had
been killed. The Indians who had followed the friar forthwith began
to mourn for three hundred of their relations -and friends, who had per-
ished, they declared, as a result of their confidence in his forerunner.
This number was undoubtedly an exaggeration. Oastaiieda heard that
the natives of Cibola kept a few lads from among those who were with
the negi-o, "and sent back all the rest, numbering about sixty." The
story of Estevan's death is reputed to have been preserved among the
legends of the Indians of Zuni. According to this tradition, the village
at which the " Black Mexican" was killed was K'iakima, a village now
in ruins, situated on a bluft' at the southwestern angle of Thunder
mountain mesa; but this is totally at variance with the historical evi-
dence, which seems to point quite conclusively to Hawikuh, the first
village encountered from the southwest, as the scene of Estevan's
death.^ One of the Indian stories of Estevan's death is that their wise
men took the negro out of the pueblo during the night, and "gave him
a powerful kick, which sped him through the air back to the south,
whence he came!"
The killing of Estevan made it impossible for Friar Marcos, alone and
unprepared for fighting, to enter the Cibola region. The first reports
of the disaster, as is usually the custom, told of the death of all who
accompanied the negro, and in consequence there was much wailing
among the Indians who had followed the friar. They threatened to
desert him, but he pacified them by opening his bundles and distribut-
ing the trinkets brought from Mexico. While they were enjoying
these, he withdrew a couple of stone-throws for an hour and a half to
pray. Meanwhile, the Indians began again to think of their lost friends,
and decided to kill the friar, as the indirect cause of the catastrophe.
But when he returned from his devotions, reinvigorated, and learned of
their determination, he diverted their thoughts by producing some of
the things which had been kept back from the first distribution of the
contents of his jiacks. He expounded to them the folly of killing him,
since this would do him no hurt because he was a Christian and so would
go at once to his home in the sky, while other Christians would come
in search of him and kill all of them, in spite of his own desires to
prevent, if possible, any such revenge. "With many other words" he

1 This is method pursued by the Zafiis today against any Mexicans who may be foand
precisely the
during the performance of an outdoor ceremonial.
in tlieir vicinity'
i'This question lian been fully discussed by F. W. Hodge. See "The First Discovered City of
Cibola," American Anthropologist. Washington, Aiiril. 1895.
362 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link]

succeeded at last in quieting them and in persuading two of the chief

Indians to go with him to a point where he could obtain a view of the
"city of Cibola." He proceeded to a small hill, from which he saw
that it was situated on a plain on the slope of a round height. " It has
a very fine appearance for a village," he writes, "the best that I have
seen in these parts. The houses, as the Indians had told me, are all of
stone, built in stories, and with flat roofs. Judging by what I could see
from the height where I placed myself to observe it, the settlement is
larger than the city of Mexico. ... It appears to me that this
land is the best and largest of all those that have been discovered."
" With far more fright than food," the friar says he retraced his way
toward New Spain, by hasty marches. During his journey to Cibola,
he had heard of a large and level valley among the mountains, dis-
tant four or five days from the route which he followed, where he
was told that there were many very large settlements in which the
people wore clothes made of cotton. He showed his informants some
metals which he had, in order to find out what there was in that region,
and they picked out the gold, saying that the people in the valley had
vessels made of this material and some round things which they hung
from their ears and noses. They also had some little shovels of this
same metal, with which they scraped themselves to get rid of their
sweat. On bis way back, although he had not recovered from his fright,
the friar determined to see this valley. He did not dare to venture
into it, because, as he says, he thought that those who should go to
settle and rule the country of the seven pities could enter it more
safely than he. He did not wish to risk his own life, lest he should be
prevented from making the report of what he had already seen. He
went as far as the entrance to the valley and saw seven good-looking
settlements at a distance, in a very attractive country, from which
arose a great deal of smoke. He understood from the Indians that
there was much gold in the valley, and that the natives used it for ves-
sels and ornaments, repeating in his narrative the reports which he had
heard on his outward journey.
The friar then hastened down the coast to Culiacan, where he hoped,
but failed, to find Coronado, the governor of the province. He went
on to Compostela, where Coronado was staying. Here he wrote his
report, and sent the announcement of his safe return to the viceroy.
A similar notification to the provincial of his order contained a request
for instructions as to what he should do next. He was still in Com-
postela on September 2, and as Mendoza and Coronado also were there,
he took occasion to certify under oath before them to the truth of all
that he had written in the report of his expedition to Cibola.

THE EFFECT OF FRIAR MARCOS' REPORT

it is evident that Friar Marcos distinguished
In his official report
with care between what he had himself seen and what the Indians had
told him. But Cortes began the practice of attacking the veracity and
wrosHip] DECLARATIONS AGAINST NIZA 363
good faith of the friar, Oastafieda continued it, and scarcely a writer
on these events failed to follow their guidance until Mr Bandelier
undertook to examine the facts of the case, and applied the rules of
ordinary fairness to his historical judgment. This vigorous defender
of the Mar has successfully maintained his strenuous contention that
Marcos neither lied nor exaggerated, even when he said that the Cibola
pueblo appeared to him to be larger than the City of Mexico. All the
witnesses agree that these light stone and adobe villages impress one
who first sees them from a distance as being much larger than they
really are. Mexico in 1539, on the other hand, was neither imposing
nor populous. The great communal houses, the " palace of Monte-
zuma," had been destroyed during or soon after the siege of 1521. The
pueblo of Hawikuh, the one which the friar doubtless saw, contained
about 200 houses, or between 700 and 1,000 inhabitants. There is some-
thing naive in Mr Bandelier's comparison of this with Eobert Tomson's
report that the City of Mexico, in 1556, contained 1,500 Spanish house-
holds.' He ought to have added, what we may be quite sure was true,
that the population of Mexico probably doubled in the fifteen years pre-
ceding Tomson's visit, a fact which makes Niza's comparison even more
reasonable.^
The credit and esteem in which the friar was held by the viceroy,
Mendoza, is as convincing proof of his integrity as that derivetl from
a close scrutiny of the text of his narrative. Mendoza's testimony was
given in a letter which he sent to the King in Spain, inclosing the
report written by Friar Marcos, the "premiere lettre" which Ternaux
translated from Eamusio. This letter spoke in laudatory terms of
the friar, and of course is not wholly unbiased evidence. It is at least
sufiicient to counterbalance the hostile declarations of Cortes and Cas-
tafieda, both of whom had far less creditable reasons for traducing
the friar than Mendoza had for praising him. "These friars," wrote
Mendoza of Marcos and Onorato, "had lived for some time in the
neighboring countries; they were used to hard labors, experienced in
the ways of the Indies, conscientious, and of good habits." It is pos-
sible that Mendoza felt less confidence than is here expressed, for
before he organized the Coronado expedition, late in the fall of this
year 1539, he ordered Melchior Diaz to go and see if what he could dis-
cover agreed with the account which Friar Marcos gave.^
However careful the friar may have been, he presented to the vice-
roy a report in which gold and precious stones abounded, and which
—
stopped just within sight of the goal the Seven Cities of Nuuo de Guz-
man and of the Indian traders and story tellers. Friar Marcos had
^Tumsou's exceedingly interesting narrative of his experiences in Mexico is print«d in Hakluyt,
[Link], p. U^, ed. 1600.

^Compare the ground plan of HawikuJi, by Victor Mindeleft', in the eighth annual report of the
Bureau of Ethnology, pi. XLVl, with the map of the city of Mexico (1550?), by Alonzo de Santa Cruz,
pi. XLiii of this paper.
3 Diaz started November 17, 1539. The report of his trip is given in Mendoza's letter of April 17,
1540, in Facheco y Cardenas, ii, p. 356, and translated herein.
364 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].14

something to tellwhich interested his readers vastly more than the

painful, wonderful story of Cabeza de Vaca. The very fact that he
took it for gi-anted, as he says in his report, that they would go to
populate and rule over this land of the Seven Cities, with its doorways
studded with turquoises, was enough to insure interest. He must,
indeed, have been a popular preacher, and when the position of father
provincial to the Franciscans became vacant, just now, brotlier Marcos,
already high in the order and with all the fresh prestige of his latest
achievements, was evidently the subject for i^romotiou. Castaueda,
who is not the safest authority for events i)receding the expedition,
says that the promotion was arranged by the viceroy. This may have
been so. His other statement is probable enough, that, as a result of
the promotion, the pulpits of the order were filled with accounts of such
marvels and wonders that large numbers were eager to join in the con-
quest of this new land. Whatever Friar Marcos may have sacrificed
to careful truth was atoned for, we may be sure, by the zealous, loyal
brethren of blessed Saint Francis.
Don Joan Suarez de Peralta was born, as Senor Zaragoza shows in
his admirable edition of the Tratado del Descubrimiento de las Yndias
y fell Gonquista, in Mexico between 1535 and 1540, and probably nearer
the first of these five years. In the Tratado, Suarez de Peralta gives a
most interesting description of the effect produced in Mexico by the
departure and the return of the Corouado expedition. He can hardly
have had very vivid personal recollections of the excitement produced
by the reports of Friar Marcos, yet his account is so clear and circum-
stantial that it evidently must be the narrative of an eyewitness, though
recorded, it may be, at secondhand. He tells us that ''the country
was so stirred up by the news which the friar had brought from the
Seven Cities that nothing else was thought about. For he said that
the city of Cibola was big enough to contain two Sevilles and over,
and the other places were not much smaller; and that the houses
were very fine edifices, four stories high; and in the country there are
many of what they call wild cows, and sheep and goats and rich
treasures. He exaggerated things so much, that everybody was for
going there and leaving Mexico depoi)ulated The news
from the Seven Cities inspired so eager a desire in every one that not
only did the viceroy and the marquis (Cortes) make ready to start for
there, but the whole country wanted to follow them so much that they
traded for the licenses which permitted them to go as soldiers, and peo-
ple sold these as a favor, and whoever obtained one of these thought
that it Avas as good as a title of nobility at the least. For the friar
who had come from there exaggerated and said that it was the best
place in the world; the people in that country very prosperous, and
all the Indians wearing clothes and the possessors of much cattle;
the mountains like those of Spain, and the climate the same. For
wood, they burnt very large walnut trees, which bear quantities of
'"^X ^

i\

«
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY

^^^^^^r^^^.^^.^i
':

THE CITY OF MEXICO ABOU

 FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIII

>0, BY ALONZO DE SANTA CRUZ

 '

wiNSHip] ACCOUNTS OF niza's joukney 365

walnuts better than those of Spain. They have many mountain grapes,
which are very good eating, chestnuts, and filberts. According to the
way he painted it, this should have been the terrestrial paradise. For
game, there were partridges, geese, cranes, and all the other winged
—
creatures it was marvelous what was there." And then Suarez adds,
writing half a century later, "He told the truth in all this, because
there are mountains in that country, as he said, and herds, especially
of cows There are grapes and game, without doubt, and a
climate like that of Spain."
Second-hand evidence, recorded fifty years after the occurrence, is
far from conclusive. Fortunately, we are able to supplement it by
legal testimony, taken down, and recorded under oath, with all the for-
malities of the old Spanish law customs. When the news of Friar
Marcos' journey reached Spain there was much rivalry among those
who claimed the privilege of completing the discovery. Much evi-
dence was presented and frequent pleas were entered by all the men
who had an active part and leadership in the conquest of the northern
portion of the Xew World. In the course of the litigation the repre-
sentative of the adelantado Hernando de Soto, presented some testi-
mony which had been given in the town of San Cristobal de la Habana
de la Isla Fernandina^Habana and Cuba dated November 12, 1539. —
There were seven witnesses, from a ship which had been obliged to put
into this port in order to procure water and other supplies, and also
because some persons aboard had become very sick. Each witness
declared that a month or more before Friar Marcos arrived back —
in Mexico before the end of August, 1539 he had heard, and that —
this was common talk in Mexico, Vera Cruz, and in Puebla de los An-
geles, that a Franciscan friar named Fray Marcos, who had recently
come from the inland regions, said that he had discovered a very rich
and very populous country 400 or 500 leagues north of Mexico. " He
said that the country is rich in gold, silver and other treasures, and
that it contains very large villages; that the houses are built of stone,
and terraced like those of Mexico, and that they are high and imposing.
The people, so he said, are shrewd, and do not marry more than one
wife at a time, and they wear coarse woolen cloth and ride on some ani-
mals," the name of which the witness did not know. Another testified
that the common report was that this country " was very rich and i)op-
ulous and had great walled cities, and that the lords of the cities were
called knigs, and that the people were very shrewd and use the Mexican
language." But the witness to whose deposition we are most indebted
was Andres Garcia. This man declared that he had a son-in-law who
was a barber, who had shaved the friar after he came back from the new
country. Tlie son-in-law had told the witness that the friar, while being

iThe Spanisli text from wliicli I liaTO translated may be found on pages 14-t and 348 of Zaragoza's

edition of Suarez de Peralta's Tratado. This edition is of the greatest usefulness to every student of
early Mexican historj-.
366 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

shaved, had talked about the country which he had discovered beyond
the mountains. '^ After crossing the mountains, the friar said there
was a river, and that many settlements were there, in cities and towns,
and that the cities were surrounded by walls, with their gates guarded,
and were very wealthy, having silversmiths, and that the women wore
strings of gold beads and the men girdles of gold and white woolen
dresses; and that they had sheep and cows and i^artridges and slaugh-
terhouses and iron forges."^
Friar Marcos undoubtedly never willfally told an untruth about the
country of Ciboja, even in a barber's chair. But there seems to be
little chance for doubting that the reports which he brought to New
Spain were the cause of much talk as w^ll as many sermons, which
gave rise to a considerable amount of excitement among the settlers,
whose old-world notions had been upset by the reputed glory of
the Montezumas and the wealth of the Incas. Yery many, though
perhaps not all, of the colonists were stirred with an eager desire to
participate in the rich harvest awaiting the conquerors of these new

'The depositions as printed in the Pacheco y Cardenas Docs, de Indiaa, toI. xv., pp. 392-398, are as
follows: Pedro Nnfiez, testigo roscebido en la dicha razon, jur6 segun derecho, 6 d^o; qne . . .

estando en la ciudad do Mexico, puedo haber Ires meses [the evidence being taken November 12, 1539],
poco mas 6 menos, oy6 decir este testigo publicamente, que habia renido nn fraile Francisco, que ae
dice Fray Marcos, que venia la tjerra adentro, 6 que decia el dicho fraile que se habia descobierto una
tierra muy rica 6 mny poblada; 6 que habia cuatrocientas leguaa dende Mexico alU; 6 que dice que
han de ir alldporcerca del riode Palmas; . . .

G-arcia Xavarro, .oy6 decir publicamente, puede haber un mes 6 mes y medio [and so all the
, .

remaining witnesses] que habia renido un fraile, nuevamente, de una tierra, nueramente descobierta,
qne dicen qnes quinientas leguas de Mexico, en la tierra de la Florida, que dicen qnes hdcia la parte
del Korte de la dicba tierra la cual diz, que es tierra rica de oro plata 6 otros resgates, 6 grandea
; t-

pueblos que las casas son de piedra 6 terrados & la manera de Mexico, e que tienen peso f medida, 6
;

gente de razon, 6 que no casan mas de nna vez, 6 que visten albomocea, ^ qne andan cabalgando en
unos animales, qne no sabe c6mo se llaman, ....
Francisco Serrano, ... el fraile venia por tierra, por la via de Xalisco; 6 ques muy rica 6 muy
poblada 6 grandea cindades cercadas 6 que los seiiores dellas, se nombran Reyes 6 que las caaas son
; ;

aobi'adas, ^ ques gente de roncha razon que la lengna es mexicana, ;

. . .

Pero Sanchez, tinturero una tierra nueva muy rica 6 muy poblada de cindades 6 villas;
. . .

. . ,por la via de Xalisco h&cia en medio de la tierra.

. . . . , .

Francisco de Leyva en la Vera-Cruz, oy6 decir que habia venido un fraile de una tierra
. . .

nueva muy rica 6 muy poblada de cindades 6 villas, e ques & la banda del Sur, Otroei, . . .

dixo: que es verdad que no embargante que no toca en este puerto, dejaba de seguir su [Link]; pero
que entr6 en este puerto por necesidad que llevaba de agua ^ otros baatiraentos i de ciertas personas
que venian muy enfermos.
Hernando de Sotomayor questando en la Puebla de los Angeles
. . . publicamente se . . .

decia . u que las casas son de piedras sobradadas, e las cindades cercadas, ^ gente de razon;
. .

. . .e qucata dicha tierra es la parte donde vino Dorantes 6 Cabeza de Vaca, los cuales escaparon
de la armada de Narvaez 6 que sabe 6 vido este testigo, que fu6 mandado al maestre por mandado del
;

Virey 6 con su mandamiento, que no tocase en parte ninguna, salvo que fuese derechamente & Fspafia,
con la dicha nao, 6 quel secretario del Virey hizo un requiriraieuto al dicho maestre, viniendo por la
mar, que no tocase en este puerto ni en otra parte destas islas. [This statement appears in . . .

each deposition.]
Andres Garcia, dlxo: . . . questando en la ciudad de Mexico, un Francisco de Billegas le

dio cartas para dar en esta villa, para dar al Adelantado D. Hernando de Soto, 6 si no lo hallase,
que las llevase & Espaiia 6 las diese al bacedor suyo; 6 queate testigo tiene nn yemo barbero que
afeitaba al fraile quo vino de la dicba tierra; 6 quel dicho su yerno, le dixo este testigo, qnestando
afeitando al dicho fraile, le dixocomo antes que llegasen A Ta dicha tierra estaba una sierra, 6 que
pasando dicba sierra estaba un rio, e que habia muchas poblazones de cindades 6 villas, 6 que las
la
cindades son cercadas 6 guardadas & Us puertas, 6 muy ncaa 6 que habia plateroa e que las mugerea ; ;

traian sartaa de oro e los hombres cintos de oro, 6 que babia albamios u obojaa 6 vacas 6 perdices 6
camicerias 6 berreria, 6 peso 6 medida; e (lue uu Bocanegra, dixo & este testigo que se quedare, que
se habia descobierto uu nuevo muudo. . . .
WIKSHIP] CHARACTER OF NIZA 367

lands. Friar Marcos was not a liar, but it is impossible to ignore the
charges against him quite as easily as Mr Bandelier has done.
Pedro Castaneda makes some very damaging statements, which are not
conclusive proof of the facts. Like the statements of Suarez de Peralta,
they represent the popular estimation of the father provincial, and they
repeat the stories which passed current regarding him, when the later
explorations had destroyed the vision that had been raised by the
reports of the friar's exploration. The accusations made by Cortes
deserve more careful consideration. Cortes returned to Spain about
the time that the preparations for the Coronado expedition were defi-
nitely begun. Soon after his arrival at court, June 25, 1540,' he
addressed a formal memorial to the King, setting forth in detail the
ill treatment which he had received from Mendoza. In this he declared
that after the viceroy had ordered him to withdraw his men from their
station on the coast of the mainland toward the north where they —
were engaged in making ready for extended inland explorations he —
had a talk with Friar Marcos. "And I gave him," says Cortes, "an
account of this said country and of its discovery, because I had deter-
mined to send him in my ships to follow up the said northern coast
and conquer that country, because he seemed to understand something
about matters of navigation. The said friar communicated this to the
said viceroy, and he says that, with his permission, he went by land
in search of the same coast and country as that which I had discov-
ered, and which it was and is my right to conquer. And since his
return, the said friar has published the statement that he came within
sight of the said country, which I deny that he has either seen or dis-
covered but instead, in all that the said friar reports that he has seen,
;

he only repeats the account I had given him regarding the information
which I obtained from the Indians of the said country of Santa Cruz,
because everything which the said friar says that he discovered is just
the same as what these said Indians had told me: and in enlarging
upon this and in pretending to report what he neither saw nor learned,
the said Friar Marcos does nothing new, because he has done this
many other times, and this was his regular habit, as is notorious in the
provinces of Peru and Guatemala; and sufficient evidence regarding
this will be given to the court whenever it is necessary." ^
This is a serious charge, but so far as is known it was never substan-
tiated. Cortes was anxious to enforce his point, and he was not always
scrupulous in regard to the exact truth. The important point is that
such charges were made by a man who was in the position to learn all
• The document, as printed in Doc. In6d. Hi&t. Espafla, vol. iv,
pp. 209-217, is not dated. The date
given in the text Is taken from the heading or title to the petition, which, if not the original, has at
least the authority of Sefior Navarrete, the editor of this Coleccion when the earlier volumes were
printed. This memorial appears, from the contents, to have been one of the documents suhmitted In
the litigation then going on between the rival claimants for the privilege of exploring the country
discovered by Friar Marcos, although the document is not printed with the other papers in the case.
'Documentos In('ditos Hist. EspaDa, vol. iv, p. 211 Memorial que dio el Marques del Valle en
:

Madrid d 25 de Jnnio de 1540. . . . "Al tiempo que yo vino de la dicha tierra el dicho Fray Marcos
 —

368 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ethaxnU

the facts, and that the accusations were made before anyone knew how
little basis there was for the stories which were the cause of the whole
trouble. Without trying to clear the character of Cortes, it is possible
to suggest the answer to the most evident reply to his accusations
that he never published the stories which he says he received from the
Indians. Cortes certainly did persist iu his endeavors to explore the
country lying about the head of the Gulf of California. If he ever
heard from the Indians anything concerning the Cibola region which —
is doubtful, partly because Cortes himself complains that if Mendoza
had not interfered with the efficiency of his expeditious, he would have
—
secured this information it would still have been the best policy for
Cortes to keep the knowledge to himself, so that possible rivals might
remain ignorant of it until he had perfected his own plans. It may be
questioned how long such secrecy would have been possible, but we
know how successfully the Spanish authorities managed to keep from
the rest of the world the correct and complete cartographical informa-
tion as to what was being accomi)lished iu the New World, throughout
the period of exploration and conquest.
—
The truce it can hardly be called » friend shii) between Mendoza —
and Cortes, which prevailed during the first years of the viceroy's admin-
istration, could not last long. Mendoza, as soon as he was fairly set-
tled in his -position in New Spain,' asked the King for a license to make
explorations. Cortes still looked on every rival in the work of extend-
ing this portion of the Spanish world as an interloper, even though he
must have recognized that his prestige at the court and in the New
World was rapidly lessening. The distrust with which each of the two
regarded the other increased the trouble which was inevitable so soon
as the viceroy, urged on by the audiencia, undertook to execute the
royal orders which instructed him to investigate the extent of the
estates held by Cortes, and to enumerate the Indians held to service by
the conqueror. Bjid feeling was inevitable, and the squabbles over
forms of address and of precedence, which Suarez de I'eralta records,
were only a few of many things which reveal the relations of the two
leading men in New Spain.

habl6 conmigo . . 6 yo le di notioia de esta dicha tierra t descnbrimiento de ella, porqae tenia
determinacioQ de enviarlo en mis navlos en proaeguimiento y coiujuista do la dieha costa y tierra, purque
parescia qne se le entendia algo de cosas de navegacion el cual dicfao fraile lo comuuic6 con el diclio
:

visorey, y con sn licencia diz que fu6 por tierra en demanda de la misma costa y tierra que yo babia
descubierto, y que era y es de mi conqnista; y despues que volvi6 el dicbo fraile ba publicado que diz
que lleg6 & Tista de la dicba tierra lo canl yo niego Itaber 61 viato ni descubierto, antea lo qne el dicbo
;

fraile refiere liaber viato, lo ba dicbo y dice por sola la relacion que yo le bnbia bccbo de la noticia que
tenia de loa indioa de la dicba tierra de Santa Cruz que yo troje, porque tedo lo que el dicbo fraile ae
dice qne refiere, ea lo miamo que loa dicboa indios li mi me dijeron; y en baberae en eato adelantjido el
dicbo Fray Alarcos tingiendo y refiriendo lo que no aabo ni viii, no bizo coaa nuovu, porque otraa
mucbas vecea loba becbo y lo tiene por coatumbre como es notorio en laa provinciaa del Peni y Guate-
mala, y ae darii de el]o informacion bastante luego en estA corte, aiendo neccaario."
'Tbe request occurs in the earlieat letters from tbe viceroy, and ia repeated in tbat of l>eccmber
10, 1537. This privilege was withdrawn from all govemora in tbe colonics by one of tbe New Lawa of
1513. (Icazbalceta, Col. Hist. Mexico, ii, 2(M.) The ill aucceas of Coronado'a efforta did not weaken
Mendoza'a desire to enlarge bia territory, for he begs hi.H agent in Spain, Juan de Aguilar, to secure
for bin) a fresh grant of the privilege in a later letter. (Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indiaa, vol. iii,
p. 506; li. Smith, Florida, p. 7.)
6
BUREAU OF ETHNOt-OOV
 FOURTFFNTM ANNUAL REPORT PI.

C2«,Tt>n.

MARE DELc^A
^AWh-r.,/.
NOVA FRANZA

yfAarta

i:.Xa<SV

[Link].

MARE DEL NORT

'C.5«<rc<i

^cAtHa. Croc*

. r

a
t Stilt
^ ^ '^ ^i^aj- &»»**"»-

S.l«a>o ^/\
rist-nf^

^jirhoi»i^(..y\4: J* ^/lo-Aj^

,Jln^«n,

E, 1566
wiNSHip] PLANS OF CORTES 369

We can not be certain what the plans of Cortes were, nor can we
tell just how much he did to carry his schemes into execution, during
the years from 1537 to 1540. Shortly after the men whom Cortes had
established at Santa Cruz were recalled, a decree was issued, in the
name of the audiencia, to forbid the sending of any expedition for
exploration or conquest from New Spain. Cortes declared that he had
at this time, September, 1538, nine good ships already built. He was
naturally unwilling to give up all hope of deriving any benefit from
his previous undertakings, as would be inevitable if Mendoza should
succeed in his projects for taking advantage of whatever good things
could be found toward the north. The danger must have seemed clear
so soon as he learned of the departure of Friar Marcos and the negro
on their journey toward the Seven Cities. There is no means of know-
ing whether Cortes had learned of the actual discovery of Cibola, when
he suddenly ordered Francisco de Ulloa to take three vessels and sail
up the coast toward the head of the Gulf of California. The friar may
have sent Indian messengers to the viceroy so soon as he heard the
native reports about the seven cities of Cibola, and it is i>ossible that
the news of his approaching return may have reached New Spain before
the departure of ITlloa, which took place July 8, 1530, from Acapulco.'
It seems clear that this action was unexpected, and that it was a suc-
cessful anticipation of preventive measures. In the statement of his
grievances, Cortes declares that Mendoza not only threw every jiossible
obstacle in his way, seizing six or seven vessels which failed to get away
with TJlloa, but that even after Ulloa had gone, the viceroy sent a strong
force up the coast to prevent the ships from entering any of the ports.
When stress of weather forced one of the ships to put into Guatulco,
the pilot and sailors were imprisoned and the viceroy persistently
refused to return the ship to its owner. About the same time, a mes-
senger who had been sent to Cortes from Santiago in Colima was seized
and tortured, in the hope of procuring from him information about the
plans of Cortes.^
After Friar Marcos came back from the north and filled the people in
New Spain with the desire of going to this new country, Cortes realized
that he could do nothing, even in the city which he had won for his
King and for Europe, to prevent the expedition which Mendoza was
—
already organizing. Early in 1540 we know only that he was on his
way when he wrote to Oviedo from Habana^ on February 5 the con- —
queror of Motecuhzoma's empire left Mexico for the last time, and went
to see what he could gain by a personal application at the court of His
Majesty the Emperor, Charles V.

'Ullott's Relation is translated from Kamuaio in Haltluyt, vol. iii, p. 397, ed. 1600.
'Memorial que di6 al Key el Marques del Valle, en Madrid, 25 de Junio, 1540 Printed
: in Doc. ln(d.
Enpafia, vol. iv, p. 209. Compare with tliia aoconnt that in H. H. Bancroft's Mexico, vol. ii, p. 425.
Mr Bancroft is always a strong advocate of the cause of Cortes.
'Oviedo, Historia General, vol. iv, p. 19.

14 ETH 24
370 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].14

Mendoza had guarded against rival expeditions from his own terri-
tory, and so soon as he knew that Friar Marcos had succeeded in his
quest, he took precautions to prevent the news of the discovery from
reaching other portions of the New World. His chief fear, probably,
was lest De Soto, who had recently received a license to explore the
country between the Rio de las Palmas, in the present Texas, and
Florida,' might direct his expedition toward the western limits of his
territory, if he should learn of the rich prospects there. Although
Mendoza probably did not know it, De Soto had sailed, from Habana in
May, 1539, and in July, sending back his largest ships, he began the long
march through the everglatles of Florida, which was to end in the Missis-
sippi. Mendoza, with all the formality of the viceregal authority, ordered
that no vessel sailing from Xew Spain should touch at any port in the
New World on its way back to the home peninsula, and this notice was
duly served on all departing shipmasters by the secretaries of the
viceroy. By the middle of November, however, despite all this care, a
ship from Vera Cruz sailed into the harbor of Habana. The master
declared, on his oath, that he had been forced to put in there, because
sickness had broken out aboard his vessel soon after the departure from
New Spain and because he had discovered that his stock of provisions
and water was insufficient for the voyage across the Atlantic. Curi-
ously enough, one of the crew, possibly one of those who had been seized
with the sickness, had in his possession some letters which he had been
asked to deliver to Hernando De Soto, in Habana. Apparently the
agent or friend of De Soto living in Mexico, one Francisco de Billegas,
did not know that the adelantado had left Cuba, although he had
arranged to have the letters carried to Spain and given to the repre-
sentative of the adelantado there if De Soto was not found at Habana.
De Soto had taken care that his interests should be watched and pro-
tected, in Spain as well as in the New World, when he started on his
search for the land of wealth north of the Gulf of Mexico, the search
on which Ayllon and Narvaez had failed so sadly.
It was the regular practice of all the governors and successful
explorers in the colonies of the empire to maintain representatives in
Spain who should look after their interests at court and before the
administrative bureaus. When the news of Friar Marcos' discovery
reached Europe, accompanied by reports of the preparations which
Mendoza was making for an expedition to take possession of the new
territory, protests and counterclaims were immediately presented in
behalf of allwho could claim any right to participate in this
those
new field The first formal statements were filed with the
of conquest.
Council for the Indies, March 3, 1540, and on June 10, 1541, the factor
or representative of Cortes, whose petition is first among the papers
relating to the case, asked for an extension of six days. This ends the
> The eapitulacion or agreement witli De Soto ia printed in Faobeoo y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias. vol.
XV, pp. 351-363.
WINSHIP] EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO 371

documents concerning the litigation, so far as they have been printed.^

Petitions, testimony, narratives of explorations and discoveries, acts
taking possession of new lands, notifications and decisions, appeals
and countercharges, were filed and referred, each claimant watching his
and objecting to their claims so strenuously that the
rivals so closely
fiscal, Villalobos, in his report on the case, May 25, 1540, gives
as one of
the most which he oflPers to the
conclusive reasons in favor of the advice
Council, that each of the parties has clearly proved that none of the
others have any right to claim a share in the newly discovered region
by virtue of any grants, licenses, or achievements whatsoever.
Of the various claimants, the representative of the adelantado Her-
nando De Soto offered perhaps the best argument. The territory
granted to De Soto extended on the west to the Eio de las Palmas, and
this grant was the same as that previously made to Narvaez. The dis-
covery had grown out of the expedition of ]^arvaez, to whose rights
De Soto had succeeded, through the reports which Cabeza de Vaca
carried to New Spain. The newly discovered region was evidently
inland, and this fact disposed of the two prominent rivals, Cortes and
Alvarado. The adelantado had expended large sums in preparing for
—
this undertaking a claim advanced with equal vigor by all the par-
ties, and usually supported by specific accounts, which unfortunately
—
are not printed and it was only right that he should be given every
opportunity to reap the full advantage from these outlays. Most impor-
tant of all was the fact that De Soto was already in the country north
of the gulf, in command of a large and well equipped force, and pre-
sumably on his way toward the region about which they were disputing.
Because De Soto was there, urged his representative with strong and
persistent emphasis, all other exploring expeditions ought to be kept
away. It was clearly probable that great and notorious scandals would
ensue unless this was guarded against, just as had happened in Peru.
If this precaution was not taken, and two expeditions representing
conflicting interests should be allowed to come together in the country
beyond the reach of the royal restraint, many lives would inevitably be
lost and great damage be done to the Spaniards, and to the souls of
the Indians as well, while the enlargement of the royal patrimony
would be hindered.^
Cortes reached Spain some time in April, 1540,' and was able to direct
his case in person for much of the time. He urged the priority of his

'TheBe documents fill 108 pages in volume xv of the Pacheco j Cardenas Docnmentos de Indias.
At least one other document presented in the case, the Capitulacion . . que liizo Ayllon, is
.

printed elsewhere in the same Culeccion. This, also, does not include the two long memorials which
Cortes succeeded in presenting to the King in person.
* This much feared couj unction came very near to being realized. A
comparison of the various plot-
tings of the routes Be Soto and Coronado may have followed and of their respective itineraries shows
that the two parties could not have been far apart in the present Oklahoma or Indian territory, or
perhaps north of that region. This evidence is confirmed by the story of the Indian woman, related
by Castaueda. Dr J. G. Shea, in [Link]'s Narrative and Critical History, vol. ii, p. '292, states that
Coronodo heard of his countryman De Soto, and sent a letter to him. This is almost certainly a
mistake, which probably originated in a misinterpretation of a statement made by Jaramillo.
' See hi.s Carta in Doc. In^d. Espafia, vol. civ, p. 491.
372 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].M

claims under the royal liceuse, dating from 1529.i He told of Lis many
efforts to enlarge the Spanish domain, undertaken at great exi)ense,
personal sacrifit'e and danger, and resulting in the loss of relations
and friends. From all of this, as he carefully pointed out, neither
His Majesty nor himself had received any proper benefit, though this
was not the result of any fault or lack of diligence on his part, as he
hastened to explain, but had been caused by the persistent and ill-
concealed hostility of the audiencia and the viceroy in New Spain,
"concerning all of which His Majesty must have been kept heretofore
in ignorance."
Nuiio de Guzman presented his case in person, though perhaps this
was not so much because it was more efiective as because his resources
must have been limited and his time little occupied. He was able,
indeed, to make out a very good argument, assuming his right to the gov-
ernorship of New Galicia, a province which had been greatly enlarged
by his conquests. These conquests were toward the north, and he
had taken possession of all the land in that direction in behalf of
His Catholic Majesty. He would have extended the Spanish territory
much farther in the same direction, if only his zealous efforts had not
been abruptly cut short by his persecutors, through whose malicious
efforts he was even yet nominally under arrest. Nor was this all, for
all future expeditions into the new region must go across the territory
which was rightfully his, and they could only succeed by the assistance
and resources which would be drawn from his country. Thus he was
the possessor of the key to all that lay beyond.
The commission or license which Pedro de Alvarado took with him
from Spain the year before these proceedings opened, granted him per-
mission to explore toward the west and the north the latter provision —
probably inserted as a result of the reports which Cabeza de Vaca
brought to Spain. Alvarado had prepared an expedition at great
expense, and since the new region lay within his grant, his advocate
pleaded, it would evidently pertain to him to conquer it. Moreover, he
was in very high favor at court, as is shown by the ease with which he
regained his position, in spite of the attack by the Mexican audiencia,
and also by the ease with which he obtained the papal permission
allowing him to marry the sister of his former wife. But Alvarado
figures only slightly in the litigation, and he may have appeared as a
party in order to maintain an opposition, rather than with any hope
or intention of establishing the justice of his claims. Everything seems
to add to the probability of the theory that Mendoza effected an alli-
ance with him very early. It is possible that the negotiations may
have begun before Alvarado left Spain, although there is no certainty
about anything which preceded the written articles of agreement.
Some of the contemporary historians appear to have been ignorant
even of these.
1 Tlie Titiilo, etc, tlatod 6 Jnlio, 1529, is in Pacbeco y Canlenas, Coleceiou de Doonmentos In6ditos de
Indias, vol. iv. pp. 572-574.
UJ

I
I-
WIN8HIP] OPPOSITION TO THE EXPEDITION 373
The Council for the Indies referred the whole matter of the petitions
and accompanying evidence to the fiscal, the licentiate Villalobos, April
21, 1540. He made a rei)ort, which virtually decided the case. May 25.
The parties were given an opportunity of replying to this, and they
continued to present evidence and petitions and countercharges for a
year longer. The final decision, if any was made, has not been printed,
so far as I know, but the Council could hardly have done anything
beyond formally indorsing the report of Villalobos. The duty of the
fiscal was plain, and his report advises His Majesty not to grant any of
the things asked for by the petitioners. He states that this discovery
ought to be made by and in behalf of His Majesty, since the region
was not included in any previous grant. Although the Crown had
forbidden any further unlicensed explorations, this would not prevent
expeditions being undertaken on the part of the Crown, which is always
at liberty to explore at [Link] effect, of course, the report sanctioned
the exploration by Mendoza, who represented the royal interests and
power. An objection wixs at once entered in belialf of De Soto, using
the very good argument that Mendoza's expedition would be sent out
either at the expense of the Crown or of his private fortune. If the
former, it was claimed that as the explorer would have the glory in any
event, the Crown ought to save the expense by allowing De Soto, who
had already undertaken the same thing at his own cost, to make these
discoveries, which he promised should redound to as great an extent to
the glory and advantage of the Emperor. If Mendoza was undertak-
ing this at his own expense, it was evident that he would desire to
recover his outlay. Here he was merely on the same footing as De
Soto, who was prepared to make a better offer to his Eoyal Master than
Mendoza could possibly afford. In either case there was the danger of
scandal and disaster, in case the two expeditions shonld be allowed to
come together beyond the range of the royal oversight. "No answer to
this appeal is recorded, and the parties continued to argue down their
opponents' cases, while the viceroy in New Spain started the expedition
which, under the command of Francisco Vazquez Coronado, discovered
the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico, the Grand canyon of the Colorado,
and the bison of the great plains.

The Expedition to New Mexico and the Great Plains

the organization of the expedition
Two classes of coloiusts are essential to the security and the perma-
nent prosperity of every newly opened country. In New Spain in the
sixteenth century these two classes, sharply divided and almost antago-
nistic — —
the established settlers and the free soldiers of fortune were
both of considerable importance. Cortes, so soon as he had conquered
the country, recognized the need of providing for its settlement by a
stable population. In the petitions and memorials which he wrote iu
374 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link]. u

1539 and 1540 he continually reiterates the declaration of the pains

and losses sustained on account of his efforts to bring colonists from
Spain to populate the New World. Whether he accomplished all that
these memorials claim is doubtful, for there are comparatively few ref-
erences to this class of immigrants during the years when Cortes was
in a position to accomplish his designs. Mendoza declared that the
increase of the European population in New Spain came largely after
his own arrival there, in 1535, and this was probably true. The "good
viceroy" unquestionably did more than anyone else to place the prov-
ince on a permsiuent basis.'
Mendoza supervised with great care the assignment of land to the
newcomers, and provided tools and stock for those who had not the
means of equipping their farms. As a royal decree forbade the grant-
ing of land to unmarried men, besides directing an increase of royal
favor and additional grants proportionate to the increase of children,
the viceroy frequently advanced the money which enabled men who
were desirous of settling down to get married. When he came from
Spain in 1535, he brought with him a number of eligible spinsters, and
it is quite probable that, after these had found husbands, he main-

tained the supply of maids suitable to become the wives of those colo-
nists who wished to experience the royal bouutj^ and favor. Alvarado
engaged in a similar undertaking when he came out to Guatemala in
1539, but with less success than we may safely hope rewarded the
thoughtfuluess of Mendoza.^ A
royal order in 1538 had decreed that
all who held encomiendas should marry within three years, if not
already possessed of a wife, or else forfeit their estates to married men.
Some of the bachelor landholders protested against the enforcement of
this order in Guatemala, because eligible white women could not be
found nearer than Mexico. To remove this objection, Alvarado brought
twenty maidens from Spain. Soon after their arrival, a reception was
held, at which they were given a chance to see their prospective hus-
bands. During the evening, one of the girls declared to her companions
that she never could marry one of these "old fellows, who . . .

were cut up as if they had just escaped from the infernal regions,
. . for some of them are lame, some have only one hand, others
.

have no ears or only one eye, and some of them have lost half their
faces. The best of them have one or two scars across their foreheads."
' Fragmento Visita Mendoza, Icazbalceta's Mexico, vol. ii, p. 90, § 86. " Porque antes que el dicho
:

visorey Tiniese . . habia may poca gente y los corregimieutos bastaban para proveellos y siiateu-
.

tallos, y corao despiiea de la venida del dicho visorey creci6 la gente y se aumentii, y de cada dia vieuen
gentes pobres & qnien se ba de proveer de comer, con la dicba ba,ia y vacaciones so ban jiroveido y
remediado, y ain ella bubierau padecido y padecieran gran necesidad. y no se poblara tanto la tierra,
y dello 86 di6 noticia A S. M. y lo aprob6 y ae tuvo por aervido en ello. ^ 194 (p. 117) Despues que el
:

dicho visor«y vino & esta Nueva Eapana, continaniente ba acogido en au casa A caballeroa y otraa per-
sonas que vienen necesitadoa de Espa&a y de otras partes, ddndolea de comer y [Link], caballos y
arraaa con que airvaii A S. M." . . .

'Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarioa Reales, part ll, cap. i, lib. ii, p. 58 (e<l. 1722), tells the story of
Alvarado's experiment. The picture of the life and character of tlie Spaniah conquerors of America,
in the eyes of a girl fresh from Europe, is so vivid and suggeative that its omission would bo ui^usti-
flable.
 '

wiNSHip] EARLY CONDITION OP NEW SPAIN 375

The that one of the "old fellows" overheard this outburst,
story is

reported it and promptly went oft' and married the

to his friends,
daughter of a powerful cacique.
Besides assisting his colonists to get wives, Mendoza did a great deal
to foster the agiicultural interests of the province. He continued the
importation of cattle, which Cortes had begun, and also procured
horses and sheep from Spain. He writes in one of his letters of the espe-
cial satisfaction that he felt because of the rapid increase of his merino
sheep, in spite of the depredations of the natives and of wild animals.
The chief concern of the otflcials of the audiencia had been the gold
mines, which yielded a considerable revenue in certain districts; but
Mendoza, without neglecting these, proved how large and reliable was
the additional revenue which could be derived from other sources.
The viceroy's success in developing the province can not be shown
more clearly than by repeating the description of New Spain in 1555,
written by Eobert Tomson, an English merchant engaged in the Span-
ish trade. In the course of a business tour Tomson visited the City
of Mexico. His commercial friends in the city entertained him most
hospitably,and did their best to make his visit pleasant. He refused,
however, to heed their warnings, and his indiscreet freedom of speech
finally compelled the ofBcials of the Inquisition to imprison him, thus
adding considerably to the length of his residence in the city. After
he returned home, he wrote a narrative of his tour, in which he says of
New Spain:
"As mutton, and hennes, capons, quailes,
for victuals in the said Citie, of beefe,
Guifiy-cockes, and such like, all are very good cheape To say, the whole quarter of
:

an oxe, as much as a slaue can carry away from the Butchers, for fine Tomynes, that
is, fine Royals of plate, which is iust two shillings and sixe pence, and a fat sheepe

at the Butchers for tliree Royals, which is 18. pence and no more. Bread is as good
cheape as in Spaine, and all other kinde of fruites, as apples, peares, pomegranats,
and quinces, at a reasonable rate. [The country] doth yeeld great store of
. . .

very good silke, and C'ochinilla. Also there are many goodly fruits, whereof
. . .

we haue none such, as Plantanos, Gnyaues, Sapotes, Tunas, and in the wildemes
great store of hiacke cheries, and other wholsome fruites. Also the Indico
. . .

that doeth come from thence to die blew, is a certaine hearbe. Balme, . . .

Salsaperilla, caua fistula, suger, oxe hides, and many other good and serniceablo
things the Countrey doeth yeeld, which are yeerely brought into Spaine, and there
solde and distributed to many nations."
The other the colonists of New Spain in the second
class among
quarter of the sixteenth century "floated like cork on the water" on
those who had established their homes in the New World.^ The men
' ToniBon's whole uarrative, in Haklayt, Voyages, vol. iii, p. 447 (ed. 1600), is -well worth reading.
Considerahle additional inlomiatiim in regard to the internal condition of New Spain, at a little
later date, may be fonnd in tlie " Discoursea " which follow Tomaon's Narrative, in the same volume
of Hakluyt.
* The proof text for this quotation, as for many of the following statements which are taken from

Mota Padilla a Historia de la Kiieva Galicia, may be fountl in footnotes to the passages which they
illustrate in the translation of Castaheda's narrative. I hope this arrangement will prove most con-
venient for those who study the documents included in this memoir. I shall not attempt in the
introductory narrative to make any further references showing my indebtedness to Kota Padilla's
invaluable work.
376 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

who made it i^ossible to live in security on the farms and ranches

of the province had rendered many and indispensable services, and

there was much that tbey might still do to enlarge its boundaries and
make the security more certain. They were, nevertheless, a serious
hindrance to the prosperity of the settlements. For the most part they
were young men of all sorts and degrees. Among them were many
sons of Spanish noblemen, like Mendoza the viceroy, whose brother
had just succeeded his father as Marquis de Mondejar. Very much of
the extension of the Spanish world by discovery and conquest was due
to the sons of men of rank, who had, perhaps generally, begun to sow
their wild oats in Spain and were sent across the Atlantic in order to
keep them out of mischief at home, or to atone, it may be, for mischief
already done. In action, these young caballeros were most efficient.
By personal valor and ability, they held the positions of leadership
everywhere, among men who followed whom and when they chose, and
always chose the man who led them most successfully. When inactive,
these same cavaliers were a most trying annoyance to any community
in which they happened to be. Armed with royal letters and compre-
hensive introductions, they had to be entertained, at heavy charges.
Masters of their own movements, they came as they liked, and very
often did not go away. Lovers of excitement, they secured it regard-
less of other men's wives or property.
There had been few attractions to draw these adventurers away
from Mexico, the metropolis of the mainland, for some time previous
to 1539. Peru still offered excitement for those who had nothing to
gain or lose, but the purely personal struggle going on there between
Pizarro and Almagro could not arouse the energies of those who were
in search of glory as well as of employment. A considerable part of
the rabble which followed Nuiio de Guzman during the conquest of
New Galicia went to Peru after their chief had been superseded by the
Licentiate de la Torre, so that one town is said to have disappeared
entirely from this cause; but among these there were few men of good
birth and spirit. Mendoza had been able, at first, to accommodate
and employ those who accompanied him from Spain, like Vazquez
Coronado, "being chiefly young gentlemen." But every vessel com-
ing from home brought some companion or friend of those who were
already in New Spain, and after Oabeza de Vaca carried the reports of
his discoveries to the Spanish court, an increasing number came each
season to join the already burdensome body of useless members of the
viceregal household. The viceroy recognized the necessity of relieving
the community of this burden very soon after he had established him-
self in Mexico, and he was continually on the watch for some suitable
means of freeing himself from these guests. By 1539 the problem of
—
looking after these young gentlemen whose number is determined
quite accurately by the two hundred and lifty or three hundred "gen-
tlemen on horseback" who left New Spain with Coronado in the
8
>'
W1N8HIP] OBGANIZATION OP THE EXPEDIIION 377

spriug of 1540 —had become a serious one to the viceroy. The most
desirable employment for all this idle energy would be, of course, the
exploration and conquest of new country, or the opening of the border
territory for permanent settlement. But no mere work for work's sake,
no wild-goose chase, would do. These young gentlemen had many
friends near to Charles V, who would have resented any abuse of
privilege or of confidence. A suitable expedition could be undertaken
only at considerable expense, and unless the cost could all be made
good to the accountants in Spain, complaints were sure to be preferred
against even the best of viceroys. So Mendoza entertained his guests
as best he <;ould, while they loafed about his court or visited his stock
farms, and he anxiously watched the reports which came from the offi-
cials of the northwestern province of New Galicia and from the priests
who were wandering and working among the outlying Indian tribes.
When, late in the summer of 1539, Friar Marcos returned from tlie north,
bringing the assurance that Cibola was a desirable field for conquest,
the viceroy quickly improved the opportunity for which he had been
waiting. Within a month and a half Mendoza had begun to organize
the force which was to conquer this new country.
Compostela, on the Pacific coast, was announced as the place at
which the force should assemble. The viceroy desired to have the
army begin its march so soon as the roads were passable in the spring,
and he wished also to relieve the Indians living in the districts between
Mexico and the coast from as much as possible of the annoyance and loss
which would be inevitable if the army started from Mexico and marched
through this territory in a body. How much this forethought for the
Indians was needed appears from Mendoza's reply to the accusations
against him filed during the visita of 1547, which showed that all his
care had not saved the Indians of Michoacan from needless injury at
the hands of those who were on their way to join the gathering at Com-
postela. Incidentally, this arrangement also gave the capital city an
earlier relief from its unwelcome guests.
Popular as was the expedition to the Seven Cities, there was a little
opposition to the undertaking. When it became evident that a large
force was about to leave the country, some of those who were to re-
main behind complained that all New Spain was being depopulated,
and that no one would be left to defend the country in case of an
Indian uprising. When Mendoza reached Compostela, by the middle
of February, 1540, Coronado asked him to make an official investiga-
tion of these complaints. The formal lequest is dated February 21,
and on the following day, Sunday, the viceroy held a grand review of
the whole array, with everyone ready equipped for the march. As the
men passed before the viceregal party the secretaries ma<le an exact
count and description of the force, but this document is not now known.
Its loss is partly supplied by the sworn testimony of the officials who
were best acquainted with the inhabitants of all parts of New Spain,
378 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

recorded a few days after the departure of the expedition. They declare
that in the whole array there were only two or three men who had ever
been settled residents in the country ; that these few were men who had
failed to make a living as settlers, and that, in short, the whole force
was a good riddance.'
The men who assembled at Oompostela to start«for the Seven Cities
numbered, Mendoza stated at the time of the visita in 1547, "about
two hundred and fifty Spaniards on horseback, and about . . .

three hundred Indians, a few more or less." Mota Padilla, who

must have used documents of the very best authority, nearly all of
which have since disappeared, gives the number of the force as " two
hundred and sixty horsemen, seventy footmen, . .and more . .

than a thousand friendly Indians and Indian servants." Herrera, wlio

used ofiflcial documents, says that there were one hundred and fifty
horsemen and two hundred footmen. Mendoza's statement of the num-
ber of Indians may be explained, if we suppose him to have referred
only to the friendly Indians who went on the expedition as native
allies. His statement is made in the course of a defense of his adminis-
tration, when he was naturally desirous of giving as small a number
as possible. Castaneda says that there were three hundred horsemen,
and number occurs, in other early narratives.
this
Mendoza spared neither pains nor expense to insure the success of the
expedition. Arms, horses, and supplies were furnished in abundance;
money was advanced from the royal chest to any who had debts to pay
before they could depart, and provision was made for the support of
those who were about to be left behind by fathers, brothers, or hus-
bands. The equipment of the force was all that the viceroy could
desire. Arms and military supplies had been among the things greatly
needed in New Spain when Mendoza reported its condition in his first
letters to the home government. In 1537 he repeated his request for
these supplies with increased insistence. The subject is not again men-
tioned in his letters, and we may fairly suppose that he had received the
weapons and munitions of war, fresh from the royal arsenals of Spain,
with which he equipped the exi)edition on whose success he had staked
so much. It was a splendid array as it passed in review before Mendoza
and the officials who helped and watched him govern ^ew Spain, on this
Sunday in February, 1540. The young cavaliers curbed the picked
horses fiom the large stock farms of the viceroy, each resplendent in
long blankets flowing to the ground. Each rider held his lance erect,
while his sword and other weapons hung in their proper jjlaces at his
side. Some were arrayed in coats of mail, polished to shine like that of
their general, whose gilded armor with its brilliant trappings was to
bring him many hard blows a few months later. Others wore iron hel-
mets or vizored headpieces of the tough bullhide for which the country
> The Testimonio contains so much that is of interest to the historical student that I have trans-
lated it in full herein.
 —
{jr/i4^'

wmsHip] ANTECEDENTS OF CORONADO 379

has ever been famous. The footmen carried crossbows and harquebuses,
while some of them were armed with sword and shield. Looking on at
these white men with their weapons of European warfare was the crowd
of native allies in their paint and holiday attire, armed with the club and
the bow of an Indian warrior. When all these started off next morning,
in duly ordered companies, with their banners flying, upward of a thou-
sand servants and followers, black men and red men, went with them,
leading the spare horses, driving the pack animals, bearing the extra
baggage of their masters, or herding the large droves of "big and little
cattle," of oxen and cows, sheep, and, maybe, swine,' which had been
collected by the viceroy to assure fresh food for the army on its march.
There were more than a thousand horses in the train of the force,
besides the mules, loaded with camp supplies and provisions, and car-
rying half a dozen pieces of light artillery the i^edreros, or swivel —
guns of the period.
After the review, the army assembled before the viceroy, who
addressed to them an' exhortation befitting the occasion. Each man,
whether captain or foot soldier, then swore obedience to his commander
and officers, and promised to prove himself a loyal and faithful vassal
to his Lord the King. During the preceding week the viceroy had
divided the force into companies, and now he assigned to each its cap-
tain, as Castaneda relates, and announced the other oflQcers of the army.
—
Francisco Vazquez Coronado de Coronado it is sometimes written
was captain general of the whole force. "Who he is, what he has
already done, and his personal qualities and abilities, which may be
made useful in the various affairs which arise in these parts of the
Indies, I have already written to Your Majesty," writes Mendoza to
the Emperor, in the letter of December 10, 1537. This previous letter
is not known to exist, and there is very little to supply the place of
its description of the character and antecedents of Vazquez Coronado.
His home was in Salamanca,'^ and he came to America in the retinue
of Mendoza in 1535. His relations with his patron, the viceroy, previ-
ous to the return of the expedition from Cibola, appear always to have
been most cordial and intimate. In 1537 Coronado married Beatrice
de Estrada, a cousin by blood, if gossip was true, of the Emperor,
Charles V. Her father, Alonso, had been royal treasurer of New Spain.
From his mother-in-law Coronado received as a marriage gift a consid-
erable estate, "the half of Tlapa," which was confirmed to him by a
royal grant. Cortez complained that the income from this estate was
worth more than 3,000 ducados, and that it had been unduly and incon-
siderately alienated from the Crown. Coronado obtained also the
estate of one Juan de Burgos, apparently one of those who forfeited

'Herrera, Histoiia General, dec. VI, 111), ix, cap. xi, vol. iii, p. 204 (ed. 17:10), niontions pigs among
the food supply of the army. For the above description, which is not so fanciful as it sounds, see
Dotes from Slota Pa<lilla. etc, accompanying th« translation of Castaueda.
'Castafieda's statement is supported by Herrera, Hist4>ria General, dec. vi, lib. v, cap. ix, vol. iii,

p. 121 (ed. 1730), and by Telle, in Icazbalceta sMexico, vol. li, p. 370.
380 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

their land because they persisted in the unmarried state. This ar-
rangement likewise received the royal approval.^ When, however, "the
new laws and ordinances for the Indies" came out from Spain in 1544,*
after Corouado's return from the northern expedition, one of the sec-
tions expressly ordered an investigation into the extent and value of
the estates held by Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, since it had been
reported to the King that the number of Indians held to service on these
estates was very excessive. Mendoza had to answer the same charge
at his visita in 1547.
Mendoza sent Coronado, in 1537, to the mines at Amatepeque, where
the negroes had revolted and "elected a king," and where they threat-
ened to cause considerable trouble. The revolt was quelled, after some
fighting, with the help of the Indians of the district. couple of A
dozen of the rebels were hung and quartered at the mines or in the City
of Mexico.'
In the following August, Coronado was legally recognized as a citizen
of the City of Mexico, where he was one of three witnesses chosen to
testify to the formal recognition by Cortes of the royal order which
permitted De Soto to explore and conquer Florida." A month later.
September 7, 1538, the representative of De
Alvaro de Sanjtirjo,
Soto,
summoned Coronado himself to recognize and promise obedience to the
same royal order, "as governor, as the said Sanjurjo declared him to
be, of New Galicia." Coronado readily promised his loyal and respect-
ful obedience to all of His Majesty's commands, but observed that this
matter did not concern him at all, "since he was not governor, nor did
he know that His Majesty desired to have him serve in such a position;
and if His Majesty should desire his services in that position, he would
obey and submit to the royal provision for him whenever he was called
on, and would do what was most serviceable to the royal interests."
He adds that he knows nothing about the government of Ayllon or
that of Narvaez, which were mentioned in the license to De Soto. This
part of his statement can hardly have been strictly true. The answer
was not satisfactory to Sanjurjo, who replied that he had received
information that Coronado was to be appointed governor of New Galicia.
The latter stated that he had already given his answer, and thereupon
Sanjurjo formally protested that the blame for any expenditures, dam-
ages, or scandals which might result from a failure to observe the royal
order must be laid at the door of the oue to whom they rightfully
belonged, and that they would not result from any fault or omission on
the part of De Soto. Sanjurjo may have received some hint or sugges-
tion of the intention to appoint Coronado, but it is quite certain that
DO definite steps had yet been taken to supplant the licentiate, De la
'See the Fragmento de Visita, in Icazbalceta's Doo. Hist. Mexico, vol. ii, p. 95.
'The laws were signed at Valladolid, June 4 and June 26, 1543, aud the copy printed in Icazbalceta's
Doo. Hist. Mexico, vol. ii, p. 214, was promulgated in ^few Spain, March 13, 1544.
'See Mendoza's letter to the King. December 10, 1537.
4 The proc£so which was served on Cortes is In Paoheoo y Cardenas, Doo. de Indias, vol. xv, p. 371.
 Wi

-IV^K
\

^§M«i r\:xmi

%
^ I

U'

mittt
^Il
wiNSHip] EVENTS OF 1538-1539 381

Torre, as governor of New Galicia. Coronado's answer sLows plainly

that he intentionally refused to commit himself when so many things
were uncertain, and when nothing was definitely known about the
country of which Gabeza de Yaca had heard. Meudoza may have sug
gested his appointment at an earlier date, but the King apparently
waited until he learned of De la Torre's untimely death before approv-
ing the selection. The confirmation was signed April 18, 1530, and at
the same time Coronado was appointed to take the residencia of his
predecessor. The King agreed to allow the new governor a salary of
1,000 ducats from the royal treasure chests and 1,500 more from the
province, with the proviso that the royal revenues were not to be held
responsible for this latter sum in case New Galicia proved too poor to
yield so large an amount. Coronado probably went at once to his
province when he received the notice of his nomination, for he was in
Guadalajara on November 19, 1538, where he approved the selection of
judges and magistrates for the ensuing year by the city of Compostela,
which had held its election before his arrival. At the same time he
appointed the judges for Guadalajara.
Coronado probably spent the winter of 1538-39 in New Galicia,
arranging the administration and other affairs of his government. He
entertained Friar Marcos, when the latter passed through liis province
in the spring of 1539, and accompanied the friar as far as Culiacan, the
northernmost of the Spanish settlements. Here he provided the friar
with Indians, provisions, and other things necessary for the journey to
the Seven Cities. Later in the spring, the governor returned to Gua-
dalajara, and devoted considerable attention to the improvement and
extension of this city, so that it Avas able to claim and obtain from the
King a coat of arms and the title of "city" during the following sum-
mer.' He was again here on January 9, 1540, when he promulgated
the royal order, dated December 20, 1538, which decreed that inasmuch
as it was reported that the cities in the Indies were not built with suf-
ficient permanency, the houses being of wood and thatched with straw,
so that fires and conflagrations were of frequent occurrence, tiierefore
no settler should thereafter build a house of any material except stone,
brick, or unbaked brick, and the houses should be built after the fash-
ion of those in Spain, so that they might be permanent, and an adorn-
ment to the cities. Between these dates it is very likely that Coronado
may have made some attempt to explore the mountainous regions
north of the province, as Castaueda says, although his evidence is by
no means conclusive.
About midsummer of 1539, Friar Marcos came back from Cibola.
Coronado met him as he passed through New Galicia, and together they
returned to Mexico to tell the viceroy what the friar had seen and
heard. Coronado remained at the capital during the autumn and early

'The grant, dated at Madrid, NoTemberS, 1539, is given in Tello's Fragmento (Icazbalceta's Doc.
Hist. Mexico, vol. ii, p. 371).
 —

382 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, X540-1542 [Link].U

winter, taking an active part in all the preparations for the expedition
"which he was to command. After the final review in Compostela, he
"was placed in command of the army, with the title of captain-general.

THE DEPARTURE OF THE EXPEDITION

Monday, February 23, 1540, the army which was to conquer the
Seven Cities of Cibola started on its northward march from Com-
postela.^ For 80 leagues the march was along the "much-used roads"
which followed the coast up to Culiacan.^
Everyone was eager to reach the wonderful regions which were to
be their destination, but it was impossible to make rapid progress.
The cattle could not be hurried, while the baggage animals and the car-
riers were so heavily laden with equipments and provisions that it was
necessary to allow them to take their own time. Several days were
lost at the Oentizpac river, across which the cattle had to be trans-

1 Before the end of the montli Mendoza wrote a lett«r to the King, in -which he gave a detailed
account of the preparations he had made to insure the snccesa of the expedition, and of the departure
of the army. This letter is not known to exist.
^This march from Compostela to Culiaoan, according to the letter which Coronado wrote from
Granada-Zuni on August 3, occupied eighty days. The same letter gives April 22 as the date when
Coronado left Coliacan, after stopping for several days in that town, and this date is corroborated by
another account, the Traslado de las Xuevas. April 22 is only sixty days after February 23, the date
of the departure, which is fixed almost beyond question by the legal formaliUes of the Testimonio of
February 21-26. We have only Kamusio's Italian text of Coronado's August 3 letter, so that it is
easy to suspect that a slip on the part of the translator causes the trouble. Cut to complicate mat-
ters, eighty days previous to April 22 is about the 1st of February. Mota Padilla, who used material
of great value in his Ilistoria de la Nueva Galicia, says that the army marched from Compostela " el
1° de Febrero del aiio de 1540." Castaneda does not give much help, merely stating that the whole
force was assembled at ComxxMtela by "el dia de cames tollendas," the carnival preceding Shrove
tide, which in 1540 fell on February 10, Faster being March 28. Mendoza, who had spent the New
Tear's season at Pasquaro, the seat of the bishopric of Michoacan, did not hasten his journey across
the country, and we know only that the whole force had assembled before he arrived at Compostela.
At least a fortnight would have been necessary for completing the organization of the force, and for
collecting and arranging all the supplies.
Another combination of dates makes it hard to decide how rapidly the army marched. Mendoza
was at Compostela February 26. He presumably started on his return to Mexico very soon after that
date. He went down the coast to Colima, where he was detained by an attack of fever for some days.
Thence he proceeded to Jacona, where he wrote a letter to the King, April 17, 3540. March 20 Men-
doza received the report of MelchiorDiaz, who had spent the precetling winter in the countrj' through
which Friar Marcos had traveled, trying to verify the friar's report. Diaz, and Saldivar his lieuten-
ant, on their return from the north, met the army at Chiametla as it was about to resume its march,
after a few days' delay. Diaz stopped at Chiametla, while Saldivar carried the report to the viceroy,
and he must have travele<l very rapidly to deliver bis packets on March 20, when Mendoza had left
Colima, although he probably had. not arrived at Jacona.
Everything points to the very slow progress of the force, hampered by the long baggage and pro-
vision trains. Castaneda says that they reached Culiacan just before Easter, March 28. less than
thirty -five daysaft*r February 23. Here Coronado stopped for a fortnight's entertainment and rest,
according to Castaneda, who was present. Mota Padilla Says that the army 8taye<l here a month, and
this agrees with Castafieda's statement that the main body started a fortnight later than their general.
The attempt to arrange an itinerary of the expedition is perplexing, and has not been made easier by
modem students. Professor Haynes, in his Early Explorations of New Mexico (Winsor's Narra-
tive and Critical History, vol. ii, p. 481), following Bandelier's statement on page 26 of his Docu-
mentary History of Zufii, says that the start from Compostela was made "in the last days of Febru-
ary, 1540." Mr Bandolier, however, who has given much more time to the study of everything
connected with this expedition than has been possible for any other investigator, in his latest work
—
The Gilded Man, p. 164 adopts the date which is given by Mota Padilla. The best and the safest
way out of this tangle in chronology is gained by accepting the three specific dates, Febrtiary 23
or possibly 24— Easter, and April 22, disregarding every statement about the number of days inter-
Tening.
wmsHip] DEATH OF SAMANIEOO 383

ported one at a time. At Chiametla theie was another delay. Here

the army camped in the remains of a village which Kuuo de Guzman
had established. The settlers had been driven away by a pestilence
caught from the Indians, and by the fierce onslaught of the natives
who came down upon them from the surrounding mountains. The food
supply of Coronado's force was beginning to fail, and as the tribes here-
about were still in rebellion, it became necessary to send a force into
the mountains to obtain provisions. The army master, Samaniego, who
had been warden of one of the royal fortresses,' commanded the forag-
ing party. The men found themselves buried in the thick underbrush
as soon as they passed beyond the limits of the clearing. One of the
soldiers inadvertently, but none the less in disregard of strict orders,
became separated from the main party, and the Indians, who were no-
where to be seen, at once attacked him. In reply to his cries, the watch-
ful commander hastened to his assistance. The Indians who had tried
to seize him suddenly disappeared. When everything seemed to be
safe, Samaniego raisedhis visor, and as he did so an arrow from among
the bushes pierced his eye, passing through the skull. The death of
Samaniego was a severe loss to the expedition. Brave and skillful, he
was beloved by all who were with him or under him. He was buried
in the little chapel of the deserted village. The army postponed its de-
parture long eTiough to capture several natives of the district, whose
bodies were left hanging on the trees in order to counteract the bad
augury which followed from the loss of the first life.^
A much more serious presage was the arrival at Chiametla, as the
army was preparing to leave, of Melchior Diaz and Juan de Saldivar,
or Zaldivar, returning from their attempt to verify the stories told by
Friar Marcos. Melchior Diaz went to New Galicia with Nufio de Guz-
man, and when Cabeza de Vaca appeared in that province, in May
1536, Diaz was in command of the outpost of Culiacan. He was still
at Culiacan, in the autumn of 1539, when Mendoza directed him to take
a mounted force and go into the country toward the north "to see if
the account which Friar Marcos brought back agreed with what he
could observe." He left Culiacan November 17, with fifteen horsemen,
and traveled as far north as the wilderness beyond which Cibola was
situated, following much the same route as the friar had taken, and
questioning the Indians with great care. Many of the statements made
by Friar Marcos were verified, and some new facts Avere obtained, but
nowhere could he find any foundation for the tales of a wealthy and
attractive country, except in the descriptions given by the Indians.
The cold weather had begun to trouble his men seriously before he
reached the limit of his explorations. He pushed on as far as Chichil-
ticalli, however, but here the snows and fierce winds from across the

'Mota Padilla says, " warden of one of the royal storehouses in Mexico," whicli may refer to some
other position lield by Samaniego, or may have arisen from some confusion of names.
*Thi8 is taken from Mota Padilla's account of the incident, withoutany attempt to compare or to har.
monize it with the story told by Caatafleda. Mota Padilla's Tersion seems much the more reasonable.
384 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link]

wilderness forced him to turn back. At Cbiauietla he enconntered

Ooronado's force. He joined tlie army, sending his lieutenant, Saldivar,
with three other horsemen, to carry his report to the viceroy. This was
delivered to Mendoza on March 20, and is embodied in the letter to the
King, dated April 17, 1540.
Coronado did not allow Diaz to announce the results of his reconnois-
sance to the soldiers, but the rumor quickly spread that the visions in-
spired by Friar Marcos had n6t been substantiated. Fortunately, the
friar was himself in the camp. Although he was now the father pro-
vincial of the Franciscan order in New Spain, he had determined to ac-
company the expedition, in order to carry the gospel to the savages
whose salvation had been made possible by his heroic journey of the
preceding spring. The niutterings of suspicion and discontent among
the men grew rapidly louder. Friar Marcos felt obliged to exhort them
in a special sermon to keep up a good courage, and by his eloquence he
succeeded in persuading them that all their labors would soon be well
repaid.
From Chiametla the army resumed its march, procuring provisions
from the Indians along the way. Mendoza stated, in 1547, that he
took every precaution to prevent any Injury or injustice being done to
the Indians at the time of Corouado's departure, and that he stationed
officials, especially appointed for this purpose, at convenient points on

the road to Culiacan, who were ordered to procure the necessary pro-
visions for the expedition. There are no means of telling how well this
plan was carried into execution.
A day or two before Easter, March 28, 1540, the army approached
Culiacan. The journey had occupied a little over a month, but when
Coronado, from his lodging in the Cibola village of Granada, three
mouths later, recalled the slow and tedious marches, the continual
waiting for the lazy cattle and the heavily loaded baggage trains, and
the repeated vexatious delays, we can hardly wonder that it seemed to
him to have been a period of fourscore days' journey.
The town of San Miguel de Culiacan, in the spring of 1540, was one
of the most prosperous in Xew Spain. Nuiio de Guzman had founded
the settlement some years before, and had placed Melchior Diaz in
charge of it. The appointment was a most admirable one. Diaz was
not of gentle birth, but he had established his right to a position of
considerable power and responsibility by virtue of much natural ability.
He was a hard worker and a skillfulorganizer and leader. He inspired
confidence in his companions and followers, and always maintained the
best of order and of diligence among those who were under his charge.
Barely does one meet with a man whose record for every position and
every duty assigned to him shows such uniform and thorough efficiency.
The settlement increased rapidly in size and in wealth, and when Coro-
nado's force encamped in the surrounding fields, the citizens of the town
insisted on entertaining in their own homes all of the gentlemen who
JO
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY

DOURADO'S TERRA ANTIPOt

 FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL.

T E R R A- ANTIPODV
R E G AS T E L E
i S C
IN V ETA: A XP 0^
R q C O L V B 0:i A
\" E S I

((TEN()/rr)"|
AANCCffVlTAs'

QIS CASTELE INVETA

11
WINSBIP] THE SPANIARDS AT CULIACAN 385

were with the expedition. The granaries of the i)lace were filled with
the surplus from the bountiful harvests of two preceding years, which
sufficed to feed the whole army for three or four weeks, besides pro-
viding supplies sufficient for more than two months when the expedi-
tion resumed its march. These comfortable quarters and the abundant
entertainment detained the general and his soldiers for some weeks.'
This was the outpost of Spanish civilization, and Coronado made sure
that his arrangements were as complete as possible, both for the army
and for the administration of New Galicia during his absence.
The soldiers, and especially the gentlemen among them, had started
from Compostela with an abundant supply of luxurious furnishings
and extra equipment. Many of them were receiving their first rough
lessons in the art of campaigning, and the experiences along the way
before reaching Culiacan had already changed many of their notions
of comfort and ease. When the preparations for leaving Culiacan
began, the citizens of the town received from their guests much of the
clothing and other surjylus baggage, which was left behind in order that
the expedition might advance more rapidly, or that the animals might
be loaded with jjrovisions. Aside from what was given to the people
of the place, much of the heavier camp equipage, with some of the
superfluous property of the soldiers, was put on board a ship, the San
Gabriel, which was waiting in the harbor of Culiacan. An additional
supply of corn and other provisions also was furnished for the vessel by
the generous citizens.

THE EXPEDITION BY SEA UNDER ALARCON

A sea expedition, to cooperate with the land force, was a part of
Mendoza's original plan. After the viceroy left Coronado, and proba-
bly while he was at Colima, on his way down the coast from Com-
postela, he completed the arrangements by appointing Hernando de
Alarcon, his chamberlain according to Bernal Diaz, to command a fleet
of two vessels. Alarcon was instructed to sail northward, following
the coast as closely as possible. He was to keep near the army, and
communicate with it at every opportunity, transporting the heavy
baggage and holding himself ready at all times to render any assist-
ance which Coronado might desire. Alarcon sailed May 9, 1540, prob-
ably from Acapulco.^

1A note, almost as complicated as that which concerns the date of the army's departure, might he
written regarding the length of the stay at Culiacan. Those who are curious can find the facts in
Coronado's letter from Granada, in Castaueda, and in the footnotes to the translation of the latter,
^The complete text of Alarcon's report was translated into Italian by Ramusio (vol. iii, fol. 363,
and the Spanisli original is not known to exist. Herrera, however, gives an account which,
ed. 1556),
from the close similarity to Kamusio's text and from the personality of the style, must have been
copied from Alarcon's own narrative. Tlie Kamusio text does not give the port of departure. Her-
rera says that the ships sailed from Acapulco. Castaiieda implies that the start was made from La
Natividad, but his information could hardly have been better than second hand. He may have known
what the viceroy intended to do, when ho bade the army i'arewell, two days north of Compostela,
Alarcon reports that he put into the port of Santiago de Buena Esperanza, and as the only Santiago
on the coast hereabout is south of La Natividad, which is on the coast of the district of Colim%
14 ETH 25
386 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

This port had been the seat of the shipbuilding operations of Cortes
on the Pacific coast, and it is very probable that Alarcon's two ships
were the same as those which the marquis claimed to liaA'^e equipped
for a projected expedition. Alarcou sailed north to Santiago, where he
was obliged to stop, in order to refit his vessels and to replace some
artillery and stores which had been thrown overboard from his com-
panion ship during a storm. Thence he sailed to Aguaiauale, as Ra-
musio has it, the port of San Miguel de Culiacan. The army had already
departed, and so Alarcon, after replenishing his store of provisions,
added the San Gabriel to his fleet and continued his voyage. He fol-
lowed the shore closely and explored many harbors " which the ships of
the marquis had failed to observe," as he notes, but he .nowhere suc-
ceeded in obtaining any news of the army of Coronado.

THE JOURNEY FROM CULIACAN TO CIBOLA

Melchior Diaz had met with so many diflQculties in traveling through
the country which the army was about to enter, on its march toward the
Seven Cities, and the supply of food to be found there was everywhere so
small, that Coronado decided to divide his force for this portion of the
journey. He selected seventy-five or eighty horsemen, including his
personal friends, and twenty-five or thirty foot soldiers. With these
picked men, equipped for rapid marching, he hastened forward, clear-
ing the way for the main body of the army, which was to follow more
slowly, starting a fortnight after his own departure. With the foot-
men in the advance party were the four friars of the expedition, whose
zealous eagerness to reach the unconverted natives of the Seven Cities
was so great that they were willing to leave the main portion of the army
without a spiritual guide. Eortiinately for these followers, a broken leg
compelled one of the brethren to remain behind. Coronado attempted
to take some sheep with him, but these soon proved to be so great a
hindrance that they were left at the river Yaquimi, in charge of four
horsemen, who conducted them at a more moderate pace.
Leaving Culiacan on April 22, Coronado followed the coast, "bearing
off' to the left," as Mota Padilla says, by an extremely rough way, to

the river Cinaloa. The configuration of the country made it necessary

to follow up the valley of this stream until he could find a passage
across the mountains to the course of the Yaquimi. He traveled along-
side this stream for some distance, and then crossed to Sonora river.*

H. H. Bancroft (North Mexican States, vol. i, p. 90) says the fleet probably started from Acapulco.
Bancroft does not mention Herrera, who is, I suppose, the conclusive authority. Gen. J. H. Simpson
(Smithsonian Keport for 1869, p. 315), accepted the start from La Natividad, and then identified this
Santiago with the port of Conipostela, which was well known under the name of Kalisco. The distance
of Acapulco from Colima would explain the considerable lapse of time before Alarcon was ready to start.
'Coronado's description of this portion of the route in the letter of August 3 is abbreviated, he
says, because it was accompanied by a map. As this is lost, I am following here, as I shall do through-
out the Introduction, Bandelier's identification of the route in his Historical Introduction, p. 10, and
in his Final Report, part ii, pp. 407-409. The itinerary of Jaramillo, confused and perplexing as it is,
is the chief guide for the earlier part of the route. There is no attempt in tliia introductory narra-
tive to repeat the details of the journey, when these may be obtained, much more satisfactorily, from
the translation of the contemporary narratives which form the main portion of this memoir.
wiNSHip] THE ARRIVAL AT CHICHILTICALLI 387

The Sonora was followed nearly to its source before a pass was discov-
ered. On
the northern side of the mountains he found a stream the —
—
Eexpa, he calls it which may have been either the Santa Cruz or the
San Pedro of modern maps. The party followed down this river valley
until they reached the edge of the wilderness, where, as Friar Marcos
had described it to them, they found Chichilticalli.'
Here the party camped for two days, which was as long as the general
dared to delay, in order to rest the horses, who had begun to give out
sometime before as a result of overloading, rough roads, and poor feed.
The stock of provisions brought from Culiacan was already growing
dangerously small, although the food supply had been eked out by the
large cones or nuts of the pines of this country, which the soldiers found
to be very good eating. The Indians who came to see him, told Coro-
nado that the sea was ten days distant, and he expresses surprise, which
Mr Bandelier has reechoed, that Friar Marcos could have gone within
sight of the sea from this part of the country.
Coronado entered the wilderness, the White Mountain Apache coun-
try of Arizona, on Saint John's eve, and in the quaint language of
Hakluyt's translation of the general's letter, "to refresh our former
trauailes, the first dayes we founde no grasse, but worser way of moun-
taines and badde passages."^ Coronado, following very nearly the line
of the present road from Fort Apache to Gila river, proceeded until he
came within sight of the first of the Seven Cities. The first few days of
the march were very trying. The discouragement of the men increased
with the difficulties of the way. The horses were tired, and the slow
progress became slower, as horses and Indian carriers fell down and
died. The corn was almost gone, and as a result of eating the fruits
and herbs which they found along the way, a Spaniard and some of the
servants were poisoned so badly that they died. The skull and horns
of a great mountain goat, which were lying on the ground, filled the
Europeans with wonder, but this was hardly a sign to inspire them
with hopes of abundant food and gold. There were 30 leagues of this
travailing before the party reached the borders of the inhabited country,
where they found "fresh grass and many nutte and mulberrie trees."
The day following that on which they left the wilderness, the advance
guard was met, in a peaceable manner, by four Indians. The Spaniards
treated them most kindly, gave them beads and clothing, and " willed

'This "Red House," in the Nahuatl tongue, has been identified with the Ca»a Grande ruins in
Arizona ever since the revival of interest in Coronado's jonmey, which followed the explorations in
the southwestern portion of the United States during the second quarter of the present century.
Bandolier's study of the descriptions given by those who saw the "Red House" in 1539 and 1540. how-
ever, shows conclusively that the conditions at Casa Grande do not meet the requirements for Chichil-
ticalli. Bandelier objects to Casa Grande because it is white, although he admits that it may once have
been covered with the reddish paint of the Indians. This would suit Mota Padilla's explanation that
the place was named from a house there which was daubed over witli colored earth— almagre, as the
natives called it. This is the Indian term for red ocher. Bandelier thinks that Coronado reached the
edge of the wilderness, the White Mountain Apache reservation in Arizona, by way of San Pedro
river and Arivaypa creek. This retiuires the location of Chiohiltioalli somewhere in the vicinity of
the
present "Fort Grant, Arizona.
'Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. iii, p. 375, ed. 1600.
388 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].m

them and bid them stay quiet in their houses

to return uuto their city
fearing nothing." The general assured them that they need have no
anxiety, because the newcomers had been sent by His Spanish Majesty,
"to defend and ayde them."

THE CAPTURE OF THE SEVEN CITIES

The provisions brought from Culiacan or collected along the way were
now exhausted, and as a sudden attack by the Indians, during the last
night before their arrival at the cities, had assured the Spaniards of a
hostile reception, it was necessaiy to proceed rapidly. The inhabitants
of the first city had assembled in a great crowd, at some distance in
front of the place, awaiting the approach of the strangers. While the
army advanced, Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, who had been appointed to
Samaniego's position as field-master, and Hernando Vermizzo, appar-
ently one of the " good fellows" whose name Castaiieda forgot, rode for-
ward and summoned the Indians to surrender, in approved Castilian
fashion, as His Majesty commanded always to be done. The natives had
drawn some lines on the ground, doubtless similar to those whicli they still
mark with sacred meal in their ceremonial dramatizations, and across
these they refused to let the Spaniards pass, answering the summons
with a shower of arrows. The soldiers begged for the command to
attack, but Coronado restrained them as long as he could. When the
—
influence of the friars was added to the pleas of the men perhaps with-
—
out waiting for the command or permission the whole company uttered
the Santiago, the sacred war cry of Saint James, against the infidels,
and rushed upon the crowd of Indians, who turned and fled. Coronado
quickly recalled his men from the pursuit, and ordered them to prepare
for an assault on the city. The force was divided into attacking par-
ties, which immediately advanced against the walls from all sides.
The crossbowmen and harquebusiers, who were expected to drive the
enemy back from the tops of the walls, were unable to accomplish any-
thing, on account of their physical weaknessand of accidents to their
weapons. The natives showered arrows against the advancing foes,
and as the Spaniards approached tlie walls, stones of all sizes were
thrown upon them with skillful aim and practiced strength. The gen-
eral, in his glittering armor, was the especial target of the defenders,
and twice he was knocked to the ground by heavy rocks. His good
headpiece and the devotion of his companions saved him from serious
injury, although his bruises conttned him to the camp for several days.
The courage and military skill of the white men, weak and tired as they
were, proved too much for the Indians, who deserted their homes after
a fierce, but not protracted, resistance. Most of the Spaniards had re-
—
ceived many hard knocks, and Aganiez Suarez possibly another of the
—
gentlemen forgotten by Castaueda was severely wounded by arrows,
as were also three foot soldiers.
The Indians had been driven from the main portion of the town, and
—
with this success the Spaniards were satisfied. Food "that which we
11
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY

WESTERN HEMISi
Aftt
FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XlIX
WIN8H1P] THE CAPTURE OF HAWIKUH 389

needed a great deal more than gold or silver," writes one member of
—
tbe victorious force was found in the rooms already secured. The
Spaniards fortified themselves, stationed guards, and rested. During
the night, the Indians, who had retired to the wings of the main build-
ing after the conflict, packed up what goods they could, and left the
Spaniards in undisputed possession of the whole place.
The mystery of the Seven Cities was revealed at last. The Spanish
conquerors had reached their goal. July 7, 1540, white men for the first
time entered one of the communal villages of stone and mud, inhabited
by the Zuni Indians of New Mexico.' Granada was the name which the
—
S])auiards gave to tlie first village the Indian Hawikuh in honor of —
the viceroy to whose birthplace they say it bore a fancied resemblance.
Here they found, besides plenty of corn, beans and fowls, better than
those of New Spain, and salt, "the best and whitest I have seen in all
my life," writes one of those who had helped to win the town. But
even the abundance of food could not wholly satisfy the men whose
toilsome march of more than four months had been lightened by dreams
of a golden haven. Friar Marcos was there to see the realization of
the visions which the zealous sermons of his brethren and the prolific
ardor of rumor and of common talk had raised from his truthful report.
One does not wonder that he eagerly accepted the earliest opportunity
of returning to New Spain, to escape from the not merely muttered
complaints and upbraidings, in expressing which the general was chief.''

THE EXPLORATION OF THE COUNTRY

THE SPANIARDS AT ZUNI
Some of the Hawikuh-Granada returned to the village,
inhabitants of
bringing while Goronado was recovering from his wounds. The
gifts,
general faithfully exhorted them to become Christians and to submit
themselves to the sovereign over-lordshij) of His Majesty the Spanish
' Hawikuh, near Qjo Calieute, was the first Tillage captured by the Sj)aniards, as Bandelier has
shown in his Contributions, p. 166, and Documentary History of Zuni, p. 29. The definite location of
this village is an important j)oint, and the problem of its site was one over which a great deal of argu-
ment had been wasted before Sir Bandelier published the results of his critical study of the sources,
which he was enabled to interpret by the aid of a careful exploration of the southwestern country,
undertaken under tlie auspices of the Archieological Institute of America. It was under the impetus
of the friendly guidance and careful scrutiny of results by Professor Henry "W. Haynes and the other
members of the Institute that Mr Bandelier has done his best work. It is unfortunate that lie did not
use the letter which Coronailo wrote from Granada-Hawikuh, Augusts, 1540, which is the only official
account of the march from Culiacan to Zufii. Tlie fact that liaiidelier's results stand the tests sup-
plied by this letter is the beat jiroof of the exactness and accuracy of his work. (This note was
written before the appearanceof Mr Bandelier's Glided Man, in which he states tliat Kiakima. instead
of Hawikuh, is the Granada of Curonado. Mr F. W. Hodge, in an exhaustive paper on Tlie First
Discovered City of Cibola (American [Link])ologist, AVashington, April, 1895), has proved conclu-
sively that Mr Bandolier's earlier i>osUionwas the correct one.)
' Marcos returned to Mexico with Juan de Gallego, who left Cibola-Zufii soon after August 3.
Bilndelier, in his article on the friars, in the American Catholic Quarterly Keview, vol. xv, p. 551,
says that "the obvious [Link]'' for Marcos's return ''was the feeble health of the friar. Hardship and
physical suffering had nearly paralyzed the liody of the already aged man. He never recovered his
vigor, and died at Mexico, after liaving in vain sought relief in the delightful climate of Jalapa, in
the year 1558 " —
seventeen years later.
 —

390 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].M

King. The interview failed to reassure the natives, for they packed
all and property on the following day, and with their
their provisions
wives and children abandoned the villages in the valley and withdrew
to their stronghold, the secure fastness on top of Taaiyalone or Thunder
mountain.
A s soon as he was able, Ooronado visited the other villages of Cibola-
Zuni, observing the country carefully. He reassured the few Indians
whom he found still living in the valley, and after some hesitation on
their part succeeded in persuading the chiefs to come down from the
mesa and talk with him. He urged them to return to their homes
below, but without success. He was more fortunate in obtaining infor-
mation regarding the surrounding country, which was of much use to
him in directing further exploration. Then as now the rule held good
that the Indians are much more likely to tell the truth when giving
information about their neighbors than about themselves.

THE DISCOVERY OF TTJSAYAN AND THE GRAND CANYON

A group of seven villages, similar to those at Cibola, was reported
to be situated toward the west, "the chief of the towns whereof they
have knowledge." Tucano was the name given to these, according to
Eamusio's version of Coronado's letter, and it is not difficult to see in
this name that of Tusayan, the Hopi or Moki settlements in north-
eastern Arizona.
As soon as everything was quiet in the Cibola country, about the
middle of July, Don Pedro de Tovar was ordered to take a few horse-
men and his company of footmen and visit this district. Don Pedro
spent several days in the Tusayan villages, and after he had convinced
the people of his peaceable designs, questioned them regarding the
country farther west. Returning to the camp at Cibola within the
thirty days to which his commission was limited, Tovar reported that
the country contained nothing to attract the Spaniards. The houses,
however, were better than those at Cibola. But he had heard stories of
a mighty river and of giant peoples living toward the west, and so Don
Garcia Lopez de Cardenas was instructed to go and verify these reports.
Cardenas started, perhaps on August 25. He had authority for eighty
days, and within this term he succeeded in reaching the Grand canyon
of Colorado river, which baffled his most agile compjinions in their
eflforts to descend to the water or to discover some means of crossing

to the opposite side. He returned with only the story of this hopeless
barrier to exploration westward.

THE RIO GRANDE AND THE GREAT PLAINS

The first expedition toward the east was sent out August 29 in charge
of Don Hernando de Alvarado. Passing the rock of Acuco or Acoma
—
always a source of admiration Alvarado reached the village and river
— —
of Tiguex the Itio Grande on September 7. Some time was spent iu
 —

wiNSHip] CORONADO AT TIGUEX 391

visiting the villages situated along the stream. The headquarters of

the party were at Tiguex, at or uear the site of the present town of
Bernalillo, and here a list was drawn up and sent to the general giving
the names of eighty villages of which he had learned from the natives
of this place. At the same time Alvarado reported that these villages
were the best that had yet been found, and advised that the winter
quarters for the whole force should be established in this district. He
then proceeded to Cicuye or Pecos, the most eastern of the walled
villages, and from there crossed the mountains to the bufialo plains.
Finding a stream which flowed toward the southeast the Canadian —
river, perhaps —
he followed its course for a hundred leagues or more.
Many of the "humpbacli oxen" were seen, of which some of the men
may have remembered Cabeza de Vaca's description.
Ou his return, Alvarado found the army-master, Garcia Lopez de
Cardenas, at Tiguex, arranging winter quarters suflBcient to accommo-
date the whole force in this region. Coronado, who had made a trip
'

to examine the villages farther south, along the Rio Grande, soon joined
his lieutenants, leaving only a small force at Cibola to maintain the post.
The whole of the advance party was now in Tiguex, and orders had
been left at Cibola for the main body to proceed to the eastern settle-
ments so soon as they should arrive from Culiacan and Corazones.

THE MARCH OF THE ARMY FROM CULIACAN TO TIGUEX

The main portion of the army remained at Culiacan, under the
command of Don Tristan de Arellano, when the general started for
Cibola with his small party of companions. The soldiers completed
the work of loading the San Gabriel with their surplus equijiment
and with provisions, and busied themselves about the town for a
fortnight after the departure of their general. Some time between the
first atid middle of May, the army started to follow the route of the

advance party. The whole force marched ou foot, carrying their lances
and other weapons, in order that the horses and other beasts, number-
ing more than six hundred, might all be loaded with provisions. It had
taken Coronado and his party of horsemen, eager to push on toward
their destination, more than a month to make the journey to Corazones
or Hearts valley. We can only guess how much longer it took the
slowly marching army to cover this first half of the distance to Cibola.
The orders which tlie general had left with Arellano were that he should
'Alvarado'sofficialreportisprobably the paper known aR the Relaciondelo que. . . . Alvaradoy
Fray Joan de Padilla deacubrieron en demanda de la mar del Sur, wbich is translated herein. The title,
evidently the work of some later editor, is a misnomer so lar as the Mar del Sur is concerned, for this
thePacificocean— was west, and Alvarado'sosplorations were toward the east. This short report is of
considerable value, but it is known only through a copy, lacking the list of villages which should
have accompanied it. Mufioz judged that it was a contemporary oflicial copy, which did not commend
itaelf to that great" collector and student of Spanish Americana. There is nothing about the docu-
ment to show the century or the region to which it relates, so that one of Hubert H. Bancroft's scribes
was misted into making a sliort abstract of it for his Central America, vol. ii, p. 185, as giving an
account of an otherwise unknown expedition starting from another Granada, on the northern shore of
Lake Nicaragua,
392 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].14

take the army to this valley, where a good store of provisions had beeu
found by Melchior Diaz, and there wait for further instructions. Ooro-
nado promised to send for his soldiers as soon as he was sure that there
was a country of the Seven Cities for them to conquer and settle.
In the valley of Corazoues, which had been given its name by Oabeza
de Vaca because the natives at this place offered him the hearts of
animals for food, Arellano kept the soldiers busy by building a town
on Suya river, naming it San Hieronimo de los Corazones Saiut —
Jerome of the Hearts. A small force was sent down the river to the
seacoast, under the command of Don Rodrigo Maldonado, in the hope
of communicating with the ships of Alarcon. Maldonado found neither
signsnor news of the fleet, but he discovered a tribe of Indian "giants,"
one of whom accompanied the party back to the camp, where the soldiers
were filled with amazement at his size and strength.
Thus the time passed until early in September, when Melchior Diaz
and Juan Gallego brought the expected orders from the general. Gal-
lego, who carried the letter which Coronado had written from Granada-
Hawikuh on August 3, with the map and the exhibits of the country
which it mentions, continued on to Mexico. He was accompanied by
Friar Marcos. Diaz had been directed to stay in the new town of San
Hieronimo, to maintain this post and to open communication with the
seacoast. —
He selected seventy or eighty men those least fitted for the
—
hardships and struggles of exploration and conquest who remained to
settle the new town and to make an expedition toward the coast. The
remainder of the army prepared to rejoin their general at Cibola, and
by the middle of September the start was made.
After a long, rough march, in which little occurred to break the daily
monotony, the soldiers reached the pueblo settlements. The bad
weather had already begun, but the men were eager to continue their
journey in spite of the snow and the fierce, cold winds. After a short
rest, the force proceeded to Tiguex, where comfortable quarters were
awaiting them, and in these they quickly settled for the winter.

THE WINTER OF 1540-1541 ALONG THE RIO GRANDE

THE INDIAN REVOLT
The first winter spent by white men in the pueblos of New Mexico
was a severe one. Fortunately for the strangers, however, they were
comfortably domiciled in the best houses of the country, in which the
owners had left a plentiful supply of food, and this was supplemented
by the livestock brought from New Spain.
During the late autumn the Indians assumed a hostile attitude
toward their visitors, and were reduced to peaceful inactivity only after
a protracted struggle, which greatly aggravated the conquerors The
—
Spanish story of this revolt is clear that the Indians suddenly sur-
prised the Europeans by attacking the horses and mules of the army,
killing or driving off a number of them, after which the natives col-
wiNSHip] SPANISH ATROCITIES AT TIGUEX 393

lected figbting force into two of the strongest villages, from one of
tlieir

which they were able to defy the soldiers until thirst compelled them
to abandon the stronghold. The defenders attempted to escape by
stealth, but the sentries of the besieging force discovered them and
aroused the camp. Many of the Indians were killed by the soldiers dur-
ing the flight which followed, while others perished in the icy waters of
the Eio Grande. During an attack on the second village, a few of the
Spaniards who had succeeded in making their way to the highest por-
tion of the buildings, escaped from their perilous position by inducing
the native warriors to surrender. The Indians received an ample
promise of protection and safety, but the captain of the attacking
party was not informed of this, and in obedience to the general's
orders that no prisoners should be taken, he directed that the captives
should be burned as a warning to the neighboring tribes. This affair
is a terrible blot on the record of the expedition and of those who com-
posed it. In condemning it most severely, however, English readers
should remember that they are only repeating the condemnations which
were uttered by most of the men of rank who witnessed it, which were
repeated in New Spain and in old Spain, and which greeted the com-
mander when he led his expedition back to Mexico, to receive the cold
welcome of the viceroy.
The Spaniards have told us only one side of the story of what was
happening along the Rio Grande in the fall of 1540. The other side
will probably never be heard, for it disappeared with the traditions of
the Indian villagers. Without pretending to supply the loss, it is at
least i)ossible to suggest that the preparations by which the army-
master procured the excellent accommodations for the force must have
aj^peared very differently to the people in whose homes Cardenas
housed the soldiers, and to those who passed the winter in these snug
quarters. Castaneda preserved one or two interesting details which
are as significant as is the striking fact that the peaceful natives who
entertained Alvarado most freely in September were the leaders of the
rebellion three months later.
As soon as Coronado's men had completed the reduction of the
refractory natives, and the whole country had been overawed by the
terrible punishment, the general undertook to reestablish peaceful rela-
tions and confident intercourse between his camp and the surrounding
villages. The Indians seem to have been ready to meet him almost
half-way, although it is hardly surprising to find traces of an under-
lying suspicion, and a readiness for treacherous retaliation.

THE STOEIES ABOUT QUIVIRA

While this reconciliation was being effected, Coronado heard from
one of the plains Indians,' held as a slave in the village of Gicuye
Castaneda says that this Indiau accompanied Alvarado on the lirst visit to the bufTalo plains,
and this may be true without disturbing the statement above.
394 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link]. U

or Pecos, the stories about Quivira, which were to add so much to the
geographic extent of the expedition. When the Spaniards were about
to kill this Indian— "The Turk," they called him'— he told them that
his masters, the people of Cicuye, had induced him to lead the stran-
gers away to the pathless plains, where water was scarce and corn
was unknown, to perish there, or, if ever they should succeed in find-
ing the way back to the village settlements, tired and weak, to fall an
easy prey to their enemies.
This plan was shrewdly conceived, and it very nearly succeeded.
There is little reason why we should doubt the truth of the confession,
made when the Indian could scarcely have hoped to save his life, and
it affords an easy explanation of the way in which the exaggerated

stories of Quivira originated and expanded. The Turk may have

accompanied Alvarado on the first visit to the great plains, and he
doubtless told the white men about his distant home and the roving
life on the prairies. It was later, when the Spaniards began to ques-
tion him about nations and rulers, gold and treasures, that he received,
perhaps from the Spaniards themselves, the hints which led him to tell
them what they were rejoiced to hear, and to develop the fanciful pic-
tures which appealed so forcibly to all the desires of his hearers. The
Turk, we can not doubt, told the Spaniards many things which were not
true. But in trying to trace these early dealings of Europeans with the
American aborigines, we must never forget how much may be explained
by the possibilities of misinterpretation on the part of the white men,
who so often heard of what they wished to find, and who learned, very
gradually and in the end imperfectly, to understand only a few of the
native languages and dialects. And besides this, the record of their
observations, on which the students of today have to depend, was
made in a language which knew nothing of the things which it was
trying to describe. Much of what the Turk said was very likely true
the first time he said it, although the memories of home were height-
ened, no doubt, by absence and distance. Moreover, Oastaneda, who
is the chief source for the stories of gold and lordly kings which are
said to have been told by the Turk, in all probability did not know
anything more than the reports of what the Turk was telling to the
superior officers, which were passed about among the common foot sol-
diers.^ The present narrative has already shown tlie wonderful power
of gossip, and when it is gossip recorded twenty years afterward, we
may propeily be cautious in believing it.
Coronado wrote to the King from Tiguex, on April 20, 1541, as he
says in his next letter, that of October 20. The April letter, written
just before the start for Quivira, must have contained a full and official
account of all that had been learned in regard to the country toward
iHe was called "The Turk*' beoaaso the Spaniards thought tha^ he looked like one. Bandelier, in
American Catholic Quarterly Review, vol. xv, p. 55.'i, thinkn this waa due to the manner in which he
wore his hair, characteristic of certain branche.s of the l*awnee.
*Thi8 probability in greatly strengthened by Mota Padilla's stAteraent in relation to the Turk and
Quivira, quoted in connection with Castalieda's narrative.
wiNSHip] AFFAIRS AT SAN HIERONIMO 395

the east, as well as more reliable details than we now possess, of what
had happened during the preceding fall and winter. But this April
letter, which was an acknowledgment and answer to one from Charles
V, dated in Madrid, June 11, 1540, has not been found by modern,
students. When the reply was dispatched, the messenger —probably
Juan Gallego,who had perhaps brought the Emperor's letter from
Mexico— was accomi^anied by Pedro de Tovar, who was going back
to Corazones valley for reinforcements. Many mishaps had befallen
the town of San Hieroiiimo during the year, and when the messengers
arrived there they found it half deserted. Leaving Don Pedro here,
Gallego hastened to Mexico, where he raised a small body of recruits.
He was leading these men, whose number had been increased by some
stragglers and deserters from the original force whom he picked np at
Culiacan, toward Cibola and Quivira, when he met the expedition
returning to New Spain. It was during this, probably his fifth trip
over the road from Mexico to our New Mexico, that he performed the
deeds of valor which Castaneda so enthusiastically recounts at the
very end of his book.

THE JOURNEY ACROSS THE BUFFALO PLAINS

April 23, 1541, Coronado left the Tiguex country and marched toward
the northeast, to the plains where lay the rich land of Quivira. Every
member of the army accompanied the general, for no one was willing to
be left behind when such glorious prospects of fame and fortune lay
before them. A few of the officers suggested the wisdom of verifying
these Indian tales in some measure before setting the whole force in
motion and abandoning their only sure base of supplies. It seems as
if there must have been other reasons influencing Coronado beyond
those revealed in Castaneda's narrative; but, if so, we do not know
what they were. The fear lest he might fail to accomplish any of the
things which had been hoped for, the absence of results on which to
base a justification for all the expense and labor, the thought of what
would await him if he should return empty handed, are perhaps enough
to account for the determination to risk everything and to allow no
possible lack of zeal or of strength to interfere with the realization of
the hopes inspired by the stories of Quivira.
Guided by the Turk, the army proceeded to Cicuye, and in nine days
more they reached the buffalo plains. Here began the long march
which was to be without any guiding landmarks. Just where, or how,
or how far the Spaniards went, I can not pretend to say. After a mouth
— —
and more of marching very likely just thirty-five days their patience
became exhausted. A second native of the plains, who accomx^anied
the Spaniards from the pueblo country, had declared from the first
that the Turk was lying, but this had not made them trust the latter
any less. When, however, the Indians whom they foulid living among
the buffalo herds began to contradict the stories of their guide, suspi-
cion was aroused. The Turk, after much persuasive cross-questioning.
396 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].u

was at last induced to confess that hehad lied. Quivira, he still

insisted, existed, was not as he had described it. From the
though it

natives of the plains they learned that there Avere no settlements

toward the east, the direction in which they had been traveling, but
that toward the north, another good month's journey distant, there
were permanent settlements. The corn which the soldiers had brought
from Tiguex was almost gone, while the horses were tired and weak
from the constant marching and bnffalo chasing, with only grass for food.
It was clearly impossible for the whole force to attempt this further
journey, with the uncertain j^rospect of finding native tribes like those
they had already seen as the only incentive. The general held a coun-
cil of his officers and friends, and decided to select 30 of the best

equipped horsemen, who should go with him and attempt to verify the
new information.
After Coronado had chosen his companions, the rest of the force was
sent back to Tiguex, as Castaneda relates. The Indians whom they
met on the plains furnished guides, who led the soldiers to the Pueblo
settlements by a more direct route than that which the Turk had taken.
But the marches were short and slow, so that it was the middle of July
before they were again encamped alongside the Kio Grande. So far
as is known, nothing of interest happened while they were waiting there
for the return of the general.
Coronado and his companion horsemen followed the compass needle
for forty-two days after leaving the main force, or, as he writes, "after
traveling across these deserts for seventy-seven days in all," they
reached the country of Quivira. Here he found some people who lived
in permanent settlements and raised a little corn, but whose suste-
nance came mainly from the buffalo herds, which they hunted at regular
seasons, instead of continuously as the plains Indians encountered pre-
viously had done.'
Twenty-five days were spent among the villages at Quivira, so that
Jaraniillo, one of the party, doubtless remembered correctly when he
said that they were there after the middle of August.^ There was

'The Spaniards bad alrea<ly observed tvro distinct branches of these pure uoma«ls, wbom thej" knew
as Qnerechos and Teyas. Bandelier, in his Final Report, vol. i. p. 179, identified the Querechos with
the Apaches of tlie plains, but later investigation by Mr James Mooney shows that Qneretho is an
old Comanche name of the Tonicawa of western central Texas (Hodge, Early Xavajo and Apaclie, Am.
Anthropologist, Washington, -Inly, 1895, vol. iii. p. 235). I am unable to tind any single tril)al group
among the Indians whom we know which can he identilied with the Teyas, unless, as Mr Ilotlge has
Buggested, they may have been the Comanche, who roamed the plains from Yellowstone Park to
Diu*ango, Mexico.
' I am inclined, also, to believe Jaramillo's statement that the day's marches on the .journey to

Quivira were short ones. Bat when he writes that the journey occupied "more than thirty days, or
—
almost thirty days" journey, although not long day's marches," seguimos nuestro viaje .de . . m^
—
treiuta dias 1^ ca.'ii treiuta dias do camino. aunque no de jornadas grandes and again, tliat they
decided to return '•l>[Link] it was already nearly the beginning of winter, . and lest the winter
. .

—
might prevent the retnm," nos paresci6 A todos, que i)ues que hera ya casi la boca del inbierno,
porque si me acuerdo bien, jera meilia y niAs de Agosto, y por ser pocos j)ara inbemar alii, y . . .

porque el invierno no nos cerrase los caminos do nieves y rios quo no nos dexesen jtasar (Pacheco
—
y Cardenas, Doc. de Indiaa, vol. xiv, pp. 312,314) we experience some of tlie difUculties which make
it bard to analyse the captain's recollections critically and satisfactorily.
12
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY

WVTFLIET'S "VTRIVSQVE HI
 FOURTEFNTH ANNUAL PEPORT PL- U

ERII DELINEATIO," 1597

 ' ;

WIN8H1P] THE JOURNEY TO QUIVIRA 397

nothiug here except a piece of copper haDging from the neck of a chief,
and a piece of gokl which one of the Spaniards was suspected of having
given to the natives, which gave any promise of mineral wealth, and
so Coronado determined to rejoin his main force. Although they had
found no treasures, the explorers were fully aware of the agricultural
advantages of this country, and of the possibilities for profitable farm-
ing, if only some market for the produce could be found.
Students of the Coronado expedition have very generally accepted
the location of Quivira proposed by General Simpson, who put the
northern point reached by Coronado somewhere in the eastern half of
the border country of Kansas and Nebraska. If we take into account
the expeditions which visited the outer limits of the Quivira settlements,
this is not inconsistent with Bandelier's location of the main seat of
these Indians "in northeastern Kansas, beyond the Arkansas river,
and more than 100 miles northeast of Great Bend.''
It is impossible to ignore the question of the route taken by Coro-
nado across the great j)lains, although the details chiefly concern local
historians. The Spanish travelers spent the summer of 1541 on the
prairies west of the Mississippi and south of the Missouri. They left
descrii)tious of these plains, and of the people and animals inhabiting
them, which ai-e of as great interest and value as any which have
since been written. Fortunately it is not of especial importance for
us to know the exact section of the prairies to which various parts of
the descriptions refer.
From Cicuye, the Pecos pueblo, Coronado marched northeast until
he crossed Canadian river, probably a little to the east of the present
river and settlement of Mora.^ This was about the 1st of May, 1541.
From this point General Simpson, whose intimate knowledge of tlie
surface of the country thirty-five years ago makes his map of the
route across the plains most valuable, carried the line of march nearly
north, to a point halfway between Canadian and Arkansas rivers.
Then it turned east, or a trifle north of east, until it reached one of the
tributaries of the Arkansas, about 50 miles or so west of Wichita, Kan-
sas. The army returned by a direct route to Cicuye or Pecos river,
striking that stream nearly east of Bernalillo-Tiguex, while Coronado
proceeded due north to Quivira on the Kansas-Nebraska boundary,
Mr Bandelier has traced a route for the march across the plains
which corresponds with the statements of the contemporary narratives
somewhat more closely than does that of General Simpson.^ Crossing
' Final Report, vol. i, p. 170.
»lbiil., vol. 1, p. 178.
'Bandelier's best discassion of tlie route is in his article on Fray Juan de Pa<Ulla, in the American
Catholic Quarterly Review, vol. xv, p. 551. The Gilded Mau also contains an outline of tlie prob-
able route. An element in his calculation, to which lie give.s much prominence, is the tendency of
one wlio is lost to right. This is strongly emphasized in the Gilded Mau
wander always toward the
but It can, hardly merit the importance which lie gives to it. The emphasis ajipeara, how-
1 think,
ever, much more in Bandelier's words than in his results. I can not see that there is anything to
Bhow that the Indiau guides ever really lost their reckoning.
398 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

Canadian river by a bridge, just south of where Mora river enters it,
the Spaniards, according to Bandolier, marched toward the northeast
for ten days, until they met the first of the plains Indians, the Que-
recho or Toukawa. Thence they turned almost directly toward the
rising sun. Bandelier thinks that they very soon found out that the
guides had lost their reckoning, which presumably means that it became
evident that there was some difference of opinion among the Indians.
After marching eastward for thirty-five days or so, the Spaniards
halted on the banks of a stream which flowed in the bottom of a broad
and deep ravine. Here it was computed that they had already trav-
— —
eled 250 leagues 650 miles from Tiguex. They had crossed no other
large river since leaving the bridge over the Canadian, and as the
route had been south of east, as is distinctly stated by one member
of the force, they had probably reached the Canadian again. There is
a reference to crossing what may have been the North Fork of the
Canadian, in which case the army would now be on the north bank of
the main river, below the junction of the two forks, in the eastern part
of Indian Territory. Here they divided. The Teya guides conducted
the main force directly back to the Eio Grande settlements. Coronado
went due north, and a month later he reached a larger river. He
crossed to the north bank of this stream, and then followed its course
for several days, the direction being northeast. This river, manifestly,
must be the Arkansas, which makes a sharp turn toward the northeast
at the Great Bend, east of Fort Dodge, flowing in that direction for
75 miles. Jaramillo states that they followed the current of the river.
As he approached the settled country, Coronado turned toward the
north and found Quivira, in northeastern Kansas, not far south of the
Nebraska boundary.'
The two texts of the Eelacion del Suceso differ on a vital point;*
but in spite of this fact, I am inclined to accept the evidence of this anony-
mous documeut as the most reliable testimony concerning the direc-
tion of the army's march. According to this, the Spaniards traveled

^Bandelier accoants for sixty-seven days of short marches and occasional delays between the sepa-
ration of the force on Canadian river and the arrival at Quivira. It may be that the Boventy-seven
days of desert marching which Coronado mentions in his letter of October 20, 1541, refers to this part
of the journey, instead of to the whole of the journey from the bridge (near Mora on the Canadian)
to Quivira. liut the number sixty-seven originated in a blunder of Temaux-Compans, who substi-
The mistake evidently induenced Bandelier to
tuted it for seventy-seven, in translating this letter.
But this need not aft'ect his results materially,
extend the journey over more time than it really took.
if we extend the amount of ground covered by each day's march and omit numerous halts, which
were very unlikely, considering the condition of his party and the desire to solve the mystery of
Quivira. If the Spaniards crossed the Arkansas somewhere below Fort Dodge, and followed it until
the river turns toward the southeast, Quivira can hardly have been east of the middle part of the stat«
of Kansas. It was much more probably somewhere between the main forks of Kansas river, in the
central part of thatstate. Bandelier seems to have abandoned his documents as he approached the
goal, and t« have transporte^l Coronado across several branches of Kansas river, in order to fill out
his sixty-seven days — which should have been seventy -seven— and perhaps to reach the region fixed
on by previous conceptions of the limit of exploration. He may have realized that the difficulty in
his explanation of the route was that it required a reduction of about one-fourth of the distance cov-
ered by the army in the eastward march, as plotted by General Simpson. This can be accounted for
by the wandering path which the army followed.
'See the note at the end of the translation.
wiNsBip] THE EETURN TO PECOS 399

due east across the plains for 100 leagues 265 miles' —
and then 50 —
leagues either south or southeast. The latter is the reading I should
prefer to adopt, because it accommodates the other details somewhat
better. This took them to the point of separation, which can hardly
have been south of Eed river, and was much more likely somewhere
along the North Fork of the Canadian, not far above its junction with
the main stream. From this point the army returned due west to
Pecos river, while Coronado rode north "by the needle.'" From these
premises, which are broad enough to be safe, I should be inclined to
doubt if Coronado went much beyond the south branch of Kansas river,
if he even reached that stream. Coronado probably spent more days
on his march than General Simpsou allowed for, but I do not think that
he traveled nearly so far as General Simpson supposed. Coronado also
returned to Cicuye by a direct route, which was about two-thirds as
long as that of the outward march. The distances given for various
portions of the journey have a real value, because each day's march
was paced off by a soldier detailed for the purpose, who carefully
recorded the distance covered.

THE WINTER OF 1541-1542

By October 20, 1541, Coronado was back in Tiguex, writing his report
to the King, in which he expressed his anxiety lest the failure to dis-
cover anything of immediate material profit might react unfavorably
on his own prospects. Letters and dispatches from Mexico and Spain
were awaiting him at Tiguex. One of these informed Don Garcia Lopez
de Cardenas of the death of his brother, by which he became heir to
the family estates. Cardenas had broken his arm on the plains, and
this injury was still troubling him when he received permission to
return to New Spain. He was accompanied by the messengers carry-
ing letters to the viceroy and by ten or twelve other invalids, "not one
of whom could have done any fighting." The party had no trouble,
however, until they reached Suya, in Corazones valley, the settlement
which had taken the place of San Hieronimo. Pedro de Tovar had
reduced the already feeble garrison at the latter post by half, when he
took away the reinforcements six months before. The town had been
much weakened by desertions, as well as by the loss of its commander,
the invaluable Melchior Diaz, before this. The Indians quickly dis-
cerned the condition of the town, and its defenders were unable to
maintain friendly relations with the surrounding tribes. When Car-
denas reached the place, he found every thing burned to the ground, and
the bodies of Spaniards, Indians, and horses lying about. Indeed, he
seems barely to have saved the invalids accompanying him from being
added to the number of the massacred. The party succeeded in mak-
ing its way to Cibola in safety, and from there they returned to Tiguex,
where they found the general seriously ill. By this time the winter was
' The Spauish (judicial) league was efiuivaleut to 2.63 statute miles.
400 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

fairly begun, but the season, fortunately, was much less severe than the
preceding one.
Two parties formed in the Spanish camp at Tiguex during the win-
ter of 1541-42. The men who had seen Quivira can hardly have brought
back from there much hope of finding gold or other treasure by further
explorations in that country. But there were many who had not been
there, who were unwilling to give up the ideas which had been formed
during the preceding months. When the general parted from his army
on the plains, he may have promised that he would return and lead the
whole force to this land, if only it should prove to be such as their incli-
nation pictured it. Many persisted in the belief that a more thorough
exploration would discover some of the things about which they thought
the Turk had told them. On the other hand, there were many besides
the leader who were tired of this life of hardship, which had not even
afforded the attractions of adventure and serious conflict. Few of
them, doubtless, had wives and estates waiting to welcome them home,
like their fortunate general, but most of the gentlemen, surely, were
looking forward to the time when they could win wealth and glory,
with which to return to old Spain, and add new luster to their family
name. Castaiieda gives a soldier's gossip of the intriguing and per-
suading which resulted in the abandonment of the Pueblo country, and
Mota Padilla seems to support the main points in his story.
THE FRIARS REMAIN IN THE COUNTRY
When it was determined that the army should return
to Mexico, the
friars who had accompanied the
expedition ' resolved to remain in the
newly discovered regions and continue their labors among the people
there. Friar Juan de Padilla was the leader of the three missionaries.
Younger and more vigorous than his brethren, he had from the first
been the most active in constantly maintaining the oversight and disci-
pline of the church. He was with Tovar when the Tusayan country on
the west was discovered, and with Alvarado during the first visit to the
Rio Grande and the buffalo plains on the east. When Coronado and
his companion horsemen visited the plains of Kansas, Friar Juan de
Padilla went with him on foot. His brief experience in the Quivira
country led him to decide to go back to that district, when Coronado
was preparing to return to New Spain. If the Indians who guided
Coronado from Quivira to Cicuye remained in the pueblo country
during the winter, Padilla probably returned with them to their homes.
He was accompanied by Andres Docampo, a Portuguese, mounted on a
mare according to most accounts, besides five Indians, negroes or half-
bloods, two "donados" or lay brethren, Indians engaged in the church
service, who came from Michoacan and were named Lucas and Sebastian,
a mestizo or half-blood boy and two other servants from Mexico.
' CastaQeda implies tliat Friar Antonio Victoria, who broke bia leg near Culiaoan, accompanied the
main force on its march to Cibola. This is the last beard of him, and it is much more probable that
he remained in New Gallcia.
13
vr BunFAJ or ETHNOLOGY
ESCP

WYTFLIET'S NEW QRA^

 FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. Lll

AND CALIFORNIA, 1697

wiKSHip] EARLY MISSIONARIES AMONG THE PUEBLOS 401

The friar was successful in his labors until he endeavored to enlarge

the sphere of his influence, when the jealousy, or possibly the cupidity,
of the Indians led them to kill him, rather than permit the transfer-
ence to some other tribe of the blessings which he had brought to them.'
Friar Juan de la Cruz is not mentioned by Castaneda nor by Jara-
millo, but Mendieta and Mota Padilla are very clear in their accounts
of him. He was an older man than the others, and had been engaged
in missionary work among the natives of the Jalisco country before he
joined this expedition. Ooronado left him at Tiguex, where he was
killed, according to Mota Padilla. The date, in the martyrologies, is
November 25, 1542. Many natives of the Mexican provinces stayed in
the Pueblo country when Ooronado abandoned it. Some of these were
still at Cibola when Antonio de Espejo visited it in 1583, while others

doubtless made their way back to their old homes in New Spain, and
they may have brought the information about the death of Friar Juan.
Friar Luis Descalona, or de Ubeda as Mota Padilla calls him, was a
lay brother, who selected Cicuye or Pecos as the seat of his labors in
New Mexico. Neither the Spanish chronicles nor the Indian tradi-
tions which Mr Bandelier was able to obtain give any hint as to his
fate or the results of his devotion to the cause of Christianity.

THE RETURN TO NEW SPAIN

The army started on its return from Tiguex to Cibola and thence to
Ouliacan and Mexico early in the spring of 1542. The march was with-
out interruption or diversion. As the soldiers reentered New Galicia
and found themselves once more among settlements of their own race,
beyond the reach of hostile natives, the ranks dwindled rapidly. The
men stopped to rest and to recruit their strength at every opportunity,
and it was only with the greatest difficulty that Ooronado was able to
keep together the semblance of a force with which to make his entry
into the City of Mexico. Here he presented his personal report to the
viceroy. He had little to tell which could interest the disappointed
Mendoza, who had drawn so heavily on the royal treasure box two
years before to furnish those who formed the expedition with everything
that they might need. Besides the loss in his jiersonal estate, there
was this use of the royal funds which had to be accounted for to the
Vetancurt, in the Menologia, gives tlie date of the inartyrdiim of Fray Juan de Padilla as Novem-
'

ber30, 1544, and I see no reason to prefer the more general statements of Jaramillo, Castaiieda, and
Mota Padilla, which seem to imply that it took place in 1542. Docampo and the other companions
of the friar brought the news to They must have returned some time previous to 1552,
Mexico.
for Gomara mentions their arrival in Tampico, on theMexican gulf, in liia Copquista de Mexico
published in that year. Herrera and Gomara say that the fugitives had been captured by Indians
and detained as slaves for ten months. These historians state also that a dog accompanied the
fugitives. Further mention of dogs in connection with the Ooronado expedition is in the stories of
one accompanying Estevan "which Alarcon heard along Colorado river, also in the account of the
death of Melchior Diaz, and in the reference by CastaSeda to the use of these animals as beasts of
burden by certain plains tribes.
Mendieta and Vetancurt say that, of the two donados, Sebastian died soon after his return, and the
other lived long as a missionary among the Zacatecas.

14 ETH 26
402 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 ([Link].u

officials in Spain. It is the best proof of the strength of Mendoza's

able and economical .administration that no opposition ever succeeded
in influencing the home government against him, and that the failure
of this expedition, with the attendant circumstances, furnished the
most serious charge which those who had displayed hostility toward
him were able to produce.
When Coronado reached the City of Mexico, "very sad and very weary,
completely worn out and shamefaced," Suarez de Peralta was a boy on
the streets. We catch a glimpse of him in the front rows of a crowd
watching an execution, this same winter of 1542-43, and we may be sure
that he saw all that was going on, and that he picked up and treasured
the gossip of the city. His recollections give a vivid picture of the
return of the expedition, when Coronado "came to kiss the hand of the
viceroy and did not receive so good a reception as he would have liked,
forhe found him very sad." For many days after the general reached
the city the men who had followed him came straggling in, all of them
worn out with their toils, clothed in the skins of animals, and showing
the marks of their misfortunes and sufferings. "The country had been
very joyous when the news of the discovery of the Seven Cities spread
abroad, and this was now supplanted by the greatest sadness on the
part of all, for many had lost their friends and their fortunes, since
those who remained behind had entered into i^artnerships with those
who went, mortgaging their estates and their property in order to pro-
cure a share in what was to be gained, and drawing up papers so that
those who were to be present should have power to take possession of
mines and enter claims in the name of those who were left behind, in
accordance with the custom and the ordinances which the viceroy had
made for New Spain. Many sent their slaves also, since thei'e were
many of these in the country at this time. Thus the loss and the grief
were general, but the viceroy felt it most of all, for two reasons Because
:

this was the outcome of something about which he had felt so sure,
which he thought would make him more powerful than the greatest
lord in Spain, and because his estates were ruined, for he had labored
hard and spent much in sending off the army. Finally, as things go,
he succeeded in forgetting about it, and devoted himself to the govern-
ment of his province, and in this he became the best of governors,
being trusted by the King and loved by all his subjects."

THE END OF CORONADO

We do not know what became of Vazquez Coronado. The failure of
the expedition was not his fault, and there is nothing to show that he
ever sought the position which Mendoza intrusted to him. Neither is
there any evidence that Mendoza treated him with any less marks of
friendship after his return than before. The welcome home was not
cordial,but there are no reports of upbraiding, nor any accusations of
negligence or remissness. Coronado soon gave up his position as gov-
wiNSHip] THK END OF CORONADO 403

ernor of Galicia, but we need not suppose that he was compelled

New
to resign. There was every reason why he should have desired to
escape from a position which demanded much skill and unceasing active
administration, but which carried with it no hope of reward or of honor.
It is pleasant to believe that Corouado withdrew to his estates and
lived happily ever after with his wife and children, spending his leisure
in su])ervising the operations on his farm and ranch, and leading the
uneventful life of a country gentleman. The only break iu the monot-
—
ony of which we happen to know and this is the only part of this belief
for which there is the slightest evidence that it is correct came when —
he was accused, in 1544 and again in 1547, of holding more Indians to
labor on his estates than were allowed by the royal regulations. We
do not even know the outcome of this accusation. Vazquez Coronado
sinks into oblivion after he made his report to the viceroy in the autumn
of 1542.

Some Eesults of the Expedition —1540-1547

the discovery of colorado river
the voyage of alabcon
Coronado found no gold in the land of the Seven Cities or in Quivira,
but his search added very much to the geographical knowledge of the
Spaniards.' In addition to the exploration of the Pueblo country of
New Mexico and Arizona, and of the great plains as far north as
Kansas or Nebraska, the most important subsidiary result of the expe-
dition of 1540-1542 was the discovery of Colorado river. Hernando de
Alarcon, who sailed from Acapulco May 9, 1540, continued his voyage
northward along the coast, after stopping at the port of Culiacan to
add the San Gabriel to his fleet, until he reached the shoals and sand-
bars at the head of the Gull of California. The fleet which Cortes
* The maps of the New World drawn aud published between 1542 and 1*100, reproductions of several

of which accompany this memoir, give a better idea of the real value of the geographical discoveries
made by Coronado than any bare statement could give. In 1540, European cartographers knew nothing
—
about the country north of New Spain. Cortes had given them the name Nueva Espafia or Hispania
Nova— and this, with the name of the continent, served to designate the Inland region stretching
toward the north and west. Such was the device which Mercator adoptwl when he drew his double
cordiform map in 1538 (plates XLV, XLVI). Six years later, 1544, Sebastian Cabot published his elabo-
rate map of the New World (see plate XL). He had heard of the explorations made by and for Cortes
toward the head of the Gulf of California, very likely from the lips of the conqueror himself. He
confined New Spain to its proper limits, and in the interior he pictured Indians and wild beasts. In 1548
the maps of America in Ptolemy's Geography for the first time show the results of Coronado's discov-
eries (see plate XLl). During the remainder of the century Granada, Cibola, Quivira, and the other
places whose names occur in the various reports of the expedition, appear on the maps. Their loca-
tion, relative to each other and to the dlfierent parts of the country, constantly changes. Quivira
moves along the fortieth parallel from Espiritu Santo river to the Pacific coast. Tiguex and Totonteac
are on any one of half a dozen rivers flowing into the Gulf of Mexico, the Espiritu Santo, or the South
sea. Acuco and Cicuye are sometimes placed west of Cibola, and so a contemporary map maker may
be the cause of the mistaken title to the report of Alvarado's expedition to the liio Grande. But
many as were the mistakes, they are insignificant in comparison with the great fact that the people of
Europe had learned that there was an inhabited country north of Mexico, and that the world was, by
so much, larger than before.
404 THE COKONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ethann. U

had sent out under tbe command of Ulloa the previous summer, turned
back from these shoals, and Alarcon's sailors begged him not to venture
among them. But the question of a passage by water through to the
South, or Pacific, sea, which would make an island of the California
peninsula, was still debated, and Alarcon refused to return until he had
definitely determined the possibility of finding such a passage. His
pilots ran the ships aground, bvit after a careful examination of the
channel, the fleet was floated across the bar in safety, with the aid of
the rising tide. Alarcon found that he was at the mouth of a large
river, with so swift and strong a current that it was impossible for the
large vessels to make any headway against it. He determined to explore
the river, and, taking twenty men in two boats, started upstream on
Thursday, August 26, 1540, when white men for the first time floated on
the waters of the Colorado. Indians appeared on the river banks dur-
ing the following day. The silence with which the strangers answered
the threatening shouts of the natives, and the presence of the Indian
interpreters in the boats, soon overcame the hostile attitude of the sav-
ages. The European trifles which had been brought for gifts and for
trading comjjleted the work of establishing friendly relations, and the
Indians soon became so well disposed that they entirely relieved the
Spaniards of the labor of dragging the boats up the stream. A crowd
of Indians seized the ropes by which the boats were hauled against the
current, and from this time on some of them were always ready to
render this service to their visitors. In this fashion the Spaniards con-
tinued northwaid, receiving abundant supplies of corn from the natives,
whose habits and customs they had many excellent opportunities for
observing. Alarcon instructed these people dutifully in the worship
of the cross, and continually questioned them iibout the places whose
names Friar Marcos had heard. He met with no success until he had
traveled a considerable distance up the river, when for the first time he
found a man witli whom his interpreter was able to converse.
This man said that he had visited Cibola, which was a month's jour-
ney distant. There was a good trail by which one might easily leach
that country in forty days. The man said he had gone there merely
to see the place, since it was quite a curiosity, with its houses three
and four stories high, filled with people. Around the houses there was
a wall half as high again as a man, having windows on each side. The
—
inhabitants used the usual Indian weapons bows and arrows, clubs,
maces, and shields. They wore mantles and ox hides, which were
painted. They had a single ruler, who wore a long shirt with a girdle,
and various mantles over this. The women wore long white cloaks
which completely covered them. There were always many Indians
waiting about the door of their ruler, ready in case he should wish for
anything. They also wore many blue stones which they dug out of a
—
rock the turquoises of the other narratives. They had but one wife,
and when they died all their eftects were buried with them. When
14
 —
BURFAO Of ETHNOLOGY

P"! I ! I'^l ! [ WLi 1 i^U «M>

in
^SJ.

Pik\

a -^^^
m>]^.
-mtT^

StIAN R]
^'.-.Ssr ^^^ m^ ^-
a
J^S^.

v^-^i"

C.]ilanc0

hrtuna
vli^^vv^
«iiW

' '.Z?rra medfcoia •

\ I '.\ftJ,vjt0 y

'.«.

Liiuf:> Occiuentis
uiiuetAi

*r '
^f-
— /p«r
3L l'S5\

WYTFLIET'S KINGDOMS I
 FOURTEFNTH ANNUAL RFPORT PL. Lltl

1^10]
rn~raT"TX!H m i h i i \mh

Tolm Regrium .

45
/TfcrtV,

^hjl
"^'M
^i-

M ? IV^,
f^
'4l

J.
\ -^^ir^ ^

•'v

i»

J/
» „

^^

Us/^r^ H8
i'"''sj*j

A, ANIAN, AND TOLM, 1597

wiNSHiPl ALARCON AMONG YUMAN TRIBES 405
their rulers ate,mauy men waited about the tables. They ate with
iiapkius, —
aud had baths a natural inference from any attempt to
describe the stutty underground rooms, the estufas or kivas of the
Pueblos.
Alarcon continued to question the Indian, and learned that the lord
of (Jibola had a dog like one which accompanied the Spaniards, and that
when dinner was served, the loi'd of Cibola had four plates like those used
by the Si)aniards, exce])t that they were green. He obtained these at the
same time that he got the dog, with some other things, from a black man
who wore a beard, whom the people of Cibola killed. A few days later,
Alarcon obtained more details concerning the death of the negro "who
wore certain things on his legs and arms which rattled." When asked
about gold and silver, the Indians said that they had some metal of the
same color as the bells which the Spaniards showed them. This was
not made nor found in their country, but came " from a certain moun-
taiu where an old woman dwelt." The old woman was called Guatu-
zaca. One of Alarcou's' informants told him about people who lived
farther away than Cibola, in houses made of painted mantles or skins
during the summer, and who passed the winter in houses made of wood
two or three stories high. The Indian was asked about the leather
shields, and in reply described a very great beast like an ox, but more
than a hand longer, with broad feet, legs as big as a man's thigh, a head
7 hands long, and the forehead 3 spans across. The eyes of the beast
were larger than one's fist, and the horns as long as a man's leg, " out
of which grew sharp points an handful long, and the forefeet and hind-
feet about seven handfuls big." The tail was large and bushy. To
show how tall the animal was, the Indian stretched his arms above his
bead. In a note to his translation of this description, Hakluyt sug-
gests, " Thismight be the crooke backed oxe of Quivira." Although
the height and the horns are clearly those of a buck deer, the rest of
the description is a very good account of the bison.
The man who him all this was called ashore, and Alarcon noticed
told
an excited discussion going on among the Indians, which ended in the
return of his informant with the news that other white men like him-
self were at Cibola. Alarcon x)i etended to wonder at this, and was told
that two men had just come from that country, where they had seen
white men having "things which shot fire, and swords." These latest
reports seemed to make the Indians doubt Alarcon's honesty, and espe-
cially his statements that he was a child of the Sun. He succeeded in
quieting their suspicions, and learned more about Cibola, with which
these people appeared to have quite frequent intercourse. He was told
that the strangers at Cibola called themselves Christians, and that they
brought with them many oxen like those at Cibola "and other little
blacke beastes with wooll and homes." Some of them also had animals
upon which thej' rode, which ran very swiftly. Two of the party that
had recently returned from Cibola, had fallen in with two of the Chris-
406 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].w

tiaus. The white men asked them where they lived and whether they
possessed any fields sown with corn, and gave each of them little caps
for themselves and for their companions. Alarcon did his best to induce
some of his men to go to Cibola with a message to Coronado, but all
refused except one negro slave, who did not at all want to go. The
plan had to be given up, and the party returned to the ships. It had
taken fifteen days and a half to ascend the river, but they descended
with the swift current in two and a half. The men who had remained
in the ships were asked to undertake the mission of opening communi-
cation with Coronado, but proved as unwilling as the others.
Much against the will of his subordinates, Alarcon determined to
make a second trip up the river, hoping to obtain further information
which might enable him to fulfill the purposes of his voyage. He took
"three boats filled with wares of exchange, with come and other seedes,
heiines and cockes of Castille." Starting September 14, he found the
Indians as friendly as before, and ascended the river, as he judged,
about 85 leagues, which may have taken him to the point -where the
canyons. begin. A
cross was erected to inform Coronado, in case an
expedition from Cibola should reach this part of the river,' that he had
tried to fulfill his duty, but nothing more was accomplished.^
While Alarcon was exploring the river, one of the ships was careened
and repaired, and everything made ready for the return voyage. A
chapel was built on the shore in honor of Nuestra Senora de Buena-
guia, and the river was named the Buenaguia, out of regard for the
viceroy, who carried this as his device.
The voyage back to Colima in New Spain was uneventful.

THE .TOUENEY OF MELCHIOR DIAZ

In September, 1540, seventy or eighty of the weakest and least reli-
able men in Ooronado's army remained at the town of San Hiero-
nimo, in the valley of Corazones or Hearts. Melchior Diaz was placed
in command of the settlement, with orders to maintain this post and
protect the road between Cibola and Kew Spain, and also to attempt to
find some means of communicating with the fleet under Alarcon. After
he had established everything in the town as satisfactorily as possible,
Diaz selected twenty-five of these men to accompany him on an ex-
ploring exi)edition to the seacoast. He started before the end of Sej)-
tember, going into the rough country west of Corazones valley, and
finding only a few naked, weak-spirited Indians, who had come, as he
understood, from the land on the farther side of the water, i. e.. Lower
'See Caataneda'a account of the finding of similar message by tiie party under Diaz,
•Tlieaccouutof tliis tripin Herrera (dec. vi, lib. ii, cap. xv, ed. 1728) is as follows: " Uaviendollegado
k ciertas Houtaria.*^, adoiide el Kio se estrechaba mucho, supo, <iite vn Kncantador andaba pregiintando
por donde bavia de piiflar. y liaviendo entendido, que per el Rio, puso desdt^ vna Ribera k la olra alguuas
CaSas, que debian de ser heclii(;adas pcro las BaiT-as ])[Link]<m sin dafio y liaviendo llogado mui arrilia,
; ;

preguutaiido porcosas de la Tierra, para enteuder, si descubriiiaalguna noticia de Francisco Vazquez

de Comado. . . . Vieudo Alarcon, que no liallaba lo que deseaba, i que baria snbido por aquel Rio
85 Leguas, determino de bolver." . . .
wiNSHip] DIAZ ON THE COLORADO 407

California. He hurried
across this region and descended the mountains
on the west, where he encountered the Indian giants, some of whom
the army had already seen. Turning toward the north, or northwest,
he proceeded to the seacoast, and spent several days among Indians
who fed him with the corn which they raised and with fish. He traveled
slowly up the coast until he reached the mouth of a river which was
large enough for vessels to enter. The country was cold, and the
Si)aniards observed that when the natives hereabouts wished to keep
warm, they took a burning stick and held it to their abdomens and
shoulders. This curious habit led the Spaniards to name the river
—
Firebrand Rio del Tizon. Near the mouth of the river was a tree on
which was written, " A
letter is at the foot of this." Diaz dug down
and found a jar wrapped so carefully that it was not even moist. Tlie
inclosed papers stated that " Francisco de Alarcon reached this place
in the year 'iO with tiiree ships, having been sent in search of Fran-
cisco Vazquez Coronado by the viceroy, D. Antonio de Meudoza; and
after crossing the bar at the mouth of the river and waiting many
days without obaining any news, he was obliged to depart, because
the ships were being eaten by worms," the terrible Teredo navalin.^
Diaz determined to cross the river, hoping that the country might
become more attractive.. The passage was accomj^Iished, with con-
siderable danger, by means of certain large wicker baskets, which the
natives coated with a sort of bitumen, so that the water could not leak
through. Five or six Indians caught hold of each of these and swam
across, guiding it and transporting the Spaniards with their baggage,
and being supported in turn by the raft. Diaz marched inland for four
days, but not finding any people in the country, which became steadily
more barren, he decided to return to Corazones valley. The party
matle its way back to the country of the giants without accident, and
then one night while Diaz was watching the camp, a small dog began to
bark and chase the flock of slieep which the men had taken with them
for food. Unable to call the dog off, Diaz started after him on horse-
back and threw his lance while on tlie gallop. The weapon stuck up in
the ground, and before Diaz could stop ov turn his horse, which was
running loose, the socket pierced his groin. The soldiers could do
little to relieve his sufferings, and he died before they reached the set-

tlement, where they, arrived January 18, 1541. few months later, A
Alcaraz, who had been placed in charge of the town when Diaz went
away, abandoned Corazones valley lor a more attractive situation on
Suya river, some distance nearer Cibola. The post was maintained here
'Mota Paditla (p. 158,^ 1). "Lo8 Iiidioa. para rfsistlrel Irio, llevau en la8 mauos iiii troncon aniiendo
que le8 calienta el pecho, y del mmino inu<)i> la espalda; uieudo esU> tan comun en todou los indios,
que por eso los uuestroa pusiernn u este rio el uombre AkI rio del Tisou cerca do 61 vieron tin at bol en
,

el cual eataban escrilas uuaa letras, que decian al pi(j enXA una carta y con efecto
; . ; la hallaron en una
olla, bien eiiviielta, porque no Be buiiiedecie»e, y au contenidocra: que ei auo do 40 lleg6 alli Fran-

cisco de Alurcou con tros navios, y enliando por la barra do aquel rio, euviado por el virey 1). Anto-
nio de Meudu/.a. en busca do F'raiici»co Vazquez Cnroriado: y <iue habiendo estado alh mucbos dias
8iu notlcia alguna lefue preci-so salir porque los navioa so comian de brotna.''
408 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

snmmer, when it became so much weakened by dissen-

until late in tlie
sions and desertions that the Indians had little difficulty in destroying
it. The defenders, with the exception of a few who were able to make
their way back to Culiacan, were massacred.

THE INDIAN UPRISING IN NEW SPAIN, 1540-1542

Of the alignments advanced by those who wished to hinder the ex-

pedition which Mendoza sent off under Coronado, none was urged
more persistently than the claim that this undertaking would require
all the men available for the protection of New Spain. It was sug-
gested by all the parties to the litigation in Spain, was repeated by
Cortes again and again, reappeared more than once during the visita
of 1547, and was the cause of the depositions taken at Compostela on
February 26, 1540. These last show the real state of affairs. The men
who were withdrawn constituted a great resource in case of danger,
but they were worse than useless to the community when things were
peaceful. The Indians of New Spain had been quiet since the death
of De la Torre, a few years before, but signs of danger, an increasing
restlessness, unwilling obedience to the masters and encomenderos,
and frequent gatherings, had been noticed by many besides Cort«s.
There were reasons enough to justify an Indian outbreak, some of them
abuses which dated from the time of Nuuo de Guzman, but there is
every reason to suppose that the withdrawal of (Joronado's force,
following the irritation which was inevitably caused by the necessity
of collecting a large food supply and many servants, probably brouglit
matters to a crisis. OPiate, to whom the administration of New Galicia
had again been intrusted during the absence of his superior, began to
prepare for the trouble which he foresaw almost as soon as Coronado
was gone from the province. In April he learned that two tribes had
rebelled and murdered one of their encomenderos. A
force was sent
to put down the revolt. The rebels requested a conference, and then,
early next morning, surprised the camp, which was wholly unprepared
for defense. Ten Spaniards, including the unwary commander, and
nearly two hundred native allies were killed. Thus began the last and
the fiercest struggle of the Indians of New Spain against their Euro-
—
pean conquerors the Mixtou war.
Ofiate prepared to march against the victorious rebels, as soon as the
news of the disaster reached him, but when this was followed by addi-
tional inlonnation from the agents among the Indians, showing how
widespread were the alliances of those who had begun the revolt, and
that the Indians throughout the province of New Galicia were already
in arms, he retired to Guadalajara. The defenses of this town were
strengthened as much as possible, and messengers were dispatched to
Mexico for leentorcements. The viceroy sent some soldiers and sup-
plies, but this force was not sufficient to prevent the Indians —
who were
animated by their recent successes, by their numbers, by the knowledge
of the weak points as well as of the strong ones in their oppressors, and
1-
 BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY

TYryS ORBI5 TEHRARVJVr, AD TMIT^

Cuius /rcuit^iunt taw. ^eccrum ^lantt recentiffrj/tM fupput/it/offeui s'4-oo mi/iana
• ^ Cf

• —I - Wint

'^m Qi?^ ^^ POTEST \T:UI:RI 3IAGNVM in KEBVi jt

'^$ AlVJ^DI JxrOX^ 51 T JVfAGJSriXVDO

x: ixsr: •m~ 33r :aii::^—nr: arrr ar;

MATTHIAS QUAOUS' FAS

AfMr
 FOURTEEMTH ANNUAL REPORT Pt. LIV

ONEM ATNTVERSALIS GKRHARBI MEKCATORI5

mica ambitus camplecfrtur ^anta iJtemi'orisJpacw cirrinK^^f^/inc cor/?alir.

xcuius
hiopicus

-f -
i-ii
'
.» ,. TUL^-...jyyL -^-^^iii

[CEJR.O • <-cccc<2i;cT?>"iSi£r3^AG'>jtj;<Q/3c^

icnzr:.Trcr nrrmmrzai :xirc~

S GEOGRAPHICUS, 1608
kiold
wrasHipj ALLIANCE OF MENDOZA AND ALVARADO 409

who were guided by able leaders possessing all the prestige of religious
authority — from attacking the frontier settlements and forcing the Span-
iards to congregate in the larger towns.
There was much fighting during the early summer of 1540, in which
the settlers barely held their own. In August, the adelantado Pedro
de Alvarado sailed into the harbor of La Natividad. As the news of his
arrival spread, requests were sent to him from many directions, asking
for help against the natives. One of the most urgent came from those
who were defending the town of Puriflcacion, and Alvarado was about
to start to their assistance, when a message from Mendoza changed his
plans. The two men arranged for a personal interview at Tiripitio in
Michoacan, where the estate of a relative afforded Alvarado a quasi
neutral territory. After some difficulties had been overcome, the terms
of an alliance were signed by both ]>arties November 29, 1540. Each was
to receive a small share in whatever had already been accomplished
by the other, thus providing for any discoveries which might have
rewarded Coronado's search before this date. In the future, all con-
quests and gains were to be divided equally. It was agreed that the
expenses of equipping the fleet and the army should offset each other,
and that all future expenses should be shared alike. Each partner was
allowed to spend a thousand castellanos de minas yearly, and all expend-
iture in excess of this sum required the consent of the other party.
All accounts were to be balanced yearly, and any surplus due from one
to the other was to be paid at once, under penalty of a fine, which was
assured by the fact that half of it was to go into the royal treasury.
Mendoza secured a half interest in the ileet of between nine and
twelve vessels, which were then in the ports of Acapulco and of Santi-
ago de Oolima. Cortes accused the viceroy of driving a very sharp bar-
gain in this item, declaring that Alvarado was forced to accept it
because Mendoza made it the condition on which he would allow the
ships to obtain provisions.' Mendoza, as matters turned out, certainly
had the best of the bargain, although in the end it amounted to noth-
ing. Whether this would have been true if Alvarado had lived to
prosecute his schemes is another possibility. Alvarado took his
chances on the results of Coronado's conquests, and it is very likely
that, by the end of November, the discouraging news contained in
Coronado's letter of August 3 was not generally known, if it had even
reached the viceroy.
The contract signed, Alvarado and Mendoza went to Mexico, where
they passed the winter in perfecting arrangements for carrying out their
plans. The cold weather moderated the fury of the Indian war some-
what, without lessening the danger or the troubles of the settlers in New
Galicia, all of whom were now shut up in the few large towns. Alva-
rado returned to the Pacific coast in the spring of 1541, and as soon as

' The accusation was made by others at the time. H. H. Bancroft repeats the charge in his Mexico,
but it should always be remembered that Mr Bancroft, or his compilers, in everything connected with

the conqueror, repeat whatever it may have pleased Cortes to write, without criticism or question.
410 THE CORONAbO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link] M

Onate learned of this, be sent an urgent request for help, telling of the
serious straits in which he had been placed. The security of the prov-
ince was essential to the successful prosecution of the plans of the
new alliance. Alvarado immediately sent reinforcements to the dift'er-
ent garrisons, and at the head of his main force hastened to Guadala-
jara, where ho arrived June 12, 1541. Ofiate liad received reports from
the native allies and the Spanish outposts, who were best acquainted
with the situation and plans of the hostile Indians, which led him to
urge Alvarado to delay the attack until he could be certain of success.
An additional force had been i)romised from Mexico, but Alvarado felt
that the glory and the booty would both be greater if secured unaided.
Scorning the advice of those who had been beaten by savages, he
hastened to chastise the rebels. The campaign was a short one. On
June 24 Alvarado reached the fortified height of ^ochistlan, where he
encountered such a deluge of men and of missiles that he was not able
to maintain his ground, nor even to prevent the precipitate retreat of
his soldiers. It was a terrible disaster, but one which reflected no dis-
credit on Alvarado after the fighting began. The flight of the Span-
iards continued after the Indians had grown tired of the chase. It
was then that the adelantado tried to overtake his secretary, wlio
had been one of those most eager to get away from the enemy. Alva-
rado was afoot, having dismounted in order to handle his men and
control the retreat more easily, but he had almost caught up with his
secretary, when the latter 8])urred his jaded horse up a rocky hill.
The animal tried to respond, fell, and rolled backward down the hill,
crushing the adelantado under him. Alvarado siu'vived long enough
to be carried to Guadalajara and to make his will, dying on the 4th
of July.
This disaster did not fully convince the viceroy of the seriousness of
the situation. Fifty men had already started from Mexico, arriving in
Guadalajara in July, where they increased the garrison to eighty five,
Nothing more was done by Meudoza after he heard of the death of
Alvarado. The Indians, emboldened by the complete failure of their
enemies, renewed their efforts to drive the white men out of the land.
They attacked Guadalajara on September 28, and easily destroyed all
except the chief buildings in the center of the city, in which the gar-
rison had fortified themselves as soon as they learned that an attack
was about to be made. A
fierce assault against these defenses was
repulsed only after a hard struggle. The miraculous appearance of
Saint lago on his whit« steed and leading his army of allies, who
blinded the idolatrous heathen, alone prevented the destruction of his
faithful believers, according to the record of one contemporary chron-
icler. At last Mendoza realized that the situation was critical. forceA
of 450 Spaniards was raised, in addition to an auxiliary body of between
10,000 and 50,000 Aztec warriors. The native chieftains were rendered
loyal by ample promises of wealth and honors, and the warriors were
granted, for the first time, permission to use horses and Spanish
*IH8HIP] END OF THE MIXTON WAR 411

weapons. With the help of these Indians, Mendoza eventually suc-

ceeded in destroying or reducing the revolted tribes. The campaign
was a series of fiercely contested struggles, which culminated at the
Mixton penol, a strongly fortified height where the most bitter enemies
of the Spanish conquerors had their headquarters. This place was sur-
rendered during the Christmas holidays, and when Coronado returned
in the autumn of 1542, the whole of Kew Spain was once more quiet.

FURTHER ATTEMPTS AT DISCOVERY

THE VOYAGE OF CABRILLO
Mendoza took possession of the vessels belonging to Alvarado after
the death of the latter. In accordance with the plans which the two
partners had agreed on, apparently, the viceroy commissioned Juan
Eodriguez Cabrillo to take command of two ships in the port of La
Natividad and make an exploration of the coast on the western side of
the peninsula of Lower California. Cabrillo started June 27, 1542, and
sailed north, touching the land frequently. Much bad weather inter-
fered with his plans, but he kept on till the end of December, when he
landed on one of the San Lucas islands. Here Cabrillo died, January
3,1543, leaving his chief pilot, Bartolome Ferrel or Ferrelo, "a native
of the Levant," in command. Ferrel left the island of San Miguel,
which he named Isla de Juan Eodriguez, on January 29, to continue
the voyage. In a little more than a month the fleet had reached the
southern part of Oregon or thereabouts, allowing for an error of a
degree and a half in the observations, which said that they were 44°
north. A severe storm forced the ships to turn back from this point.
The report of the expedition is little more than an outline of distances
sailed and places named, although there are occasional statements which
give us valuable information regarding the coast Indians.' Among the
most interesting of these notes are those showing that the news of the
expeditions to Colorado river, and perhaps of the occupancy of the
Pueblo country by white men, had reached the Pacific coast. About
September 1, 1542, a party from the fleet went ashore near the southern
boundary of California. Five Indians met the Spanisli sailors at a
spring, where they were filling the water casks. "They appeared like
intelligent Indians," and went on board the ships without hesitation.
"They took note of the Spaniards and counted them, and made signs
that they had seen other men like these, who had beards and who
brought dogs and cross-bows and swords and showed by their
. . .

signs that the other Spaniards were five days' journey distant. . . .

The captain gave them a letter, which he told them to carry to the
Spaniards who they said were in the interior." September 28, at San

•The report or raemoranduin was written by Juan Paez, or more probably by the pilot Ferrel. It has
been translated in the reports of the United States Geological Survey West of the One Hundredth
Meridian. (Appendix to part i, vol. vii, Arehieolojry, pp. 293-314.)' The translation is accompanied by
notes identifying the places named, on which it is safe enough to rely, and by other notes of somewhat
doubtful value.
412 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1510-1542 [[Link].M

Pedro bay, Perrel agaiu foand Indians who told him by signs that
"tbey had passed people like the Spaniards in the interior." Two
days later, on Saturday morning, "three large Indians came to the
ship, who told by signs that men like us were traveling in the interior,
wearing beards, and armed' and clothed like the people on the ships,
and carrying cross-bows and swords. They made gestures with the
right arm as if they were throwing lances, and went running in a jjos-
ture as if riding on horseback. They showed that many of the native
Indians had been killed, and that this was the reason they were afraid."
A week later, October 7, the ships anchored off the islands of Santa
Cruz and Anacapa. The Indians of the islands and also of the main-
land opposite, near Santa Barbara or the Santa Clara valley, gave the
Spaniards additional descriptions of men like themselves in the interior.
The rest of the year 1542 was spent Iti this locality, off the coast of
southern California, and then the voyage northward was resumed.
Many points on the land were touched, although San Francisco bay
quite escaped observation. Just before a severe storm, in which one
of the vessels was lost, forcing him to turn back, Ferrel observed floating
drift and recognized that it meant the neigliborhood of a large river, but
he was driven out to sea before reaching the mouth of the Columbia.
The return voyage was uneventful, and the surviving vessel reached
the harbor of Natividad in safety by April 14, 1543.

VILLALOBOS SAILS ACROSS THE PACIFIC

Cortes and Alvarado had both conceived jdaus more than once to
equip a great expedition in New Spain and cross the South sea to the
isles of the Western ocean. After the death of Alvarado, Mendoza
adopted this scheme, and commissioned Euy Lopez de Villalobos to
take command of some of the ships of Alvarado and sail westward. He
started on All Saints day, the 1st of November, 1542, with 370 Spanish
soldiers and sailors aboard his fleet. January 22, 1547, Friar Jeronimo
de Santisteban wrote to Mendoza "from Cocihin in the Indies of the
King of Portugal." He stated that 117 of the men were still with the
fleet, and that these intended to keep together and make their way as

best they could home to Spain. Thirty members of the expedition had
remained at Maluco, and twelve had been captured by the natives of
various islands at which the party had landed. The rest, including
Euy Lopez, had succumbed to hunger and thirst, interminable labors
—
and suffering, and unrelieved discouragement the record of the pre-
vious months. This letter of Friar Jeronimo is the only published
account of the fate of this expedition.
The brief and gloomy record of the voyage of Villalobos is a fit end-
ing for this story of the Coronado expedition to Cibola and Quivira, of
how it came about, of what it accomplished, and of what resulted from
it. Nothing is the epitome of the whole story. The lessons which it
teaches are always warnings, but if one will read history rightly, every
warning will be found to be an inspiration.
 THE NARRATIVE OF GASTA^fEDA
BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE
Aperusal of the narratives of the expeditious of Corouado and of
Friar Marcos of Nice, which were translated by Henri Ternaux-Com-
pans for the ninth volume of his Collection de Voyages, convinced me
tliat the style and the language of these narratives were much more
characteristic of the French translator than of the Spanish conquista-
dores. A comparison of Teruaux's translations withsome of the Span-
ish texts which he had rendered into French, which were available in
"
the printed collections of Spanish documents in the Harvard University
library, showed me that Ternaux had not only rendered the language
of the original accounts with great freedom, but that in several cases
he had entirely failed to understand what the original writer endeav-
ored to relate. On consulting Justin Winsor's Narrative and Critical
History of America, in the second edition, I found that the Spanish
manuscript of the Castaiieda narrative, from which most of our knowl-
edge of Coronado's expedition is derived, was in the Lenox Library
in New York City. The trustees of this library readily granted my
request, made through Dr Winsor, for permission to copy the manu-
script. The Lenox manuscript is not the original one written by Cas-
taneda, but a copy made toward the end of the sixteenth century. It
contains a number of apparent mistakes, and the meaning of many
passages is obscure, probably due to the fact that the Spanish copyist
knew nothing about the North American Indians and their mode of
living. These jilaces I have pointed out in the notes to my translation
of the narrative, and I have called attention also to the important
errors and misconceptions in Ternaux's version. Diligent inquiry among
the custodians of the large Spanish libraries at Simancas, Madrid, and
at Seville where the Lenox manuscript was copied in 1596, has foiled
to bring me any information in regard to the original manuscript.
The Lenox copy is the one used by Ternaux.
The Spanish text of the Relacion Postrera de Sivola is printed now
for the first time, through the kindness of the late Seiior Joaquin
Garcia Icazbalceta, who copied it for me from a collection of papers
which formerly belonged to the Father Motolinia, the
in his possession,
author of a very valuable description of the Indians of New Spain.
In the preface to this work, dated 1.541, Motolinia says that he was
in communication with the brethren who had gone with Coronado. The
Eelacidn Postrera appears to be a copy made from a letter written to
some of the Franciscans in New Spain by one of the friars who accom-
panied Corouado.
413
414 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [Link].14

lu the bibliography are the references to the exact location of the

Spanish texts from which I have translated the other narratives. I
am not aware that any of these have been translated entire, although
Mr Bandelier has quoted from them extensively in his Documentary
History of Zuiii.
There is one other account of the Coronado expedition which might
have been included in the present volume. Mota Padilla wrote his
Historia de la Nueva Galicia two centuries after the return of Coronado,
but he had access to large stores of contemporary documents concern-
ing the early history of New Spain, most of which have since been de-
stroyed. Among these documents were those belonging to Don Pedro
de Tovar, one of the captains in Ooronado's army. Mota Padilla's
account of this expedition is nearly if not quite as valuable as that of
Castaneda, and supplements the latter in very many details. The
length of the narrative and the limitations inevitable to any work of
this nature forced me to abandon the idea of translating it for the
present memoir. Much of the text of Mota Padilla will be found, how-
ever, in the notes to the translation of Castaneda, while the second half
of the historical introduction is based primarily on Mota Padilla's nar-
rative, and a large portion of it is little more than a free rendering of
this admirable work.

THE SPANISH TEXT'

Relacion de Jornada de Cibola conpuesta per Pedro de Castaneda de Na^era.
la
Donde se trata de todos aquellos poblados y rites, y costumbres, la qual fue el
Afio de 1540.

Historia del Conde Fernando Gonzales impressa.

PEOEMIO.
Cosa por sierto me parece muy magnifico seuor ligeta y que es exer^i-
5io de hombres uirtuosos el desear saber y querer adquirir para su
memoria la noticia berdadera de las cosas acasos aconte^idos en partes
remotas de que se tiene poca noticia lo qual yo no culpo algunas per-
sonas especulatiuas que por uentura con buen yelo por muchas ueces
me an sido inportunos no poco rogadome les dixese y siclarase algunas
dudas que tenian de cosas particulares q al bulgo auian oydo en cosas
y casos acontecidos en la Jornada de cibola o tierra nueba que el buen
uisorey que dios aya en su gloria don Antonio de Mendoca ordeno y
hi(^o ha^cr donde embio por general capitan a francisco uasques de
coronado y a la berdad ellos tienen ra^on de querer saber la uerdad
porque como el bulgo muy muchas ueces y cosas que an oydo y por
uentura a quien de ellas no tubo noticia ansi las hacen mayores o
menores que ellas sou y las que son algo las hacen nada y las no tales
las hacen ta admirables que paregen cosas no creederas podriatan bien

* This text is, as far as possible, a copy of the Relacion in tbo Lenox Library. No attempt has been
made to add marks of punctuation, to accent, or to alter what may have been slips of the copyist's pen.
WIN8HIP] I^ARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 415

causarlo que como aquello tierra no permanecio no ubo quien quisiese

gastar tienpo en escrebir sus particularidades porque se perdiese la
noticia de aquello que no fue dios seruido que gosasen el sabe por que
en beidad quien quisiera exercitarse en escrebir asi las cosas acaecidas
en la Jornada como las cosas se bieron en aquellas tierras los ritos y
tratos delos naturales tubiera harta materia por donde paregiera su
juigio y creo que no le faltara de quedar relagiou que tratar de berdad
fuera tam admirable que pareciera increyble.
y tambien creo que alguuas nobelas que se quentan el aber como a
ueinte aiios y mas que aquella Jornada se higo lo causa digo esto porque
algunas la liagen tierra inabitable otros confinante a la florida otros a la
india mayor quenoparece pequeno desbario pueden tomar algunaocagion
y causa sobre que poner su fundamento tambien ay quien da noticia de
algunos animales bien remotos que otros con aber se hallado en aquella
Jornada lo niegan y aflrman no aber tal ni aberlos bisto otros uariil en
el rumbo de las prouincias y aun en los tractos y trajes atribuyendo lo
que es de los unos a los otros todo lo qual a sido gran parte muy mag-
niiico sefior a me mober aunque tarde a querer dar una brebe noticia
general i)ara todos los que se arrean de esta uirtud especulatiua y por
ahorrar el tiempo que con inportuuidades soy a quexado donde se halla-
ran cosas por sierto harto graues de crer todas o las mas bistas por
mis ojos y otras por notigia berdadera inquiridas de los propios natu-
rales creyendo que tenieiido entendido como lo tengo que esta mi pe-
quena obra seria en si ninguna o sin autoridad sino fuese faboregida y
anparada de tal persona que su autoi-idad quitase el atrebimiento a los
que sin acatamiento dar libertad a sus murrauradores lenguas y cono-
giendo yo en quanta obligacion siempre e sido y soy a vfa md humil-
meute suplico de baxo de su anparo como de berdadero seruidor y criado
sea recebida esta pequena obra la qual ba en tres partes repartida iiara
que mejor se de a entender la primera sera dar noticia del descubri-
miento y el armada o campo que higo con toda la Jornada con los capi-
tanes que alia fueron la segunda los pueblos y prouinyias que se liallarou
y en que rumbos y que ritos y costumbres los animales fructas yyerbas
y en que partes de la tierra. la tergera la buelta que el campo hup y las
ocaciones que ubo para se despoblar aun que no licitas por ser el mejor
paraje que ay para se descubrir el meoUo de la tierra que ay en estas
partes de pouiente como se uera y despues aca se tiene entendido y en lo
ultimo se tratara de algunas cosas admirables que se bieron y por donde
con mas facilidad se podra tornar a descubrir lo que no biraos que suelo
mejor y que no poco haria al caso para por tierra entrar en la tierra de
que yba en demanda el marques del ualle don fer*" cortes de baxo de
la estrella del poniente que no pocas armadas le costo de mar plega a
nro seiior me de tal gragia que con mi rudo entendimiento y poca abilidad
pueda tratando berdad agradar con esta me pequena obra al sabio y
prudente lector siendo por vra md aceptada pues mi intincion no es ganar
gracias de buen componedor ni retorico salbo querer dar berdadera
416 THE CORONA DO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [Link].h

noticia y hacer a via md este pequefio seruicio el qual reciba como de

berdadeio seiuidor y soldado que se hallo preseute y aunque no per
estilo pulido escrebo lo que paso lo que a oydo palpo y bido y tratrato.
siempre beo y es ansi que por la mayor parte quando tenemos entre
las nianos alguua cosa preciosa y la tratamos sin iiipedimeuto no la tene-
mos ni la preyianios en quanto uale si entendemos la falta que nos
haria si la perdiesemos y por tanto de continuo la bamos tenieudo en
menos i)ero despues que la abemos perdido y carecemos del beuefficio
de ella abemos gran dolor en el coia^on y siempre andamos ymagina-
tibos buscando modos y maneras como la tornemos a cobrar y asi me
pareye acae9io a todos aquellos o a los mas que tueroii a la Jornada quel
aiio de nro saluador jesu christo de mill y quinientos y quarenta hico
francisco uasques coronado en demanda de las siete ciudades que puesto
que no ballaron aquellas riqueyas de que les auian dado uoti^ia halla-
ron aparejo para las buscar y principio de buena tierra que poblar para
de alii pasar adelante y como despues aca por la tierra que conquista-
ron y despoblaron el tiempo les a dado a entender el rumbo y aparejo
donde estaban y el principio de buena tierra que tieuan entre manos
lloran sus coracones por aber perdido tal oportunidad de tiempo y como
sea sierto que ben mas lo honbres quando se suben a la talanquera que
quando andan en el coso agora que estan fuera eogno§en y entienden
los rumbos y el aparejo donde se hallauan y ya que ben que no lo pue-
den gogar ni cobrar y el tiempo perdido deleytanse en contar lo que
bieron y aun lo que entienden que perdieron especial aquellos que se
ballan pobres oy tanto como quando alia fueron y no an dexado de tra-
bajar y gastado el tienpo sin probecho digo esto porque tengo entendido
algunos de los que de alia binieron bolgarian oy como fiiese para pasar
adelante boluer a cobrar lo perdido y otros bolgarian oy y saber la causa
porque se descubrio y pues yo me oirecido a contarlo tomarlo e del prin-
cipio que pasa asi.
PRIMEBA PARTE.'
Capitulo primero donde se trafa como se supo la primera poblacion de
las siete fiudades y como Nufio de armada para descubrirlla.
guzman hifo
en el afio y quinientos y treinta siendo presidente de la nueba espaiia
Nufio de guzman ubo en su poder un indio natural del ualle o ualles de
oxitipar a quien los espafioles nombran tejo este indio dixo que el era
liijo de un mercader y su padre era muerto pero que siendo el chiquito

su padre entraua la tierra adentro a mercadear con plumas ricas de

aues para plumages y que en retorno traya un mucha cantidad de oro
y plata que en aquella tierra lo ay mucho y que el fue con el una o dos
ue^es y que bido muy grandes pueblos tanto que los quiso t-omparar
con mexieo y su comarca y que aula uisto siete pueblos muy grandes
donde aula calles de plateria y que jiara ir a ellos tardauan desde su
tierra quarenta dias y todo despoblado y que la tierra por do yban no

> The Primera Parte begins s new leaf in the original.

W1S8HIP] NAKEATIVE OF CASTANEDA 417

tenia yerba sino muy chiquita de uii xeme y que el rumbo que lleuaban
era al largo de la tierra entre las dos mares siguiendo la lauia del norte
debaxo de esta notigia NuDo de guzman junto casi quatrosientos hom-
bres espaiioles y ueinte mill amigos de la uueua espaiia y como se hallo
a el presente en mexico atrabesando la tarasca que es tierra de me-
cliuacau para LaUandose el aparejo quel indio de^ia boluer atrabesando
la tierra liacia la mar del norte y dariau en la tierra que yban a buscar
a la qual ya nombrauan las siete ciudades pues qonforme a los quarenta
dias quel texo decia hallaria que abiendo andado dofientas leguas
podrian bien atrabesar la tierra quitado a parte algunas fortunas que
pasaron en esta Jornada desque fueron llegados en la prouincia de
culiacan que fue lo ultimo de su gouernafion que es agora el nueuo
reyno de galijia quisieron atrabesar la tierra y ubo muy gran diflcultad
porque la cordillera de la sierra que cae sobre aquella mar estan agra
que por mucho que trabajo fue inposible hallar camino en aquella
parte y a esta causa se detubo todo su campo en aquella tierra de culia-
can hasta tanto que comb yban con el hombres poderosos que tenian
repartimientos en tierra de mexico mudarou las boluntades y de cada
dia se querian boluer fuera de esto Nuno de guzman tubo nueua como
aula benido de espana el marques del ualle don fernando cortes con el
nueuo titulo y grandes fabores y prouin^iones y como nuuo de guzman
en el tiempo (jue fue presidente le ubiese sido emulo muy graude y
hecho mucbos danos en sus haciendas y en las de sus amigos temiose
que don fer*° cortes se quisiese pagar en otras semejantes obras o
peores y determine de i)oblar aquella uilla de culiacan y dar la buelta
con la demas gente sin que ubiese mas efecto su Jornada y de buelta
poblo a xalisco que es la fiudad de conpostela y atonala que llaman
guadalaxara y esto es agora el nuebo reyno de galicia la guia que lleua-
ban que se decia texo murio en estos "comedios y ansi se quedo el
nombre de estas siete ciudades y la demanda de ellas hasta oy dia que
no sean descubierto. •

Capitulo segundo como bino a ser gouernador fran^uco uasques coro-

nado y la segunda relation que dio cahega de iiaca.

pasados que fueron ocho aiios que esta Jornada se aula hecho por Nunc
de guzman abiendo sido preso por un juez de residenjia que uiuo de
espafia para el efecto con proui^iones bastantes llamado el lie''" diego
de la torre que despues muriendo este juez que ya tenia en si la gouer-
nagion de aquella tierra el buen don Antonio de mendoga uisorey de la
nueua espafia puso por gouernador de aquela gouerna^ion a francisco
uasques de coronado un cauallero de salamanca que a la sacon era
casado en la §iudad de mexico co una seQora hija de Alonso de estrada
thesorero y gouernador que aula sido de mexico uno por quien el bulgo
dice ser hijo del rey catholico don fernando y muchos lo afirman por
osa sierta digo que a la sacon que francisco uasques fue probeydo por
gouernador andaba por uisitador general de la nueua espafia por doude
14 ETH 27
418 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

tubo amistad y comiersagioues de muchas personas nobles que despues

le siguieron en la Jornada que hi90 acontegio a la sagou que llegaron a
mexlco tres espafioles y un negro que auian per nombre cabega de uaca
y dorantes y castillo maldouado los quales se auian i>erdido en la armada
que nietio ijamfilo de narbaes en la florida y estos salieron por la uia de
culiacan abiendo atrabesado la tierra de mar a mar como loberan los que
lo quisleren saber por un tratado que el mismo cabega de uaca liigo diri-
gido a el i^rincipe don phelipe que agora es rey de espaiia y seuor nfo y
estos dieron uotigia a el buen don Antonio de mendoca en como por las
tierras que atrabesaron tomaron leiigua y notiyia grande de unos pode-
rosos pueblos de altos de quatro y cinco doblados y otras cosas bien dife-
rentes de lo que paregio por berdad esto comunico el buen uisorey con
el nuebo gouernador que fue causa que se apresurase dexando la bisita
que tenia eutre manos y se partiese para su gouernagion lleuando coii-
sigo el negro que aula bendido con los tres frayles de la orden do san
fran"" el uno auia por nombre fray marcos de niga tbeologo y saser-
dote y el otro fray daniel lego y otro fray Antonio de santa maria y
como llego a la prouiiicia de culiacan luego despidio a los frayles ya
nonbrados y a el negro que auia por nombre esteuan para que fuesen
en demanda de aquella tierra porque el fray marcos de niga se preflrio
de llegar a berla por que este ftayle se auia hallado en el pern a el
tienpo que don pedro de albarado passo por tierra ydos los dichos
frayles y el negro esteuan parege que el negro no yba a fabor de los
frayles porque lleuaba las mugeres que le daban y adquiria turquesas
y hacia balumen de todo y aun los indios de aquellos poblados por do
yban entendiasen mejor con el negro como ya otra uez lo auian uisto que
fue causa que lo ubieron hecbar delante que fuese descubriendo y paci-
ficando para que quando ellos Uegasen no tubiesen mas que entender
de en tomar la relacion de lo que buscauan.

Capitulo tergero cntno mataron los de cibola a el negro esteuan y fray

marcos bolbio huyendo.
apartado que se ubo el esteuan de los dichos frayles presumio ganar
en todo reputacion y honra y que se le atribuyese la osadia y atrebi-
mieuto de auer el solo descubierto' aquellos poblados de altos tan uom-
brados por aquella tierra y lleuando consigo de aquellas gentesque le
seguian procuro de atrabesar los despoblados que ay entre cibola y lo
poblado que auia andado y auiase les adelantado tan to a los frayles que
quando ellos llegaron a chichieticale ques principio del despoblado ya
el estaua a cibola que son ochenta leguas de despoblado que ay desde
culiacan a el principio del despoblado docientas y ueinte leguas y en el
despoblado ochenta que son trecientas diez mas o menos digo ansi que
Ilegado que fue el negro esteuan a cibola llego cargado de grande
numero de turquesas que le auian dado y algunas mugeres hermosas
que le auian dado y Ueuauan los indios que le acomxianauan y le seguian
1 This ia a marginal correctiou of what is clearly a slip uf the pen iu the text.
wiNSHip] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 419

de todo lo poblado que auia pasado los quales en yr debajo de sa amparo

creyan poder atrabesar toda la tierra sin riesgo niuguuo pero como
aquellas gentes de aquella tierra fuesen de mas ra^on que no los que se-
guiau a el esteuan aposentaronlo en una sierta bermita que tenian fuera
del pueblo y los mas uiejos y los que gouernauan oyeron sus ragones
y procuraron saber la causa de su benida en aquella tierra y bleu iufor-
mados por espagio de tres dias entrarou en su consulta y por la notiyia
quel negro les dio como atras uenian dos bombres blancos embiados
por un gran sefior que eran entendidos en las cosas del cielo y que
aquellos los uenian a industriar en las cosas diuinas consideraron que
debia ser espia o guia de algunas nagiones que los querian yr a conquis-
tar porque les paregio desbario decir que la tierra de donde uenia era
la gente blanca siendo el negro y enbiado por ellos y fueron a el y como
despues de otras ra^ones le pidiese turquesas y mugeres parecioles
cosa dura y determiaronse a le matar y ansi lo hicieron sin que mata-
sen a nadie de los que con el yban y tomaron algunos muchachos y a
los de mas que serian obra de sesenta personas dexaron bolber libres a
sus tierras pues como estos que boluian ya huyendo atemorisados llega-
sen a se topar y ber con los frayles en el despoblado sesenta leguas de
^ibola y les diesen la triste uueba pusieron los en tanto temor que aun
no se flando de esta gente con aber ydo en compaiiia del negro abrieron
las petacas que lleuaban y les repartieron quanto trayan que no les
quedo salbo los liornamentos de degir misa y de alii dierou la buelta sin
ber la tierra mas de lo que los indios les de^ian antes caminaban dobla-
das jornadas haldas en sinta.

Capitulo quarto como el buen don Antonio de mendoga higo Jornada

para el descubrimiento de Cibola.

despues que francisco uasques coronado ubo embiado a fray marcos

de ni§a y su conpafia en la demanda ya diclia quedando el en culiacan
entendio en negocios que conbenian a su gouernacio tubo sierta rela-
5ion de una prouingia que corria en la trabesia de la tierra de culiacan
a el norte que se decia topira y luego salio para la ir a descubrir con
algunos conquistadores y gente de amigos y su yda hi^o poco efecto
por que auian de atrabesar las Cordilleras y fue les muy dificultoso y la
noti9ia no la hallaron tal ni muestra de buena tierra y ansi dio la
buelta y llegado que fue hallo a los frayles que auian acabado de Uegar
y fueron tantas las grandegas que les dixeron de lo que el esteuan el
negro auia descubierto y lo que ellos oyeron a los indios y otras noticias
de la mar del sur y de ylas que oyeron de5ir y de otras riquesas quel
gouernador sin mas se detener se partio luego para la ciudad de
mexico lleuando a el fray marcos consigo para dar notigia de ello a el
bisorey en grandesiendo las cosas con no las querer comunicar con
nadie, sino de baxo de puridad y grande secreto a personas particula
res y llegados a mexico y bisto con don Antonio de mendoga luego se
comen(;o a publicar como ya se abian descubierto las siete jiudades
420 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].u

que Nuuo de guzman buscaba y ha^er armada y portar gente para

las yr a conquistar el bueii birrey tubo tal orden con los frayles de la
orden de san frangisco que hicieron a fray marcos prouincial que fue
causa que andubieseu los pulpites de aquella orden llenos de tantas
marabillas y tan grades que en pocos dias se juntaron mas de tresien-
tos hombres espafioles y obra de ocliocientos indios uaturales de la nue
(ua) espaua y entre los espanoles honbres de gran calidad tantos y
tales que dudo en Indias aber se juntado tan noble gente y tanta en
tarn pequeno numero como fiieron treyientos hombres y de todos ellos
capitan general francisco uasqiies coronado gouernador de la nueba
galigia por aber sido el autor de todo bico todo esto el buen uirey don
Antonio porque a la sagon era fran"» uasques la i)ersona mas allegada
a el por pribanga porque tenia entendido era lionibre sagaz abil y de
buen consejo allende de ser cauallero como lo era tenido tubiera mas
atenyion y respecto a el estado en que lo ponia y cargo que llebaua que
no a la renta que dexaba en la nueba espaua o a lo menos a la honra
que ganaba y auia de ganar lleuando tales caualleros de baxo de su
bando pero no le salio ausi como a delante se bera en el fin de este
tratado ni el supo conserbar aquel estado ni la gouernacion que tenia.

Capitulo quinto que trata quienes fueron por capitanes a cibola.

ya quel bisorey don Antonio de mendoya bido la muy noble gente

que tenia junta y con los animos y iioluntad q todos se le auian ofreyido
cognogiendo el ualor de sus personas a cada uno de ellos quisiera liayer
capitan de uu exergito pero como el numero de todos era poco no pudo
lo que quisiera y ausi ordeno las conductas y capitanias que le paregio
porque yendo por su mano ordenado era tarn obedecido y amado que
nadie saliera de su mandado despues que todos entedieron quien era
su general bigo alferez general a don pedro de touar cauallero mangebd
bijo de don fernando de tobar guarda y mayordomo mayor de la reyna
doiia Juana nra natural sefiora que sea en gloria y maestre de campo a
lope de samaniego alcayde de las ataraganas de mexico cauallero para el
cargo bien suflgiente capitanes fueron don tristan de arellano don pedro
de gueuara bijo de don juan de gueuara y sobriuo del conde de onate
don gargi lopes de cardenas don rodrigo maldonado cunado del duque
del infantado diego lopes ueinte y quatro de seuilla diego gutierres de
la caualleria todos los demas caualleros yban debajo del guion del gene-
ral por ser peronas seualadas y algunos de ellos fueron despues capi-
tanes y permanecieron en ello por ordenagion del birey y otros por el
general francisco uasques nombrare algunos de aquellos de que tengo
memoria que fueron frangisco de barrio nuebo un cauallero de granada
juan de saldibar frangisco de auando juan gallego y melchior dias capi-
tan y alcalde mayor que auia sido de culiacan, q aunque no era caua-
llero meregia de su persona el cargo que tubo los demas caualleros que
fueron sobresalientes fueron don Alonso manrique de lara don lope de
urrea cauallero aragones gomes suares de figueroa luis ramires de uargas
wiNSHir] NAREATIVE OF CASTANEDA 421

juan de sotomayor francisco gorbalan el factor riberos y otros caua-

lleros de que agora no me acuerdo y hombres de mucbo calidad capitan
de infanteria fue pablo de melgosa burgales y de la artilleria hernando
de albarado cauallero montaties digo que con el tiempo e perdido la
memoria de inucbos buenos bijos dalgo que fuera bueno que los nom-
brara por que se biera y cogno^iera la racoii que tengo de decir que
aula para esta Jornada la mas lucida gente que sea juntado en indias
para yr en demandas de tierras nuebras siuo fueran desdichados en lleuar
capitan que dexaba rentas en la nueba espafla y muger mo5a noble y
generosa que no fueron pocas espuelas para lo que bino a ha^er.

Capitulo sexto como se juntaron en conpostela todas las capitanias y

salieron en orden para la Jornada.

hecbo y ordenado por el birey don Antonio do mendoya lo que abemos

dicbo y bechas las capitanias o capitanes dio luego a la gente de guerra
socorros de la caxa de su magestad a las personas mas menesterosas y
por pareyerle que si salia el campo formado desde mexico baria algunos
agrauios por las tierras de los amigos ordeno que se fuesen a juntar a
la ciudad de conpostela cabe<;a del nuebo reyno de galicia ciento y
diez leguas de mexico para que desde alii ordeuadamente comencasen
sn Jornada lo que paso en este uiaje no ay para que dar de ello rela(;ion
pues al flu todos se juntaron en conpostela el dia de carnes tollendas
del ano de quarenta y uno y como ubo liecbado toda la gente de Mexico
dio orden en como pedro de alarcon saliese con dos uauios que estaban
en el puerto de la nabidad en la costa del sur y fuese a el puerto de
xalisco a tomar la ropa de los soldados que no la pudiesen lleuar i)ara
que costa a costa fuese tras del campo porque se tubo entendido que
segun la notiyia auian de ir por la tierra §erca de la costa de el mar y
que por los rios sacariamos los puertos y los uauios siempre tendriau
uoticia del campo lo qual despues pareyio ser falso y ansi se perdio toda
la ropa o por mejor dei^'ir la perdio cuya era como adelante se dira asi
que despacliado y coucluido todo el uisorey se partio para conpostela
acompanado de mucbos caualleros y ricos bonbres y tubo el afio nuebo
de quarenta y uno en pasquaro que es cabeya del obispado de mecliua-
can y de alii con mucba alegria y placer y grandes reyebimientos atra-
beso toda la tierra de la nueba espafia basta Conpostela que sou
como tengo dicbo §iento y diez leguas adoiide ballo toda la gente junta
y bien tratada y bospedada por cbristobal de otiate que era a la sagon
la persona que tenia enpeso aquella gouernagion y la aula sostenido y
era capitan de toda aquella tierra puesto quo francisco uasques era
gouernador y llegado con mucba alegria de todos biyo alarde de la gete
que embiaba y hallo toda la que abemos sefialado y repartio las capi-
tanias y esto liecho otro dia despues de misa a todos juntos ansi capi-
tanes como a soldados el uisorey les bico una muy eloquente y breue
orayion encargandoles la fidelidad q debian a su general dandolcs bien
a entender el probecbo que de bacer aquella Jornada podia redundar a
422 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

si a la conuer^ion de aquellas geutes como en pro de los que conquista-

[Link] tierra y el seruicio de su magestad j la obligation en que le
auian puesto para en todo tiempo los faborecer y socorrer y acabada
tomo juramento sobre los euagelios en un libro inisala todos general-
mente asi a capitanes como a soldados aunque por orden que siguirian
a 8u general y harian en aquella Jornada y obedecerian todo aquello que
por el les fuese mandado lo qual despues cumplieron flelmente como se
bera y esto lieclio otro dia salio elcampo con sus banderas tendidas y
el uirey don Antonio le acompauo dos jornados y de alii se despidio
dando la buelta para la nueua espana aconpanado de sus amigos.

Capituh septimo como el campo llego a chiametla y mataron a el maestre

de canpo y lo que mas acae^io hasta llegar a culiacan.

partido que fue el uirey don Antonio el campo camino por sus jorna-
das y como era for§ado lleuar cada uno sus aberes en cauallos y no
todos los sabian apareiar y los cauallos salian gordos y liolgados en las
primeras jornadas ubo grande diiicultad y trabajo y muchos dexaron
muchas preseas y las daban de gracia a quien las queria por no las cargar
y a el fin la necesidad que es maestra con el tiempo los bigo maestros
donde se pudierii ber muchos caualleros tornados harrieros y que el que
se despreciaba del officio no era tenido por Lombre y con estos trabajos
que enton9es tubieron por grandes llego el canpo en chiametla donde
por fastar bastimentos fue forQado de tenerse alii algunos dias en los
quales el maestre de campo lope de samaniego con sierta compaiiia fue
a buscar bastimentos y en un pueblo por entrar indiscretameute por un
arcabuco en pos de los enemigos lo flecharon por un ojo y le pasaron el
celebro de que luego murio alii y flecharon otros cinco o seis compaiieros
y luego como fue muerto diego lopes iieinte y quatro de seuilla recogio
la gente y lo embio a ha^er saber a el general y puso guarda en el pueblo
y en los bastimentos sabido dio gran turbaeion en el campo y fue enter-
rado y hicieron algunas entradas de dOde truxeron bastimentos y algunos
presos de los naturales y se ahorcarou a lo menos los que parecieron ser
de a quella parte a do murio el maestre de campo.
parece que a el tiempo que el general frangisco uasques partio de
culiacan con fraymarcos a dar la noticia ya dicha a el bisorey don Antonio
de meiido^a auia dexado ordenado que saliese el capitan melchior diaa
y juan de saldibar con una doyena de buenos hombres de culiacan en
demada de lo que fray marcos auia bisto y oydo los quales salieron y
fueron hasta chichilticale que es priucipio del despoblado do^ientas y
ueinte leguas de Culiacan y no hallarou cosa de tomo bolbieron y a el
tiempo que el campo queria salir de chiametla llegaron y hablaron a el
general y por secreto que se trato la mala nueua luego suena ubo algunos
dichos que aunque se doraban no dexaban de dar lustre de lo que
eran fray marcos de ni^a cognocieudo la turbaeion de algunos desha§ia
aquellos nublados prometieudo ser lo que bieron lo bueno y que el
yba alii y poruia el campo en tierra donde hinchesen las manos y con
wiNBHip] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 423
esto se aplaco y mostraron bueii semblante y de alii camino el campo
hasta llegar a culiacau hagiendo algunas entradas en tierra de
guerra por tomar bastimentos Uegaron a dos leguas de la uilla de
culiacau uispera de pasqua de resuregion a donde salieron los uecinos
a regebir a su gouernador y le rogaron no entrase en la uilla hasta el
segundo dia de pasqua.

Gapitulo otauo como el campo entro en la uilla de culiacan y el recebi-

miento que se hifo y lo que mas aca^io hasta la partida.

como fuese segundo dia de pasqua de resuregion el campo salio de

mauana jjara entrar en la uilla y en la entrada en un campo esconbrado
los de la uilla ordenados anso de guerra a pie y a cauallo por sus exqua-
drones teniendo asetada su artilleria que eran siete piegas de bronce
salieron en muestra de querer defender la uilla estaban con ellos alguna
parte de nfos soldados nfo campo por la misma orden comencaron con
ellos una escaramuga y ansi fueron romprendo despues de aber jugado
el artilleria de ambas partes de suerte que les fue tomada la uilla por
fuerga de armas que fue una alegre demostragion y regebimiento aun
que no para el artillero que se llebo una mano por aber mandado poner
fuego antes que acabase de sacar el atacador de un tiro tomada la uilla
fiieron luego bieu aposentados y hospedados por los ueginos que como
eran todos hombres muy laonrados en sus propias ijosadas metieron a
todos los caualleros y persoiias le calidad que yban en el campo aunque
aula aposento liecho para todos fuera de la uilla y no les fue algunos
uecinos mal gratiflcado este hospedaje por que como todos benian adere-
sados de ricos atabios y de alii auian de sacar bastimentos en sus bestias
y de fuerga auian de dejar sus preseas muchos quisieron antes dar las a
sus huespedes que no ponerlas a la bentura de la mar ni que se las llebase
los nabios que auian benido por la costa siguiendo el campo para tomar
el fardaje como ya se dixo ansi que llegados y bieu aposentados en la
uilla el general por orden del bisorey don Antonio jjuso alii por capitan
y tiniente a femandarias de saabedra tio de liernandarias de saabedra
conde del castellar que fue alguagil mayor de seuilla y alii reposo el
canpo algunos dias porque los ueginos auian cogido aquel aQo muchos
bastimentos y partierou con la gente de nlo campo con mucho amor
especial cada uno con sus huespedes de raanera que no solamente ubo
abudangia para gastar alii mas aun ubo para sacar que a el tienipo de la
partida salieron mas de seigientas bestias cargadas y los amigos y
seruigio que fueron mas de mill personas. pasados quinse dias el general
ordeno de se partir delante con hasta sinquenta de acauallo y pocos
peones y la mayor parte de los amigos y dexar el campo que le siguiese
desde a quinse dias y dexo por su teniente a don tristan de arellano.
en este comedio antes que se partiese el general acontegio iin caso
donoso y yo por tal lo quento y fue que un soldado mangebo que se
decia trugillo flngio aber bisto una bigion estando bafiandose en el rio
y fagiendo del disflgurado fue traydo ante el general adonde dio a enten-
424 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

der que le auia dicho el demonio que matase a el general y lo casaria con
dofia beatris sumuger y le daria grandes thesoros y otras cosas bien
donosas por donde fray marcos de ui^a lii§o algunos sermones atribuyen-
dolo a que el demonio con embidia del bien que de aquella Jornada auia
de resultar lo queria desbaratar por aquella uia y no solamente paro en
esto sino que tambieu los frayles que yban en la Jornada lo escribieron
a sus conbentos y fue causa que por los pulpites de mexico se dixesen
hartas fabulas sobre ello.
El general maiido quedar a el truxillo en aquella uilla y que no biciese
la Jornada qlie fue lo que el preteiidio quando liifo aquel embuste
segun despues pare9io por berdad el general salio con la geute ya dicha
siguiendo su Jornada y despues el campo como se dira.

Capitulo nueue como el canpo salio de culiacan y llego el general a

fibola y el campo a senora y lo que mas acae^io.

el general como esta dicho salio del ualle de culiacan en seguimiento

de su uiaje algo a la ligera lleuando cousigo los frayles que iiinguno
quiso quedar con el campo j^ a tres jornados un frayle Uamado fray
Antonio uictoria se quebro un pierna y este frayle era de misa y para
que se curase lo bolbierou del camiuo y despues fue con el campo que no
fue poca consolation para todos el general y su gente atrabesaron la
tierra sin contraste que todo lo que hallaron de pax porque los indios
cognogian a fray marcos y algunos de los que auian ydo con el capitan
melchior dias quando auia ydo el yjuan de saldibar a descubrir como
el general ubo atrabesado lo poblado y llegado a cbicbilticale principio
del despoblado y no bio cosa buena no dexo de sentir alguna tristesa
porque auuque la noti<;ia de lo de adelante era grande no auia quien lo
ubiese uisto sino los indios que fueron con el negro queya los auian to-
rnado enalgunas meutiras por todos se sintio mucbo ber que la famade
chicliilticale se resumia en una casa sin cubierta aruynada puesto que
pare^ia en otro tiempo aber sido casa fuerte en tiempo que fue poblada
y bien se cogno^ia ser hecba por gentes estraugeras puliticas y guerras
benidas de lejos era esta casa de tierra bermeja desde alii prosiguieron
el despoblado y llegaron en quinse dias a ocho leguas de fibola a un
rio que por yr el agua turbia y bermeja le Uamaron el rio bermejo en
este rio se hallaron barbos como en espaiia a qui fue adonde se bieron los
primeros indios de aquella tierra que fueron dos que huyeron y fueron
a dar mandado y otro dia a dos leguas del pueblo siendo de noche algu-
nos indios en parte segura dieron una grita que aunque la gente estaba
aper^ebida se alteraron algunos en tanta manera que ubo quien hecho
la silla a el rebes y estos fueron gente nueba que los diestros luego
caualgaron y corrieron el campo los indios huyeron como quien sabia la
tierra que ninguno pudo ser abido.
otro dia bien en orden entraron por la tierra poblada y como bie-
ron el primer pueblo que fue fibola fueron tantas las maldiciones que
algunos hecharou a fray marcos quales dios no permita le comprehendan.
W1N6BIP] NARRATIVE OP CASTANEDA 425

el un pueblo pequeuo ariscado y apeuuscado que de lejos ay estan-

es
cias en la nueua espaiia que tienen mejor apareu^ia es pueblo de hasta
dogieutos hombres de guerra detres y de quatro altos y las casas chicas
y poco espaciosas no tienen patios un patio sirue a un barrio aula se
juntado alii la gente de la comarca porque es una prouiu^ia de siete
pueblos donde ay otros harto mayores y mas fuertes jiueblos que no
5ibo]a estas gentes esperaro en el campo bordenados con sus exqua-
drones a uista del pueblo y como a los requerimientos que le hicieron
con las lenguas no quisieron dar la pax antes se mostraban brauos diese
Santiago en ellos y fueron desbaratados luego y despues fueron a tomar
el pueblo que no fue poco dificultoso que como teiiian la entrada angosta

y torneada a el entrar deribaron a el general con una gran piedra tendido

y ansi le mataran sino fuera por don garci lopes de cardenas y lier-
nando de albarado que se deribaron sobre el y le sacaron recibiendo
ellos los golpes de piedras que no fueron pocos pero como a la primera
furia de los espanoles no ay resistengia en inenos de una ora se entro y
gano el pueblo y se descubrieron los bastimentos que era de lo que
mas necesidad aula y de ay adelante toda la prouincia bino de pax.
el campo quo auia quedado a don tristan de arellano partio en segui-
miento del general cargados todos de bastimentos las lanjas en los
onbros todos a pie por sacar cargados los cauallos y no con pequeno
trabajo de jornadas en jornadas llegaron a una prouin9ia que cabe§a de
uaca puso por nombre coragones a causa que alii les ofrecierou muchos
cora§ones de auimales y luego la conien(,'o a poblar una uilla y poner le
nombre sant hieronimo de los cora^ones y luego la comen^o a poblar y
bisto que no se podia sustentar la paso despues a un ualle que llama
persona digo seuora y los espaSoles lellamarou seiiora yansi le llemare
de aqui adelante desde alii se fue a buscar el puerto el rio abajo a la
costa de la mar por saber de los nabios y no los liallaron don rodrigo
maldonado que yba por caudillo en busca de los nabios de buelta truxo
consigo un indio tam grande y tam alto que el mayor lionbre y tan alto
quel mayor hombre del campo no le llegaua a el pecho deciase que en a
quella costa auia otros indios mas altos alii reposaron las aguas y des-
pues paso el campo y la uilla seiiora por que auia eu aquella comai'ca
bastimentos para poder aguardar mandado del general.
mediado el mes de otubre melchior dias y juan gallego capitaues
binieron de gibola el juan gallego i^ara nueba espana y melcliior dias
para quedar por capitan en la nueba uilla de los cora§ones con la gente
que alii quedase y para que fuese a descubrir los nabios por aquella
costa.

Capitulo degimo como el campo salio de la uilla de senora quedando la

uilla pobladay como llego a gibola y lo que le a nino en el camino a el capitan
melchior dias yendo en demanda de los nabios y como descubrio el rio del
tison.

luego como fue Uegado en la uilla de seiiora melcbior dias y juan

campo para cibola y como auia de que-
gallego se publico la partida del
426 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth.a-vn.U

dar en aquella uilla melchior dias por capitan con ochenta honbres y
como juan gallego yba con mensaje para la uuebaespaiia a el bisorey y
llebaba en sii compania a fray marcos que no se tubo por seguro quedar
en cibola biendo que aula salido su relation falsa en todo porque ni se
hallarou los reynos Q de^ia ui ciudades populosas ni riquesas de oro ni
pedreria rica que se publico ni brocados ni otras cosas que se dixeron
por los pulpites pues luego que esto se publico se repartio la gente que
aula de quedar y los demas cargaron de bastimentos y per su orden
mediado setiembre se partieron la uia de gibola siguiendo su general
don tristan de arellano quedo en esta nueba uilla con la gente de nienos
estofa y asi nunca dexo de aber de alii adelante motines y contrastea
porque como fue partido el canpo el capitan melcboir dias tomo uiente
y ginco bombres de los mas escogidos dexando en su lugar a nn diego
de alcaraz hombre no bien acondicionado para tener gente debaxo de
su mando y el salio en demanda de la costa de la mar entre norte y
poniente con guias y abiendo caminado obra de fieto y sinquenta leguas
dieron en una prouinjia de getes demasiadamente de altos y membrudos
ansi como gigantes aunque gente desnuda y que bacia su abita§ion en
chofas de paja largas a manera de sa hurdas metidas debaxo de tierra
que no salia sobre la tierra mas de la paja entraban por la una parte de
largo y salian por la otra dormian en una chosa mas de cien personas
cbicos y grandes lleuaban de peso sobre las cabe^as quando se cargauan
mas de tres y de quatro quintales biose querer los nfos traer un madero
para el fuego y no lo poder traer seis bombres y llegar uno de aquellos
y leuautarlo en los bra§os y ponerselo el solo en la cabe§a y lleuallo
muy liuianamente.
comeu pan de mais cosidoso el rescoldo de la senisa tam grandes como
bogasas de castilla grandes. para caminar de unas partes a otras por
el gran frio sacan un tison en una mano con que se ban calentado la
otra y el cuerpo y ansi lo ban trocaudo a treclios y i)or esto a un gran
rio que ba por aquella tierra lo nobrau el rio del tison es poderoso rio y
tiene de boca mas de dos leguas por alii tenia media legua de trabesia
alii tomo lenguael capita como los nabios auian estadotresjoruadasde

alli por bajo bacia la mar y llegados adonde los nabios estubieron que

era mas de quince leguas el rio arriba de la boca del puerto y ballaron
en un arbol escripto aqui llego alarcou a el pie de este arbol ay cartas
sacaronse las cartas y por ellas bieron el tiempo que estubieron aguar-
dando nuebas de el campo y como alarcon auia dado la buelta desde
alli para la nueba espaiia con los nabios porque no podia correr ade-

lante porque aquella mar era anco que tornaba a bolber sobre la isla del
marques que di^en California y dieron relation como la California no era
isla sino punto de tierra firme de la buelta de aquel ancou.
uisto esto por el capitan tomo a bolber el rio arriba sin ber la mar
por buscar bado para pasar a la otra banda para seguir la otra costa y
como andubieron cinco o seis jornadasparecioles podrian pasar con bal-
sas y para esto llamaron mucha gente de los de la tierra los quales
WINSHIP] NAERATIVE OF CASTANEDA 427

qiieriau ordeuarde liacer salto en los nios y andaban buscando oca§ion

oportiina y como bieron que queriau pasar aciidieron a hager las balsas
cou toda prestesa y diligen^ia por tomar los ansi en el agua y aliogarlos
o dibidos de suerte que no se pudiesen faboreger ni ayudar y en este
comedio que las balsas se hacian un soldado que auia ydo a campear
bido en un mote atrabesar gran numero de gente armada que aguarda-
ban a que pasase la gente dlo de ello notigia y secretamente se en9erro
un indio para saber de el la berdad y como le apretasen dixo toda la
Olden que tenian ordenada para quando pasasen q era que como ubiesen
pasado parte de los nfos y parte fuesen por el rio y parte quedasen por
pasar que los de las balsas procurasen a liogar los que lleuaban y las
demas gente saliese a dar en ambas partes de la tierra y si como tenian
cuerpos y fuer^as tubieran discri9ion y esfuerjo ellos saliera con su
empresa. bisto su intento el capitan hi§o matar secretamente el indio
que confeso el heebo y aquella noche se hecho en el rio con una pesga
porque los indios no sintieseu que eran sentidos y como otra dia sin-
tieron el regelo de los nfos mostraronse de guerra liechado ro^iadas de
flechas pero como los cauallos los comenfaron a alcanfar y las langas los
lastimaban sin piadad y los arcabu^eros tambien hacian buenos tiros
ubieron de dexar el campo y tomar el monte hasta que no jiaregio hon-
bre de ellos bino por alii y ansi paso la gente a buen recaudo siendo los
amigos balseadores y espanoles a las bueltas pasando los cauallos a la
par de las balsas donde los dexaremos caminando.
por contar como fue el canipo que caminaba para 9ibola que como
yba caminando por su orden y el general lo auia dexado todo de pax
por do quiera hallaban la gente de la tierra alegre sin temer y que se
dexabau bien maudar y en una prouingia que se di^e uacapan auia
gran cautidad de tunas que los naturales bafen conserua de ellas en
cantidad y de esta conserua presentaron mucha y como la gente del
campo comio de ella todos cayeron como amodoridos con dolor de
cabeca y flebre de suerte que si los naturales quisieran hicieran gran
dano en la gente duro esto ueinti y quatro oras naturales despues que
salieron de alii caminando llegaron a chichilticale despues que saliero
de alii un dia los de la guardia bieron pasar una manada de carneros y
yo los bi y los segui eran de grande cuerpo en demasia el pelo largo los
cuernos muy gruesos y grandes para correr enhiestran el rostro y hecha
los cuernos sobre el lomo corren mucho por tierra agra que no los pudi-
mos alcangar y los ubimos de dexar.
entrando tres jornadas por el despoblado en la riuera de un rio que
esta en unas grandes honduras de barrancas se hallo un cuerno quel
general despues de aber lo uisto lo dexo alii para que los de su canpo
le biesen que tenia de largo una bra§a y tam gordo por el nagimiento
como el muslo de un hombre en la faieron pare^ia mas ser de cabron
que de otro animal fue cosa de ber x>asando adelante y a quel canpo
yba una Jornada de 5iboIa comen50 sobre tarde un gran torbellino de
ayre frigidissimo y luego se siguio gran lubia de niebe que fue harta
 428 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].u

con fri9ion para la gente de seruigio el campo camiiio hasta llegar a

unos penascos de socarenas donde se llego bien nocUe y cou harto
rlesgo de los araigos que como eran de la iiueba espafia y la mayor
parte de tierras calientes sintierou mucbo la frialdad de aquel dia tanto
que ubo barto que ba§er otro dia eu los reparar y llebar a cauallo yen-
do los soldados a pie y con este trabajo llego el campo a fibola donde
los aguardaba su general hecho el aposento y alii se torno a jutar aunque
algunos capltaues y gente faltaua que auian salido a descubrir otras
prouingias.

Capitulo onfe como don pedro de touar descubrio a tusayan o tutahaco

y don garci lopes de cardenas bio el rio del tison y lo que mas acaecion.
en el entre tanto que las cosas ya dicbas pasaron el general franco
uasques como estaba eu cibola de pax procuro saber de los de la tierra
que prouincias le cayan en coniarca y que ellos diesen noticia a sus
amigos y uecinos como eran benidos a su tierra cristianos y que no
querian otra cosa salbo ser sus amigos y aber noticia de bueuas tierras
que poblar y que los biniesen aber y comunicar y ansi lo bicieron luego
saber en aquellas partes que se comunicaban y trataban con ellos y
dieron noticia de una proumcia de siete pueblos de su misma calidad
aunque estaban algo discordes que no se trataban cou ellos esta prouin-
cia se di^^e tusayan esta de cibola ueinte y ^iuco leguas son i)ueblos
de altos y gente belicosa entre ellos.
el general auia embiado a ellos a don pedro de touar con desisiete
bombres de a cauallo y tres o quatro peones fue con ellos uu fray juan
de padilla frayle frau^isco que en su inosedad auia sido bombre belicoso
Uegados que fueron entraron por la tierra tarn secretamente que no
fueron sentidos de ningun bonbre la causa fue que entre prouincia y
prouin^ia no ay poblados ni caserias iii las gentes salen de sus pueblos
mas de hasta sus heredades en espe§ial en aquel tienpo que teuian
noticia de que ^ibola era ganada por gentes ferosissimas que andaban
en unos animales que comian gentes y entre los que no auian bisto
cauallos era esta notiyia tarn grande que les ponia admira5ion y tanto
que la gente de los nros llego sobre noclie y pudierou llegar a encubrirse
se debajo de la barranca del pueblo y estar alii oyeudo liablar los
naturales en sus casas pero como fue de mafiana fueron descubiertos y
se pusieron en orden los de la tierra salieron a ellos bien ordeiiados de
arcos y rodelas y porras de madera en ala sin se desconsertar y ubo
lugar que las lenguas liablasen con ellos y se les hi^iese requerimientos
. por ser gente bien eutendida pero con todo esto bacian rayas requiri-
endo que no pasasen los nuestros aquellas rayas liacia sus pueblos que
fuesen porte pasaronse algunas rayas aftdando bablando con ellos bino
a tanto que uno se ellos de desmesuro y cou una porra dio un golpe
a un cauallo eu las camas del freno. el fray juan euojado del tiempo
que se mal gastaba con ellos dixo a el capitan en berdad yo no se a que
benimos aca bisto esto dieron Santiago y fue tam supito que derribaron
muchos iudios y luego fueron desbaratados y buyerou a el i>ueblo y a
wiNsHip] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 429

otros no les dierou ese lugar fue tauta la prestesa con que del pueblo
salieroii de pax con presentes que luego se mando recoger la geute y que
no se hiciesemas dano el capitan y los que con el se hallaron buscaron
sitio para asentar su real gerca del pueblo y alii se hallaron digo se
apearon dode llego la gents de pax diciendo que ellos benian a dar la
obidengia por toda la prouingia y que los queria tener por amigos que
recibiesen aquel presente que les daban que era alguna ropa de algodon
aunque poca por no lo aber por aquella tierra dieron algunos cueros
adobados y mucha harina y pifiol y mais y abes de la tierra despues
dieron algunas turquesas aunque pocas aquel dia se recogio la gente de
la tierra y binieron a dar la obidengia y dieron abiertamente sus pueblos

y que entrasen en ellos a tratar comprar y bender y cambiar.

rigese como §ibola por ayuntamiento de los mas angiauos tenien sus
gouernadores y capitanes seria lados aqai se tubo notifia de un gran
rio y que rio abajo a algunas jornadas aula getes muy grandes de cuerpo
grande.
como don pedro de touar no llebo mas de alii y dio
comic^ion bolbio
esta noti§ia al general que luego despacho alia a don gar^i lopes de
cardeuas con liasta do^e conpaiieros para ber este rio que como llego a
tusayan siendo bien re5ebido y hospedado de los naturales le dieron
guias para proseguir sus jornadas y salieron de alii cargados de basti-
mentos por que auian de yr por tierra despoblada basta el poblado que
los indios decjian que eran mas de ueinte jornadas pues como ubierou
andado ueinte jornadas llegaron a las barrancas del rio que puestos a
el bado de ellas paregia al otro bordo que aula mas de tres o quatro
leguas por el ayre esta tierra era alta y llena de pinales bajos y encor-
bados frigidissima debajo del norte que con ser en tiempo calieute no se
podia biuir de frio en esta barranca estubieron tres dias buscando la
bajada para el rio que parcQia de lo alto tendria una bra9ada de trabesia
el agua y por la uotigia de los indios tendria media legua de ancbo fue
la baxada cosa inposible porque acabo de estos tres dias parejiendo
les una parte la meuos diflcultosa se pusieron a abajar por mas ligeros
el capitan melgosa y un juan galeras y otro conpaQero y [Link]
baxando a bista de ellos de los de arriba basta que los perdieron de
uista los bultos quel biso no los alcansaba aber y bolbieron a ora de las
quatro de la tarde que no pudierou acabar de bajar por grandes difl-
cultades que hallaron porque lo que arriba parecia fa§il no lo era antes
muy aspero y agro dixeron que auian baxado la tergia parte y que
desde donde llegaron parecia el rio muy grande y que couforme a lo
que bieron era berdad tener la anchura que los indios de5ian de lo alto
determinaban unos penol sillas desgarados de la baranca a el parecer
de un estado de hombre juran los que baxaron que llegaron a ellos que
eran mayores que la torre mayor de seuilla no caminaron mas arrimados
a la barranca de el rio porque no auia agua y hasta alii cada dia se
desbiaban sobre tarde una legaa o dos la tierra adentro en busca de
las aguas y como andubiesen otras quatro jornadas las guias dixeron
 430 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].m

que no era posible pasar adelaute porque no auia agua en tres ni quatro
joruadas porque ellos quando caminauau por alii sacabau mugeres
cargadas de agua eu calabagos y que en aquellas jornadas enterraban
108 calaba90s del agua para la buelta y que lo que caminabau los nues-
Iros eu dos dias lo caminaban ellos en uno.
este rio era el del tisou muclio mas hacia los nacimientos del que no
P9r donde lo auian pasado nielchior dias y su gente estos indios eran
de la luisma calidad segun despues pare5io desde alii dieron la buelta
que no tubo mas efecto aquella jornado y de camino bieron un des-
.

. colgadero de aguas que baxaban de una pena y supieron de .las guias

que uuos rasimos que colgauan como sinos de christal era sal y fueron
alia y cogieron cantidad de ella que trugeron y repartieron quando
llegaron en fibola donde por escripto dieron queuta a su general de lo
que bieron por que auia ydo con don gar9i lopes un pedro de soto-
mayor que yba por coronista de el campo aquellos pueblos de aquella
prouin§ia quedaron de paz que nunca mas se bi§itaron ni se supo ni
procuro buscar otros poblados por aquella uia.

Capitulo doge como binieron a fibola gentes de cicuye a her los chris-
tianos y como ftie her'' de aluarado a her las uacas.

en el comedio que andaban en estos descubrimientos binieron a

gibola siertos indios de un pueblo que esta de alii setenta leguas
la tierra adeutro al oriente de aquella prouincia a quien nombran
cicuye benia eutre ellos un capitan a quien los nfos pusieron por
nombre bigotes por que traya los mostachos largos era man^ebo
alto y bien dispuesto y robusto de rostro este dixo al general como
ellos beuian a le seruir por la noticia que les auian dado para que se
les ofregiese por amigos y que si auian de yr por su tierra los tubiesen
por tales amigos hicieron sierto presente de cueros adobados y rodelas
y capa^etes fue re^ebido con mucbo amor y dio les el general basos de
bidrio y quetas margaritas y caxcabeles que los tubieron en mucbo
como cosa nunca por ellos uista dieron notigia de uacas que per una
que uno de ellos traya pintada en las carnes se saco ser uaca que por
los cueros no se podia entender a causa quel pelo era merino y burelado
tanto que no se podia saber de que eran aquellos cueros ordeno el gene-
ral que fiiese con ellos hernando de aluarado con ueinte compaiieros y
ocheuta dias de comicjion y quien bolbiese a dar relation de lo que
hallauan este capitan aluarado prosiguio su Jornada y a ^inco jornadas
llegaron a un pueblo que estaba sobre un peiiol deciase acuco era de
obra de dogientos liombres de guerra salteadores temidos por toda la
tierra y comarca el pueblo era fortissimo porque estaba sobre la entrada
del penol que por todas partes era de pena tajada en tan grande altura
que tubiera un arcabuz bien que ha^er en liechar una i)elota eu lo alto
del tenia una sola subida de escalera hecha a mano que comencaba sobre
un repecho que hacia aquella parte ha9ia la tierra esta escalera era ancba
de obra de dogieutos escalones basta llegar a la peua auia otra luego
WINSHIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 431

angosta arrimada a la peua de obra de cieu escalones y en el reinate de

ella auiau de subir por la peiia obra de tres estados por agugeros dode
hincaban las puntas de los pies y se asian con las manos en lo alto auia
una albarrada de piedra seca y grade que sin se descubrir podian derri-
bar tanta que no fuese poderoso ningun exer9ito a les eutrar en lo alto
auia espagio pa sembrar y coger gran cautidad de maix y cisternas para
recoger nieue y agua esta gente salio de guerra abajo en lo llano y no
aprobecliaba con ellos ninguna buena racjon lia^iendo rayas y queriendo
defender que no las i)asasen los nuestros y como bieron que se les die
un apreton luego dieron la pla^a digo la pax antes que se les liifjiese
dano hicieron sus serimonias de pax que llegar a los cauallos y tomar
del sudor y untarse con el y liacer crudes con los dedos de las manos y
auu que la pax mas flga es trabarse las manos una con otra y esta
guardan estos inbiolablemente dieron gran cantidad de gallos de papada
muy grandes mucho pan y cueros de benado adobados y pinoles y harina
y mais.
de alii en tres jornadas llegarou a una prouin9ia que se dice triguex
salio toda de pax bieudo que yban con bigotes liombres temido por
todas aquellas prouin^ias de alii embio aluarado a dar auiso a el gene-
ral para que se biniese a inbernar aquella tierra que no poco se holgo
el geueral con la nueba que la tierra yba mejorando de alii a cinco jor-
nadas llego a cicuyc un pueblo muy fuerte de quatro altos los del pueblo
salieron a recebir a her''" de aluarado y a su capitan con muestras de
alegria y lo metieron en el pueblo con atambores y gaitas que alii ay
muchos a manera de pifanos y le liigieron grade presente de ropa y tur-
quesas que las ay en aquella tierra en cantidad alii holgaron algunos
dias y tomaron leugua de un indio esclabo natural de la tierra de
aquella parte que ba hacia la florida ques la i^arte que don fer"*" de
soto descubrio en lo ultimo la tierra adentro este dio noti^ia que no
debiera de gTandes poblados llebolo hernando de aluarado por guia
para las uacas y fueron tantas y tales cosas las que dixo de las rique§as
de oro y plata que auia en su tierra que no curaron de buscar las uacas
mas de quanto bieron alguuas pocas luego bolbieron por dar a el gene-
ral la rica notigia a el indio llamaron turco porque lo pare^ia en el
aspecto y a esta sacon el general auia embiado a don garcia lopes de
lopes de cardenas a tiguex con gente a hager el aposeto para lleuar alii
a inbernar el campo que a la sason auia llegado de seiiora y quando
hernando de albarado llego a tiguex de buelta de cicuyc hallo a don
garcia lopes de cardenas y fue ne9esario que no pasase adelante y como
los naturales les inportase que biesen digo diesen a donde se aposenta-
sen los espanoles fue les forgado desamparar un pueblo y recogerse
ellos a los otros de sus amigos y no llebaron mas que sus personas y
ropas y alii se descubrio notigia de muchos pueblos debajo del norte que
creo fuera harto mejor seguir aquella uia que no a el turco que fue causa
de todo el mal suseso que ubo.
432 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].h

Capitulo trece como el general llego con poca gente la uia <le tutahaco y
[Link] el campo a don tristan que lo llebo a Hguex.

todas estas cosas ya dichas auiau pasado quando dou tristan de are-
llano llego de sefiora en cibola y conio llego luego el general por noticia
que tenia de una prouincia de echo pueblos tomo treinta bombres de
los mas descansados y fue por la uer y de alii [Link] la buelta de tiguex
con buenas guias que lleuaba y dexo ordenado que coiuo descausase la
gente ueinte dias don tristan de arellano saliese con el campo la uia
derecba de. tiguex y asi siguio su camino donde le acontecio que desde
un dia q salierou de un aposento basta tergero dia a medio dia que
bieron iina sierra nebada donde fueron a buscar agua no la bebierou
ellos ni sus cauallos ni el seruicio pudo soportala por el gran frio aun
que con gran trabajo en ocho jornadas llegaron a tutabaco y alii se sui)o
que aquel rio abaxo auia otros pueblos estos salieron de pax son pue-
blos de terrados como los de tiguex y del mismo traje salio el general
de alii bisitando toda la probin^ia el rio arriba basta llegar a tiguex
donde ballo a bernando de aluarado y a el turco que no pocas fueron
las alegrias que bi§o con tarn buena nueba porque de§ia que auia en su
tierra un rio en tierra liana que tenia dos leguas de anclio a donde auia
pejes tan grandes como cauallos y gran numero de canoas graudissi-
mas de mas de a ueinte remeros por banda y que lleuaban uelas y que
los seiJores yban a popa sentados debajo de toldos y en la proa una
grande aguila de oro de§ia mas quel seiior de aquella tierra dormia la
siesta debajo de un grande arbol donde estabau colgados gran cantidad
de caxcabeles de oro que con el ayre le daba solas de^ia mas quel comun
seruicio de todos eii general era plata labrada y los jarros platos y escu-
dillas eran de oro llamaba a el oro Acochis diose le a el presente credito
por la efica§ia con que lo degia y porque le ensenaron joyas de alaton
y oliolo y de^ia qiie no era oro y el oro y la plata cogno^ia muy bien y
de los otros metales no bacia caso de ellos. embio el general a ber-
nando de albarado otra bez a cicuyc a pedir unos brasaletes de oro que
de^ia este turco que le tomaron a el tiempo que lo prendieron albarado
fue y los del pueblo recibieron como amigo y como pidio los bracaletes
negaron los por todas uias diciendo quel turco los enganaba y que meu-
tia el capitan aluarado biendo que no auia remedio procuro que biniese
a su tienda el capitan bigotes y el gouernador y benidos prendio les en
cadenalos del pueblo lo salieron de guerra becbando flecbas y denostando
a bernando de albarado digiendole de honbre que quebrantaba la fee
y amistad ber**" de albarado partio con ellos a tiguex al general donde
los tubieron presos mas de seis meseis despues que fue el principio de
desacreditar la palabra que de alii adelante se les daba de paz como
se uera por lo que despues sugedio.

Capitulo catorce como el campo salio de sibola para tiguex y lo que les

acaegio en el camino con niebe.

ya abemos dicbo como quando el general salio de ^ibola dexo man-

dado a don tristan de arellano saliese desde a ueinte dias lo qual se bi50
wiNSHir] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 433

que como bido que la gente estaba ya descansada y probeydos de bas-

timentos y gauosos de sabr en bnsca de su general salio con su gente
la buelta de tigues y el primero dia fiieron a hayer aposento a un pneblo
de aquella probiu^ia el mejor mayor y n)as hermoso solo este pueblo
tiene casas de siete altos que son casas particulares que siruen en el
pueblo como de fortale^as que son superiores a las otras y salen por
encima como torres y en ellas ay troneras y saeteras para defender
los altos por que como los pueblos no tienen calles y los terrados son
parejos y comunes anse de ganar i)rimero los altos yestas casas mayo-
res es la defen§a de ellos alii nos comen^o a nebar y fabore^iose la gente
solas las aues digo alaues del pueblo que salen a fuera unos como bal-
cones con pilares de madera por baxo por que comunmete se inandan por
escaleras que suben a aquellos balcones que por baxo no tienen puertas.
como dexo de nebar salio de alii el campo su camino y como ya el
tiempo lo Ueuaba que era entrada de diyiembre en diez dias que tardo
el canpo no dexo de nebar sobre tarde y casi todas las noches de suerte
que para ha§er los aposentos donde Uegaban auiau de apalancar un
coldo de uiebe y mas no se bio camino empero las guias atino guiaban
cognociendo la tierra ay por toda la tierra sauinas y pinos haciase de
ello grandes hogueras quel humo y calor ha(;ia a la niebe que caya que
se desbiase una bra^a y dos a la redonda del fuego era nieue seca que
aunque cay medio estado sobre el fardaje no niojaba y con sacudilla
caya y quedaba el hato linpio como caya toda la nocbe cuhria de tal
manera el fardaje y los soldados en sus leclios que si de supito alguien
diera en el campo no biera otra cosa que montones de niebe y los cauallos
aunque fuese medio estado se soportaba y antes daba calor a los que
estaban debajo.
paso el campo por Acuco el gran penol y como estaban de paz hi^deron
buen hospedaje dando bastimentos y abes anque ella es poca gente como
tengo dicho a lo alto subieron muchos companeros por lo ber y los pasos
de la peiia con gran dificultad por no lo aber usado porque los uaturales
lo suben y bajan tarn liberalmente que ban cargados de bastimentos
y
las mugeres con agua y parece que no tocan las manos y los nfos para
subir auian de dar las armas los unos a los otros por el paso arriba.
desde alii pasaron a tiguex donde fiieron bien recebidos y aposenta-
dos y la tam bueiia Tiueba del turco que no dio poca alegria segun alibia-
ba los traba;jo8 aunque quando el campo llego hallamos aleada aquella
tierra o probincia por oca^ion que para ello ubo que no fue pequena
como se dira y auian ya los nros (juemado un pueblo un dia antes que el
campo llegase y bolbian a el aposento.
Capitulo quinge como se al^o tiguex y el castigo qve en ellos ubo sin qtie
lo ubiese en el causador.

dicho sea como el general llego a tiguex donde hallo a don garci lopes
de cardenus y a hernando de albarado y como lo toruo a embiar a cicuye
y truxo preso a el capitan bigotes y a el gouernador del pueblo que
14 ETH 28
434 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [Link].U

era un horabre aii§iano de esta pricioii los tiguex no siiitieron bien jun-
tose con esto el general quiso recoger alguna ropa para repartir a la
<"j

gente de guerra y para esto hi^o llamar a uu iudio principal de tiguex

que ya se tenia con el mucho conosimiento y conbersayion a qoien los
nnestros llamauan juau aleman por un juan aleman que estaba en mexico
a quien deyian pare^^eraqueste hablo el general diciendo que le probeyese
de tresientas pie^as de ropa o mas que auia menester para dar a su gente
el dixo que aquello no era a el hac^^er lo sino a los gouernadores y que
sobre ello era menester entrar en consulta y repartirse por los pueblos y
que era menester pedir lo particularmente a cada pueblo por si ordenolo
ansi el general y que lo fuesen a pedir siertos hombres seiialados de los
que con el estaban y como eran do§e pueblos que fuesen unos por la una
parte del rio y otros por la otra y como fuese de nianos aboca no les
dieron lugar de se consultar ni tratar sobre ello y como llegaria a el pueblo
luego se les pedia y lo abian de dar porque ubiese lugar de pasar ade-
lante y con esto no tenian mas lugar de quitarse los pellones de en^ima
y darlos hasta que llegase el numero que se les pedia y algunos solda-
dos de los que alii yban que los cogedores les daban algunas mantas o
pellones sino eran tales y bian algun indio con otra mejor trocabanse la
sin tener mas respecto ni saber la calidad del que despojaban que no poco
sintieron esto allende de lo dicho del pueblo del aposento saUo un sobre
saliente que por su houra no le nombrare y fue a otro pueblo una legua
de alii y biendo una muger hermosa llamo a su marido que le tubiese el
cauallode riendaen lo bajo y el subio a lo alto y como el pueblo se man-
daba por lo alto creyo el iudio que yba a otra parte y detenido alii ubo
sierto rumor y el bajo y tomo su cauallo y fuese el indio subio y supo
que auia for^ado o querido for^ar a su muger y juntamentecon las per-
sonas de calidad del pueblo se uino a quexar di§iendo que un hombre
le auia for9ado a su muger y conto como auia pasado y como el general
hiyo pare^er todos los soldados y personas que con el estaban y el indio
no lo cono§io o por aberse mudado la ropa o por alguna otra ocagion
que para ello ubo pero dixo que conoQeria el cauallo porq lo tubo do
rienda fue lleuado por las cauallerisas y hallo un cauallo enmantado
hobero y dixo que su dueno de aquel cauallo era el duefio nego biendo
quel no abia conoyido y pudo ser que se lierro en el cauallo finalmente
el se fue sin aber en mienda de lo que pedia otra dia uino un indio del
canpo que guardaba los cauallos herido y huyendo diciendo que le auian
muerto un companero y que los indios de la tierra se llebarian los canallos
ante cogidos hacia sus pueblos fueron a recoger los cauallos y faltaron
muchos y siete mulas del general.
otro dia fue don garci lopes de cardenas a ber los pueblos y tomar
de lengua y ballo los pueblos serrados con paleuques y gran grita
ellos
detro corriendo los cauallos como en coso de toros y flechandolos y
todos de guerra no pudo ha§er cosa por que no salleron a el canipo que
como son pueblos fuertes no les pudieron enojar luego ordenoel general
que don gargi lopes de cardenas fuese a 9ercar un pueblo con toda la
WIN8HIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 435

demas gente y este pueblo era donde se hi50 el mayor dailo y es donde
acaegio lo de la India fueron inuchos capitaiies que auian ydo delante
con el general como fue juan de saldiuar y barrio nuebo y diego lopes
y melgosa toinaron a los indios tarn de sobresalto que luego les gauaron
los altos con mucho riesgo porque les hirieron muchos de los nuestros
por saeteras que hacian por de dentro de las casas estubieron los nues-
tros en lo alto a nmclio riesgo el dia y la noche y parte de otro dia ba-
yiendo buenos tiros de ballestas y arcabuyes la geute de a cauallo en el
campo con muchos amigos de la iiueba espana y daban por los sotanos
que auian ajMjrtillado graudes humasos de suerte que pidieron la paz
ballaronse aquella parte pablos de melgosa y diego lopes ueinti quatro
de seuilla y respondieronles co las mismas seiiales que ellos ha§ian de
paz que es hafer la cruz y ellos luego soltaron las armas y se dieron
a md Uebabanlos a la tienda de don garc^ia el qual segun se dixo no
supo de la paz y creyo que de su boluntad se daban como hombres
benzidos y como tenia mandado del general que no los tomase a uida
porque se liiciese castigo y los demas temieseu mando que luego liin-
casen doyientos palos para los quemar biuos no ubo quien le dixese de
la paz que les auian dado que los soldados tan poco lo sablan y los que
la dieron se lo callarou que no hirieron caso de ello pues como los ene-
migos bieron que los ybau atando y los comenyaban a quemar obra
de gien hombres que estaban en la tienda se comeu§aron a hiw^er fuertes
y defenderse cou lo que estaba dentro y con palos que salian a tomar
la gente nuestra de a pie dan eu la tieda por todas partes estocadas
que los hacian desmanparar la tienda y dio luego la gente de a cauallo
en ellos y como la tierra era liana no les quedo hombre a uida siuo
fueron algunos que se auian quedado escondidos en el pueblo que buye-
ron a quella noche y dieron mandado por toda la tierra como no les
guardarou la paz que les dieron que fue despues harto mal y como esto
fue hecho y luego les nebase desampararon el pueblo y bolbierouse a el
aposento a el tiepo que llegaba el campo de cibola.

Capitulo deniseis como se puso ^erco a tiguex y se gano y lo qtie mas

acontencio mediante el cerco.

como ya e contado quando acabaron de ganar aquel pueblo comeugo

a nebar en aquella tierra y nebo de suerte que eu aquellos dos meses no
se pudo hager nada salbo yr por los camiuos a les abisar que biuiesen
de pax y que serian perdonados dandoles todo seguro a lo (jual ellos res
pondieron que no se fiariau de quien no sabia guardar la fe que daban
que se acordasen que tenian preso a bigotes y que en el pueblo (juemado
no les guardaron la paz fue uno de los que fueron a les hayer estos
requerimientos don garcia lopes de cardenas (jue salio con obra de
treinta comi)aneros un dia y fue a el pueblo de tiguex y a hablar con
juan aleman y aunque estaban de guerra binieron a hablalle y le dixe-
ron que si queria hablar con ellos q se apease y se llegauan a el a hablar de
paz y que se desbiase la geute de a cauallo y harian apartar su geute
436 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 ([Link].M

y llegaron a el eljuan aleraan y otro capitau del pueblo y fae hecho

ansi coiiio lo pediaiiy a que estaba ^erca de ellos dixeron que ellos no
trayan armas que se las quitase don garcia lopes lo hi50 por mas los
asegurar co gana que tenia de los traer de paz y como llego a ellos el
juan aleman lo bino a abra§ar en tanto los dos ([ue con el benlan sacaron
dos ma§etas que secretamente trayan a las espaldas y dieronle sobre
la yelada dos tales golpes que casi lo aturdieron hallaron dos soldados
de a cauallo ^erca que no se auian querido apartar aunque les fue man-
dado y arremetieron con tanta preste9a que lo sacaron de entre sus
uianos aunque no i)uedieron enojar a los enemigos por tener la acogida
5erca y grandes rosiadas de llechas que luego binieron sobre ellos y a
el uno le atrabesaron el cauallo por las narises la gent« de acauallo llego
toda de tropel y sacaron a su capitan de la priesa sin poder dauar a los
enemigos antes salieron muchos de los ufos mal heridos y asi se retiia-
ron quedando algunos ha^iendo rostro don garcia lopes de cardenas
con parte de la gente paso a otro pueblo que estaba media legua ade-
lante porque en estos dos lugares se auia recogidotoda la mas gente de
aquellos pueblos y como de los requerimientos que les hi^ieron no lii§ie-
ron caso ni de dar la paz antes con grandes gritos tiraban flechas de
lo alto y se bolbio a la compania que auia quedado haciendo rostro a
el pueblo de tiguex entonfes salieron los del pueblo en gran cantidad
los nfos a media rienda dieron muestraque buyan de suerte que sacaron
los enemigos a lo llano y rebulbieron sobre ellos de manera que se ten-
dieron algunos de los mas senalados los demas se recogieron al pueblo
y a lo alto y ansi se bolbio este capitan a el aposento.
el general luego como esto paso ordeno delos yr a^ercar y salio uu
dia con su gente bien ordenada y con alguuas escalas llegado asento su
real junto a el pueblo y luego dieron el combate pero como los enemigos
auia mnclios dias que se pertrechaban becharoii tanta piedra sobre los
nfos que a muchos tendieron en tierra y birieron de flechas ^erca de
9ieu hombres de que despues murieron algunos por mala cura de un
mal surugano que yba en el campo el §erco duro sinquenta dias en los
quales alguuas ueces se les dieron sobresaltos y lo que mas les aquexo
fue que no teniau agua y hi^ieron dentro del pueblo un poso de gran-
dissima hondura y no pudieron sacar agua antes se les derrumbo a el
tiempo que lo haciau y les mato treinta personas murieron de los ^erca-
dos do^ieutos hombres de dentro en los combates y un dia (jue se les
dlo un combate recio mataron de los nfos a francisco de obando capitan
y maestre de campo que auia sido todo el tiempo que don garcia lopes
de cardenas andubo en los descubrimientos ya dichos y a un francisco'
de pobares buen hidalgo a francisco de obando metieron en el pueblo
que los nfos no lo pudieron defender q no poco se sintio por ser como era
persona seualada y por si tam honrado afable y bien quisto que era
marauilla antes tpie se acabase de ganar un dia llamaron a habla y
sabida su demauda fue de^ir que tenian cogno9ido que las mugeres ni
a los ninos no haciamos mal que querian dar sus mugeres y hijos por
WIN8HIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 437

que les gastaban el agua no se pudo acabar con ellos que se diesen de paz
diyiendo que no les guardaria la palabra y asi dieron obra de gien per-
sonas de ninos y mugeres que no quisieron salir mas y mientras las
dieron estubieron los nfos a cauallo en ala delante del pueblo don lope de
unea a cauallo y sin gelada andaba refibiendo en los bragos los ninos y
nifias y como ya no quisieron dar mas el don lope les inportunaba que
se diesen de pax ha9iendo les grandes promeyas de seguridad ellos le
dixeron que se desbiase que no era su uoluntad de se liar de gente que
no guardaba la amistad ni palabra que daban y como no se quisiese
desbiar salio uno con un aryo a flechar y con una flecha y amenasolo
con ella que se la tiraria sino se yba de alii y por boyes que le dierou
que se pusiese la gelada no quiso diyiendo que mientras alii estubiese
no le harian mal y como el indio bido que no se queria yr tiro y hincole
la flecha par de las niauos de el cauallo y en arco luego otra y torno le
a de§ir que se fuese sino que le tirarian de beras el don lope se puso su
yelada y paso ante paso se uino a meter entre los de a cauallo sin que
recibiese enojo de ellos y como le bieron que ya estaba en salbo con
gran grita y alarido comencaron arroyiar flecberia el general no quiso
que por a quel dia se les diese bateria por ber si los podian traer por
alguna uia de paz lo qual ellos jamas quisieron.
desde a quinye dias determinaron de salir una nocbe y ansi lo
hicieron y tomando en medio las mugeres salieron a el quarto de la
modorra uelauan aquel quarto quarenta de a cauallo y dando aclarma
los del quartel de don rodrigo maldonado dieron en ellos los enemigos
derribaron un espanol muerto y un cauallo y hirieron a otros pero
ubieron los de romper y hayer matanya en ellos hasta que retirandose
dieron consigo en el rio que yba corriente y frigidissimo y como la gente
del real acudio presto fueron pocos los ([ue escaparon de muertos o
heridos otro dia pasaron el rio la gente del real y hallaron mucbos
heridos que la gran frialdad los aula deribado en el campo y trayan los
para curar y siruirse de ellos y ansi se acabo aquel ferco y se gano el
pueblo aun que algunos que quedaron en el pueblo se rrecibieron en un
barrio y fueron tornados en x)ocos dias.
el otro pueblo grande mediate de yerco le auian ganado dos capitanes

que fueron don diego de gueuara y ju" de saldibar que yendo les una
madrugada a echar una yelada para coger en ella sierta gente de guerra
que acostumbraba a salir cada manana a hayer muestra por poner algun
temor en nfo real las espias que tenia puestas para quando los biesen
benir bieron como salia gentes y caminaban hayia la tierra salieron de
la yelada y fueron para el pueblo y bieron huir la gente y siguieron la
haciendo en ellos matanga como de esto se dio mandado salio gente del
real que fueron sobre el pueblo y lo saquearon prediendo toda la gente
que en el hallaron en que ubo obra de §ien mugeres y ninos acabose este
gerco en fln de marco del ano de quarenta y dos en el qual tiempo acae-
cieron otras cosas de que podria dar notiyia que por no cortar el hilo
las he dexado i)ero deyir seau agora porque conbienese sepan para enten-
der lo de adelante. .
438 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [Link].l4

Capitulo desisiete eomo binieron a el campo mensajeros del ualle de senora

ycomo murio el capitan melchior dias en la Jornada de tizon.
ya diximos como melchior dias el capitan aiiia pasado en balsas el rio

del tigon para proseguir adelante el descubrimieiito de aquella costa

pues a tiempo que se acabo de ercollegarou mensajeros a el caupo de
el
la uillade sau liieronimo con cartas de diego de alarcon que aula que-
dado alii en lugar del melchior dias trayan nuebas como melchior dias
auia niuerto en la demanda que lleuaba y la gente se aula buelto sin
ber cosii de lo que deseaban y paso el caso desta uianera.
como ubieron pasado el rio caminaron en demanda de la costa que
por alii ya daba la buelta sobre el sur o entre sur y oriente porque
aquel ancon de mar eutra derecho al norte y este rio entre en el remate
del ancon trayendo sus corrientes debaxo del norte y corre a el sur yt'do
como yban caminando dieron en unos medanos de ^enisa ferbiente que
no podia nadie eutrar a ellos porque fuera entrarse a hogar en la mar
la tierra que hoUaban temblaba como tenpano que pare^ia que estaban
debaxo algunos lagos parecio cosa admirable que asi herbia la ^enisa en
algunas partes que parecia cosa infernal y desbiando se de aqui por el
peligro que parecia jque llebauan y por la falta del agua un dia un lebrel
que lleuaba un soldado antojo se le dar tras de unos carneros que
llebauan para bastimento y como el capitan lo bido arronjole la lauga
de enquentro yendo corrieudo y hincola en tierra y no ])udiendo detener
el cauallo fue sobre la lan^a y enclabose la por el muslo que le salio el
hierro a la ingle y le rompio la begiga bisto esto los soldados dieron la
buelta con su capitan siendo teniendo cada dia refriegas con los indios
que auian quedado rebelados bibio obra de ueinte dias que por le traer
pasaron gran trabajo y asi bolbieron hasta que murio con buena ordea
Bin perder un honbre ya yban saliendo de lo mas trabajoso llegados
a sefiora hi^o alcaraz los mensajeros ya dichos haciendolo saber y como
algunos soldados estaban mal asentados y procuraban algunos motines
y como auia sentenciado a la horca a dos que despnes se le auian huydo
de la pri^ion.
el general bisto esto enbio a quella uilla a don pedro de touar para
que entresacase alguua gente y para que llebase consigo Tiiensajeros
que embiaba a el uisorey don Antonio de mendoga con recaudos de lo
aconteyido y la buena nueba del turco.
don pedro de touar fue y llegado alia hallo que auian los naturales de
aquella probingia muerto con una flecha de yerba a un soldado de una
muy pequefia herida en una mano sobre esto auian ydo alia algunos
soldados y no fueron bien recebidos don pedro de tobar embio a diego de
alcaraz con gente aprender a los prin^ipales y seiiores de un pueblo que
Uaman el ualle de los uellacos que esta en alto llegado alia los prendieron
y presos parecio le a diego de alcaraz de los soltar a trueque de que
dieseu alguu hilo y ropa y otras cosas de que los soldados teuian necesi-
dad biendose sueltos alsarose de guerra y subieron a ellos y como
estaban fuertes y tenian yerba mataron algunos espauoles y hirieron
otros que desi^ues murieron en el camino bolbiendose retirandose para
wiNSHip] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 439

8u uilla y sino lleuaran cousigo amigos de los coia§ones lo iiasaron peor

bolbieron a la nilla dexando muertos desisiete soldados de la yerba que
con pequefia lierida morian rabiando rompiendose las carnes con un
pesteleucial hedor inconportable bisto por don pedro de touar el daiio
pareyiendoles que no quedabau seguros en aquella uilla la paso quarenta
leguas mas hagia ^ibola al ualle del suya donde los dexaremos por contar
lo que a bino a el general con el cainpo despues del cerco de tiguex.

Capitulo desiocho como el general procuro dexar asentada la tierraparair

en demanda de quisuira donde de^ia el turco auia elprinfipio de la riqtie^a.
mediante el gerco de tiguex el general quiso yr a cicuye llebando con-
sigo a el goueruador para lo poner en libertad con promesas que quaudo
saliese para quiuira daria libertad a bigotes y lo dexaria en su pueblo y
como llego a cicuye fue reyibido de paz y entro en el pueblo con algunos
soldados ellos re^ibieron a su gouernador con mucho amor y fiesta bisto
que ubo el pueblo y hablado a los naturales dio la buelta i)ara su canpo
quedando cicuye de paz con esperan^a de cobrar su capitan bigotes.
acabado que fue el ferco como ya abemos dicho embio un capitaii a
chia un buen pueblo y de mucha gente que auia embiado a dar la
obiden§ia que estaba desbiado del rio al poniente quatro leguas y
ballaronle de paz a qui se dieron aguardar quatro tiros de bron9e ques-
taban mal acondi§ionados tambieu fueron a quirix probiiicia de siete
pueblos seis compaiieros y en el i)rimer pueblo que seria de gieu ueyiuos
buyeron que no osaron a esperar a los nfos y los fueron ata,iar arrienda
suelta y los bolbieron a el pueblo a sus casas con toda seguridad y de
alii abisaron a los demas pueblos y los aseguraron y asi poco a poco se

fue asegurando toda la comarca en tanto quel rio se deshelaba y se

dexaba badear para dar lugar a la Jornada aunque los doye pueblos de
tiguex nunca en twlo el tiempo que por alii estubo el campo se poblo
ninguno por seguridad ninguna que se les diese.
y como el rio fue deshelado que lo auia estado casi quatro meses que
se pasaba por en^ima del yelo a cauallo ordenose la partida para
quibira donde decia el turco que auia algun oro y plata aunque no tanto
como en Arche [Arehe?] y los guaes ya auia .algunos del campo sospe-
chosos del tnrco porque mediante el cerco tenia cargo del un espaiiol que
se llamaua seruantes y este espafiol juro con solenidad que auia bisto a
el turco hablar en una olla de agua con el demonio y que teniendolo el
debaxo de llaue que nadie podia hablar con el le auia preguntado el
turco a el que a quieu auiau muerto de los cristianos los de tiguex y el
le dixo que a no nadie y el turco le respondio mientes que yiiico cbris-
tianos an muerto y a un capitan y que el ^eruantes bieudo que degia
berdad se lo con^edio por saber del quien se lo auia diclio y el turco le
dixo quel lo sabia por si y que para aquello no auia ne9esidad que
nadie se lo dixese y por esto lo espio y bio hablar con el demonio en la
olla como e dicho.
con todo esto se hiyo alarde para salir de tiguex a este tiempo llegaron
gentes de cibola a ber a el general y el general les encargo el buen trata-
X
440 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

miento de los espafioles que biniesen de seSora con don pedro de touar
y lea die cartas que le dieseii a dou pedro eu que le daba abiso de lo
que debia de lia^er y como abia de j'r eu busca del campo y que hallaria
cartas debajo de las cru§es eu las jornadas que el campo abia de lia^er
salio el campo de tiguex a (;iuco de uiayo la buelta de cicuyc que como
teugo dicho sou ueiute y ciuco jornadas digo leguas de alii lleuando de
alii a bigotes llegado alia les dio a su capitan que ya andaba suelto con

guardia el pueblo se holgo mucbo con el y estubieron de paz y dieron

bastimentos y bigotes y el gouernador dierou a el general uu mancebete
que se degia xabe uatural de quiuira ijara que del se informasen de
la tierra este de9ia que abia oro y plata pero no tauto como de^ia el
turco toda uia el turco se afirmaua y fue por guia y asi salio el camj)o
de alii.

Capitulo desinueue como salieron en demanda de quiuira y lo que aconte-

cio en el camino.
salio el campo de cicuye dexando el jjueblo de paz y a lo que pare§io
contento y obligado a mantener la amistad por les aber restituydo su
gouernador y capitan y caminando para salir a lo llano que esta pasada
toda la Cordillera a quatro dias andados de camino dieron en un rio de
gran corriente liondo que baxaba de hacia cicuyc y a queste se puso
nombre el rio de cicuyc detubieron se aqui por hayer puente para le pasar
acabose en quatro dias cou toda diligengia y prestesa hecba paso todo
el campo y ganados por ella y a otras diez jornadas dieron en iinas
racherias de gente alarabe que por alii son llamados querechos y aula
dos dias que se auiau uisto uacas esta gente biuen en tiendas de cueros
de uacas adobados andan tras las ua§as liagiendo carue estos aun que
bierou nfo campo no ]ii§ieron mudamiento ni se alterarou antes salieron
de sus tiendas a ber esentamente y luego binieron a hablar con la auau-
guardia y dixeron que se a el campo y el general hablo con ellos y como
ya ellos auiau hablado con el turco que yba en la auanguardia cofor-
maron con el eu quanto degia era gente niuy eutendida por seiias que
parecia que lo decian y lo daban tan bien a euteuder que no auia mas
necesidad de interprete estos dixeron que baxando lia<,'ia do sale el sol
auia un rio muy grande y que yria por la riiiera del por poblados uo-
uenta dias sin quebrar de poblado en poblado dec-ian quese decia lo
primero del poblado liaxa y que el rio era de mas de una legua de ancho
y que auia muchas canoas estos salieron de alii otro dia cou barrias de
perros en que llebabii sus aberes desde a dos dias que todauia caminaba
el campo a el rumbo que auian salido de lo poblado que era eutre norte

y oriente mas liafia el norte se bieron otros querechos rancheados y

grande numero de uacas que ya parecia cosa increibble estos dieron
gradissima noti^ia de poblados todo a el oriente de donde nos Lallamos
a qui se quebro don gar^ia un brago y se perdio un espauol que salio a
casa y no aserto a boluer al real por ser la tierra muy liana decia el
tui'co que auia a haya una o dos jornadas el general embio adelante a
wrosHip] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 441

el capitan diego lopes a la ligera con diez compaueros dandole ruuibo

por una guia de mar ba9ia adonde salia el sol que camiiiase dos dias a
toda priesa y descubriese a haxa y bolbiese a se topar con el caupo otro
dia salio por el mesmo runibo y fue tan to el ganado que se topo que los
que yban en la auanguardia cogiero por delante un gran numero de toros
y conio liuyan y unos a otros serrenjmgaban dieron en una barranca y
cayotanto ganado dentro que la emparejaron y el demas ganado paso
por engima la gete de a cauallo que yba en pes de ellos cayeron sobre
el ganado sin saber lo que ha^ian tres cauallos de los que cayeron ensi-
llados y enfrenados se fueron entre las bacas que no pudieron mas ser
abidos.
Como el general le parecio que seria ya de buelta diego lopes liigo
a
que seiscompaueros siguisen una ribera arriba de un pequefio rio y
otros tantos la riuera abajo y que se mirase por el rastro de los cauallos
en las entradas o las salidas del rio porque por la tierra no es po-
sible hallarse rastro porque la yerua en pisandola se torna a leuantar
hallose por donde auian ydo y fue bentura que a las bueltas auian ydo
indios del campo en busca de fruta una gran legua de donde se hallo
rastro y toparon con ellos y ansi bajaron el rio abajo a el real y dieron
por nueua a el general que en ueinte leguas que auian andado no auian
uisto otra cosa siuo uacas y ^ielo yba en el campo otro indio pintado
natural de quiuira que se de§ia sopete este indio siempre dixo que el
turco mentia y por esto no banian caso del y aunque en esta sa9on
tambien lo degia como los querechos auian informado con el y el y sopete
no era creydo.
desde aqui embio el general delante a don rodrigo maldonado con su
compaiiia el qual camino quatro dias y Uego a una barranca grande
como las de colima y hallo en lo bajo de ella gran rancheria de gente
por aqui aula atrabesado cabe§a de uaca y dorantes aqui presetaron a
don rodrigo un monton de cueros adobados y otras cosas y una tienda
tan grande como una casa en alto lo qual mando que asi la guardasen
hasta quel campo Uegase y embio copaneros que guiasen el campo ha^ia
aquella parte porque no se perdiesen aunque auian ydo haQiendo mojones
de guesos y bonigas para que el campo se siguiese y desta manera
se guiaba ya el campo tras la abanguardia.
llego el general con su campo y como bio tan gran multitud de
cueros penso los repartir co la gente y higo poner guardas para que
mirasen por ellos pero como la gente llego y bieron los compaueros que
el general embiaba algunos hombres particulares con sefias para que
les diesen las guardas algunos cueros y los andaban a escoger enojados
de que no se repartia co orden dan saco mano y en menos de quarto de
ora no dexaron sino el suelo limpio.
los naturales que bieron aquello tambien pusieron las manos en la obra
las mugeres y algunos otros quedaron llorando porque creyeron que no
les auian de tomar nada sino bende^irse lo como auian hecho cabega de
uaca y dorantes quando por alii pasaron aqui se hallo una india tarn
442 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].M

blanca como muger de castilla saluo que tenia labrada la barua como
morisca de berberia que todas so labran en general de aquella manera
por alii se ahogolan los ojos.

Capitulo ueinte como cayeron grandes piedras en el campo y como se

descubrio otra barranca donde se dibidio el campo en dos partes.
estando descansando el campo en esta barranca que abemos dicho
una tarde comen§o un torbellino con grandissimo ayre y granic^o y en
pequeSo espa§io bino tain grande multitud de piedra tarn grandescomo
escudillas y niayores y tarn espesas como lubia que en parte cubrieron
dos y tres palinos y mas de tierra y uno dexo el cauallo digo que uingun
cauallo ubo que no se solto sino fueron dos o tres que acudierou a los
tener negros enpabesados y conseladas y rrodelas que todos los demas
llebo por delaute basta pegallos con la barranca y alguuos subio donde
con gra trabajo se tornaron abajar y si como los tomo alii dentro fuera
en lo llano de arriba quedara el campo a gran rriesgo sin cauallos que
muchos no se pudieran cobrar rrompio la piedra muchas tiendas y aboUo
muchas feladas y lastimo muchos cauallos y quebro toda la losa del
canpo y calaba9os que no puso poca ne^esidad porque por alii no ay
losa ni se hage ni calaba^os ni se siembra maiz ni comen pan salbo came
cruda o nial asada y fructas.
desde alii embio el general a descubrir y dieron en otras rancherias
a [Link] a manera de alixares era tierra muy poblada
adonde aula muchos frisoles y siruelas como las de castilla y
parrales duraban estos pueblos de rancherias tres jornadas desiase cona
desde aqui salieron con el campo algunos teyas porque asi se deyian
aquellas gentes y caminarou con susharriasdeperrosymugeresy hijos
hasta la prostera Jornada de las otras donde dieron guias para pasar
adelante a donde fue el canpo a una barranca grande estas guias no las
dexaban hablar con el turco y no hallauan las noti9ias que de antes
de5ian que quiuira era hacia el norte y que no hallauamos buena derrota
con esto se comen90 a dar credito a ysopete y ansi Uego el campo a la
prostera barriica que era una legua de borbo a bordo y un pequeno rio
en lo bajo y un llano Ueno de arboleda con mucha uba morales y rosales
que es fruta que la ay en frangia y sirue de agraz en esta barranca la aula
madura abia nueses y galinas de la calidad de las de la nueba espana
y siruelas como las de castilla y en cantidad en este camino se bio a uu
teya de un tiro pasar un toro por ambas espaldas que uu arcubuz tiene
bien que ha§er es, gete bien entendida y las mugeres bien tratadas y de
berguen§a cubren todas sus carnes traen 5apatos y borseguiez de cuero
adobado traen mantas las mugeres sobre sus faldellines y mangas cogi-
das por las espaldas todo de cuero y unos como sanbeiiitillos con rapa-
sejos que llegan a medio muslo sobre los faldellines.
en esta ban-anca holgo el campo muchos dias por buscar comarca
hicieronse hasta aqui treinta y siete jornadas de camino de a seis y de
a siete leguas iwrque se daba cargo a quien fuese tasanda y un con
17
 eUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY

^^"M-

FACSIMILE OF P
From the Manuici

11
 POLIRTFFNTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXX>i

Wi^i>f:;J^Z'

:*f/

ANEDA'S RELACION
Lenox Library
wiKBHip] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 443

tando por pasos de§ian que auiau a el poblado do dogientas y sinquenta

leguas bisto ya y cognogido por el general fran"" uasques como hasta
alii auiau audado eiiganados por el turco y que faltauan los bastimentos

a el campo y que por alii no aula tierra dode se pudiesen probeer llamo
a los capitanes y alferes a junta para acordar lo que les paresiese se
debiese hager y de acuerdo de todoa fue quel general contreinta de a
cauallo y media dogena de peoues y fuese en demanda de quiuira y
que do tristan de arellano bolbiese con todo el campo la buelta de tiguex
sabido esto por la gente del canpo y como ya se sabia lo acordado supli-
caron de ello a su general y que no los dexase de lleuar adelante que
todos querian morir con el y no bolber atras esto no aprobeclio aunque
el general les congedio que les embiaria mensajeros dentro de ocho dias
si cobiniese seguirle o no y con esto se partio con las guias que lleuaba

y con ysopete el turco yba arrecando en cadena.

Gapitulo ueinte y una como el campo bolhio a tiguex y el general llego a

quiuira.
partio el general de la barranca con las guias que los teyas le auian
dado bigo su maestre de campo a el ueinte y quatro diego lopes y Uebo
de la gete que le paregio mas escogida y de mejores cauallos el canpo que-
do con alguna esperanga que embiaria por el general y tornaron se lo a
embiar a suplicar a el general con dos hombres de a cauallo a la ligera
y por la posta, el general llego digo que se le huyeron las guias en las
primeras jornadas y ubo de bolber diego lopes por guias a el campo y
con mandado quel capo bolbiese a tiguex a buscar bastimentos y a aguar-
dar a el general dieronle otras guias que les dieron los teyas de bolun-
tad aguardo el campo sus mensajeros y estubo alii quinge dias bagiendo
carnaje de bacas para lleuar tubose por quenta que se mataron en estos
quinse dias quinientos toros era cosa increyble el numero de los que
auia sin bacas perdiose en este comedio mucha gente de los que salian
a caga y en dos ni tres dias no tornaban a bolber a el campo andando
desatinados a una parte y a otra sin saber bolber por donde auian ydo
y con aber aijuella barranca (jue arriba o abaxo auian de atinar y como
cada nocLe se tenia (juenta con quien faltaua tirauan artilleria y tocauan
trompetas y a tarn bores y hagian grandes hogaredas y algunos se halla-
ron tarn desbiados y abian desatinado tanto que todo esto no les apro-
bechaua nada aunque a otros les balio el remedio era tornar adonde
mataban el ganado y liayer una uia a una parte y a otra basta que daban
con la barranca o topaban con quien los encaminaua es cosa de notar
que como la tierra es tam liana en siendo medio dia como an andado
desatinados en pos de la caga a una parte y a otra sean de estar cabe la
caga quedos hasta (pie decline el sol para ber a que rumbo an de bolber
a donde salieron y aun estos auian de ser hombres entendidos y los que
no lo eran se auian de encomendar a otros.
el general siguio sus guias hasta llegar a quiuira en que gasto (jua-
renta y ocho dias de camino por la grande cayda que auian hecho sobre
444 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [kth ann.U

la floriday fue re9ebi(lo de paz por las guias que lleuaba preguiitaron
a el turco (j[ue i^orque aula metido y los aula guiado tarn abieso dixo que
su tierra era ha§ia aquella jiai'tey que allende de aquello los de cicuye
le auian rogado que los truxese perdidos por los llanos por que faltaiido
les el bastinieuto se murieseii los cauallos y ellos flacos quando bolbie-
sen los podrian niatar sin trabajo y bengarse de lo que auian hecho
y que por esto los abia desrumbado creyeudo que no supieran ca^ar ni
mautenerse sin niaiz y que lo del oro que no sabia adoiide lo aula esto
dixo ya como desesperado y que se hallaba corrido que auain dado cre-
dito a el ysopete y los auia guiado mejor que no el y teniiendose los que
alii yban que no diese algun abiso por donde les biniese algun daiio le

dieron garrote de que el ysopete se holgo porque siepre solia degir que
el ysopete era un bellaco y que no sabia lo que se decia y siempre le
estorban ban que no hablase con nadie no se bio entre aquellag eute
oro ni plata ni noticia de ello el senor traya al cuello una patena de
cobre y no la tenia en poca.
los mensajeros quel campo embio en pos del general bolbieron como
dixe y luego como no truxeron otro recaudo que el que el ueinti quatro
auia dicbo el canipo salio de la barranca la buelta de los teyas a donde
tomaron guias que los bolbiesen por mas derecho camino ellos las dieron
de boluntad porque como es gente que no para por aquellas tierras en
pos del gauado todo lo saben guiaban desta manera luego por la manana
miraba a donde salia el sol y tomaban el rumbo que auian de tomar y
tiraban una flecha y antes de Uegar a ella tirauan otra por enyima y desta
manera yban todo el dia hasta las aguas adonde se auia de ha§er Jornada
y por este orden lo que se auia andado a la yda en treinta y siete jor-
nadas se bolbio en ueinte y 5inco cayado en el camino ua«as liallaronse
en este camino muchas lagunas de sal que la auia en gran cantidad auia
sobre el agua tablones della mayores que mesas de quatro y de §inco
dedos de grueso debajo del agua a dos y tres palmos sal en grano mas
sabrosa que la de los tablones por que esta amargaba un poco era cris-
taliua auia por aquellos llanos unos aniinales como liardillas en gran
numero y mucha suma de cueuas de ellas uino en esta buelta a tomar el
campo el rio de cicuye mas de treinta leguas por bajo de ella digo de la
puente que se auia becho a la yada y subiose por el arriba que en gene-
ral casi todas sus riueras tenian rosales que son como ubas moscatelea
en el comer nageu en unas uaias delgadas de un estado tiene la oja como
peregil auia ubas en agraz y mucbo uino y oregano de9ian las guias que
se juntaba este rio con el de tiguex mas de ueinte jornadas de alii y
que boluian sus corrientes a el oriente creese que ban a el poderoso rio
del espiritu santo que los de don hernando de soto descubrieron en la
florida en esta Jornada a la yda se liundio una iudia labrada a el capi-
tan juan de saldibar y fue las barrancas abajo buyendo que reconoyio la
tierra por qiie en tiguex donde se ubo era esclaua esta india ubieron a
las manos siertos espanoles de los de la florida que auian entrado desca-
briendo bacia aquella parte yo les oy de5ir quado bolbieron a la nueba
wmsBiPi NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 445

espana que les aula dicho la india que auia iiuebe dias que se auia huydo
de otros y que nombro capitanes por donde se debe creer que no
llegamos lejos de lo que ellos descubrierou aunque dicen que estaban
entoufes mas de dosientas leguas la tierra adentro creese que tiene la
tierra de trabesia por aquella parte mas de seicientas leguas de mar a
mar.
pues como digo el rio arriba fue el campo hasta llegar a el pueblo de
cicuye el qual se hallo de guerra que no quisieron niostrarse de paz
ni dar uingun socorro de bastimento de alii fueron a tiguex que ya
alguuos pueblos se auian tornado a poblar que liiego se tornaban a
despoblar de temor.

Capitulo ueinte y dos como el general bolbio de qtiiuira y se hi^ieron otros

entradas dehajo del norte.
luego que don tristan de arellano llego en tiguex mediado el nies de
de quarenta y dos lii9o recoger bastimentos i)ara el inbierno
jullio del afio
beuidero y enbio a el capitaii francisco de barrio nuebo con alguna gete
el rio arriba debajo del norte en que bio dos prouiuQias que la una se
decia hemes de siete pueblos y la otra yuqueyuuque los pueblos de
hemes salieron de paz y dieron bastimentos los de yuqueyunque en
tanto que el real se asentaba despoblaron dos muy hermosos pueblos
que teiiian el rio en medio y se fueron a la sierra a donde tenian quatro
l)ueblo8 muy fiiertes en tierra aspera que no se podia yr a ellos a cauallo
en estos dos pueblos se ubo mucho bastimento y 109a muy hermoya y
bedriada y de muchas labores y hechuras tambien se hallaron muchas
ollas llenas de metal escogido reluciente con que bedriaban la losa era
serial que por aquella tierra auia miuas de plata si se buscaran.
ueinte leguas adelante el rio arriba auia un poderoso y grande rio
digo pueblo que se decia braba a quien los nfos pusieron ualladolid
tomaba el rio por medio pasabase por puentes de madera de muy largos
y grandes pinos quadrados y en este pueblo se bieron las mas graudes
y brabas estufas que en toda aquella tierra porqueeran de do^e pilares
que catla uno tenia dos bra§as de ruedo de altura de dos estados este
pueblo auia uisitado hernaudo de aluarado quando descubrio a 5icuye
es tierra muy alta y figridissima el rio yba hondo y de gran corriente
sin ninguu uado dio la buelta el capitau barrio nuebo dexando de pax
aquellas prouintjias.
otro capitan fue el rio abajo en busca de los poblados qnedegian los
de tutahaco auia algunas jornadasde alii estecapitan bajo ochenta leguas
Rio que 86 y hallo quatro pueblos grandes que dexo de paz y andubo
hundi.
hasta que hallo quel rio se sumia debaxo de tierra como guadiana
en extremadura no paso adelate donde los iudios decian q salia muy
poderoso ])or no llebar mas comi^iou de ocheta leguas de camiuo y
como bolbio este capitan y se llegaba el pla^o en que el capitan abia de
bolber de quiuira y no bolbia don tristan senalo quarenta coupanerosy
dexando el campo a fran™ de barrio nuebo salio con ellos a buscar el
446 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth. annU

general y como llego a cicuye los del pueblo salieroii de guerra que fue
causa que se detubiesen alii quatro dias por les ha9er algun dauo coino
se les hi9o que cou tiros quese asentaronael pueblo les matarou alguna
ggte por que no salian a el caupo a causa quel primer dia les mataron
dos bombres senalados.
en este comedio Uegaron nuebas [niebas?] como el general benia y por
esto tambieu ubo de aguardar alii don tristan para asegurar aqnel paso
llegado el general fue bien re^ebido de todos con grande alegria el
iudio xabe que era el man^ebo que auian dado los de cicuye a el
general qualido yba en demanda de quiuira estaba cou don tristan de
arellano y como supo que el general benia dando muestras que se
holgaba dixo agora que biene el general bereis como ay oro y plata en
quiuira aunque no tauta como degia el turco y como el general llego y
bio como no auian hallado nada quedo triste y pasmado y afirmado
que la aula liigo creer a muchos que era asi porque el general no entro
la tierra adentro que no oso por ser muy poblado y no se hallar
poderoso y dio la buelta por lleuar sus gentes pasadas las aguas
porque ya por alia llobia que era entrada de agosto quando salio tardo
en la buelta quarenta dias con buenas guias con benir a la ligera
como bolbieron decia el turco quando salio de tiguex el canpo que
para que cargauan los cauallos tanto de bastimetos que se cansarian y
no podrian despues traer el oro y la plata donde parese bien andaba
con eugano.
llegado el general con su gete a cicuye luego se partio para tiguex
dexando mas asentado el pueblo por que a el luego salieron de paz y le
liablaron llegado a tiguex procure de inberiiar alii para dar la buelta
con todo el campo porque degia traya noticia de grandes poblaciones
y rios poderossissimos y que la tierra era muy pareciente a la de
espaija en las frutas y yerbas y temporales y que no benian satisfechos
de creer que no aula oro antes trayan sospecha que lo aula la tierra
adentro porque puesto que lo negauan entendian que cosa era y tenia
nombre entre ellos que se degia acochis con lo qual daremos fin a esta
primera parte y trataremos en dar relation de las prouincias.

Segunda parte en que se teata de los pueblos y prouin-

cias DE altos y de sus kitos y costumbres kecopilada por
PEDRO DE CASTANEDA UE(piNO DE LA 5IUDAD DE NAXARA.'
luus deo.

no me parece que quedara satisfecho el lector em aber bisto y enten-

dido lo que e contado de la joruada aunque en ello ay bien que notar
en la discordan^ia de las notigias porque aber fama tan grande de
grandes thesoros y en el mismo lugar no hallar memoria ni aparen^ia
de aberlo cosa es muy de notar en lugar de poblados hallar grandes
despoblados y en lugar de ciudades populosas hallar pueblos de dogien-
1 The Seguntla Parte begins a new page in ttie manuscript.
wiNSHip] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 447

tos ueciuos y el mayor de ocbo cieutos o mill no se si esto les dara mate-
ria para cousiderar y pesar en la bariedad de esta uida ypara poderlos
agradar les quiero dar relagiou particular de todo lo poblado que se bio
y descubrio en esta Jornada y algunas costunbres que tienen y ritos
conforme a lo que de ellos alcanyamos a saber y en que rumbo cae cada
prouiu^ia para que despues se pueda entender a que parte esta la flori-
da y a que parte cae la India mayor y como esta tierra de la nueba
espana es tierra flrme con el peru ansi lo es con la India mayor o de la
china sin que por esta parte aya entrecLo que la dibida ante es estan
grande la anchura de la tierra que da lugar a que aya tan graudes
despoblados como ay entre las dos mares por que la costa del norte
sobre la florida buelbe sobre los bacallaos y despues torna sobre la
nuruega y la del sur a el poniente haciendo la otra punta debaxo del
8ur casi como en arco la bueltade la indiadando lugar a que lastierras
que siguen las cordilleras de anbas costas se desbien en tauta manera
Unas de otras que dexen en medio de si grandes llanuras y tales que
por ser inabitables so pobladas de gauados y otros mucbos auimales de
dibersas maneras aunque no de serpientes por ser como son esentos y
sin montes antes de todo genero de ca^a y aues como adelante se dira
dexando de contar la buelta quel campo dio para la nueba espana basta
que se bea la poca ocayion qu« para ello ubo comen^aremos a tratar de
la uilla de culiacan y bersea la diferenfia que ay de la una tierra a la
otra para que meresca lo uno estar poblado de espaiioles y lo otro no
abieudo de ser a el contrario quanto a cristianos porque en los unos ay
ragon de bombres y en los otros barbaridad de animales y mas que de
bestias.

Capitulo primero de la prouincia de Culiacan y de hus ritos y costumbres.

Culiacan es lo ultimo del nuebo reyno de galigia y fue lo primero que
poblo Nuiio de guzman quando conquisto este reyno esta a el poniente de
mexico doyientas y'diez leguas en esta prouincia ay ties leguas prin^i-
pales sin otras bariables que de ella responden la primera es de tahus
que era la mejor gente y mas entendida y los que en esta sa^on estan
mas domesticos y tienen mas lumbre de la fe estos ydolatraban y hagian
presentes a el demonio de sus aberes y reque(;as que era ropa y tur-
quesas no comian carne humana ni la sacriflcauan aconstumbraban a
criar muy grandes culebras y tenian las en benera5ion aula entre ellos
hombres en abito de mugeres que se casaban con otros lionbres y les
seruian de mugeres canonicaban con gran fiesta a las mugeres que
querian blbir solteras con un grande areyto o bayle en quese juntaban
todos los sefiores de la comarca y sacaban la a baylar en cueros y des-
que todos abian baylado con ella metian la en un raucho que para aquel
efecto estaba bien adornado y las seQoras la adere9aban de ropa y bra-
5alete8 de finas turquesas y luego entrabran a usar con ella los sefiores
uno a uno y tras de ellos todos los demas que querian y desde alii ade-
lante no abian de negar a nadie pagandoles sierta paga que estaba cons-
448 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth. anx. u

tituyda para ello y aunque despaes tomabau maridos uo por eso eran
reseruadas de cuplir con quien se lo pagaba sus mayores fiestas sou
mercados auia uua costuinbre que las mugeres que se casaban los mari-
dos las comprabau a los padres y parieutes por gran pregio y luego la
llebaban a uu senor que lo teiiian como por saserdote para que las des-
birgase y biese si estaba donyella y si no lo estaba le abian de bolber
todo el pre9io y estaba en su escoger si la queria por muger o uo o
dexalla jjara que fuese canoni^ada hagiau grandes borracheras a sus
tiempos.
la seguiida lengua es de pacaxes que es la gente que abitau en la
tierra que esta entre lo llano y las serranias estos son mas barbara
gente alguiios couien carne humana que son los que conflnau con las
serranias son grandes someticos toman muclias mugeres aunque sean
hermanas adoran en piedras pintados de entalladura son grandes abu-
gioneros y hechiceros.
la tercera lengua son acaxes aquestos pose en gran parte de la tierra
por la serrania y toda la cordillera y asi andan a ca<,'a de bombres como
a ca§a de benados comen todos carne humana y el que tiene mas guesos
de hombre y calaberas colgadas a el rededor de su caga es mas temido
y en mas tenido biben a barrios y en tierra muy aspera huyen de lo
llano para pasar de un barrio a otro a de aber quebrada en medio que
aunque se hable no puedau pasar tarn ligeramete a una grita se juntan
quinientos hombres y por pequena ocagion se matan y se comen estos
an sido malos de sojuzgar por la aspere(;;a de la tierra que es muy
grande.
an se ballado en esta tierra muchas minas de plata ricas uo ban a lo
hondo acabase en breue desde la costa de esta prouin^ia comienga el
ancon que mete la mar debajo del norte que entra la tierra adentro
dogientas y sinquentas leguas y fenese en la boca del rio del tigon esta
tierra es la una punta a el oriente la punta del ponieute es la California
ay de punta a punta segun he oydo a hombres que lo an nabegado
treinta leguas porque perdieiido de bista a esta tierra ben la otra el
ancon di^en es ancbo dentro a tener de tierra a tierra giento y sinquenta
leguas y mas desde el rio del tigon da la buelta la costa a el sur
hagiendo arco hasta la California que buelue a el poniente hai^-iendo
aquella punta que otro tiempo se tubo por isla por ser tierra baxa y
arenosa poblada de gente bruta y bestial desnuda y que comen su
mismo estiercol y se juntaban hombre y muger como animales ponien-
dose la hembra en quatro pies publicamente.

Capitulo segundo de la prouincia de petlatlan y todo lo poblado hasta

chichilticale.

petlatlan es una poblagion de casas cubiertas con una manera de

esteras hechas de causo congregadas en pueblos que ban a el luego
de un rio desde la sierras hasta la mar son gente de la calidad y ritos
delostahues culhacaneses ay entre ellosmuchos someticos tienen grande
pobla^ion y comarca de otros pueblos a la serrania difleren en la lengua
wrasHip] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 449

de los tahues alguu taiito puesto que se entieuden los unos a los otros
dixose petlatlan por ser las casas de petates dura esta manera de casas
por aquella parte docientas y quarenta legvias y mas que ay hasta el
principlo del despoblado de cibola desde petlatlan liace raya aquella
tierra cogno5idamente la causa porque desde alii para adelante no ay
arbol sin espina ui ay frutas sino son tunas y mesquites y pitahayas
ay desde euliacau alia ueinte leguas y desde jjetlatlan a el ualle de
seuora ciento y treinta ay entre medias muchos rios poblados de gente
dela misma suerte como son sinoloa, boyomo, teoconio, y aquimi yotros
mas pequeuos estan tambien los cora^ones ques nuestro caudal abajo
del ualle de senora.
senora es un rio y ualle muy poblado de gente muy dispuesta las
mugeres bisten uaguas de cuero adobado de benados y sanbeni-
tillos hasta medio cuerpo los que sou seuores de los pueblos se
ponen a las mananas en unos altillos que para aquello tienen bechos y
a manera de pregones o pregoneros estan pregonando por espa^io de
una ora como administrando les en lo que an de lia§er tiene unas casi-
Uas pequeiias de adoratorios en que hincan muchas flechas que las
ponen por de fuera como un eriso y esto ha9en quando asperan tener
guerra a el rededor de esta prouincia hacia las sierras ay grandes pobla-
giones en probincillas apartadas y congregadas de diez y do9e pueblos
y echo o siete de ellos que se los nombres so com u patrico, mochilagua
y arispa, y el uallecillo ay otros que no se bieron.
desde senora a el ualle de suyaay quarenta leguas en este ualle se
uino a poblar la uilla de san bieronimo que despues se alcaron y mata-
ron parte de la gente que estaba poblada como se bera adelante en lo
tergera parte en este ualle ay muchos pueblos que tienen en su torno
son las gentes de la calidad de los de seuora y de un traje y lengua
ritos y costumbres con todo los demas que ay hasta el despoblado de
chichilticale las mugeres se labran en la barba y los ojos como moriscas
de berberia ellos son grandes someticos beben bino de pitahayas que
es fruta de cardones que se abre como granadas hacen se con el bino
tontos ha§en conserua de tunas en gran cantidad conseruanse en su
sumo en gran cantidad sin otra miel hagen pan de mesquites como
quesos conseruase todo el aiio ay en esta tierra nielones de ella tarn
grandes que tiene una persona que lleuar en uno ha§en de ellos tasajos
y curan los a el sol son de comer del sabor de higos pasado guisados son
muy buenos y dulces guardanse todo el ano asi pasado.
y por esta tierra se bieron aguilas candoles tienen las los senores per
grande^a en todos estos pueblos no se bieron gallinas de ning-una suerte
salbo en este ualle de suya que se hallaron gallinas como las de castilla
que no se supo por donde entraron tanta tierra de guerra teniendo como
todos tienen guerra unos con otros entre suya y chichilticale ay muchos
carneros y cabras montesas grandissimas de cuerpos y de cuernos
espaiioles ubo que afirman aber bisto manada de mas de 5iento juntos
corren tanto que en brebe se desparesen.
14 ETH 29
450 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ethahnU

eu cliichilticale torna la tierra a hacer raya y pierde la arboleda

espinosa y la causa es que como el Ancon llega liasta aquel paraje y da
buelta la costa asi da buelta la Cordillera de las sierras y alii se biene
a trabesar la serrania y se roinpe para pasar a lo llano de la tierra

Gapitulo tercero de lo ques chichilticnle y el denpoblado de {'ibola 8ti8

coHtumbrex y ritos y de otran oosas.

chichilticale dixose asi porque liallaron los frayles en esta cx)marca
una casa que fue otros tiempos poblada de gentes que rresquebraban
de ^ibola era de tierra Colorado o bermeja la casa era grande y bien
pareyia en ella aber sido fortale9a y debio ser despoblada por los de la
tierra que es la gente mas barbara de las que se bierou hasta alii biuen ea
rancberias sin poblados biben de casar y todo lo mas es despoblado y de
grandes pinales ay pinones en gran cantidad son los pinos donde se dau
parrados de hasta de dos a tres estados de alto ay en9inales de bellota
dulce y fanonas <iue dan una fruta como confttes de culantro seco es
muy dulce como asucar ay berros en algunas fuetes y rosales y poleo y
oregano.
en los rios deste despoblado ay barbos y picoues como en espafia ay
leones pardos que se bierou desde el principio del despoblado siempre

se ba subiendo la tierra hasta llegar a gibola que son ochenta leguas

la uia del norte y hasta llegar alii desde culiacan se auia caminado
lleuando el norte sobre el qjo isquierdo.
^ibola son siete pueblos el mayor se dice ma9aque comunmente son
de tres y quatro altos las casas en macaque ay cp^as de quatro altos y
de siete estas gentes son bien entendidas andan cubiertas sus berguen-
gas y todas las partes deshonestas con pafios a manera de serbilletas
de mesa con rapasejos y una borla en cada esquina atan los sobre el
quadril bisten pellones de plumas y de ])elo de liebres matas de algodon
las mugeres se bisten de mantas que las atau o anudan sobre el honbro
isquierdo y sacan el bra(;o derecho por engima siriense las a el cuerpo
traen capotes de cuero ptilidos de buena faygion cogen el cabello sobre
las dos orejas liechos dos ruedas que paresen papos de cosia.
esta tierra es un ualle entre sierras a manera de pefiones siembran a
hoyos no crese el maiz alto de las magorcas desdel pie tres y quatro
cada cafia gruesas y grandes de a ocho gietos granos cosa no bista en
estas partes ay en esta prouincia osos en gran cantidad leones gates
geruales y nutrias ay muy finas tratan turquesas aunque no en la
cantidad que degian recogen y entrogan pinones para su aiio no tiene
un hombre mas de una muger ay en los pueblos estufas que estan en
los patios o placas donde se juntan a consulta no ay senores como por
la nueba espana rigense por consejo de los mas biejos tieuen sus saser-
dotes a quien llaman papas que les predican estos son uiejos subense
en el terrado mas alto del pueblo y desde alii a manera de pregoneros
predican a el pueblo por las maiianas quando sale el sol estando todo
el pueblo en silenyio asentados por los corredores escuchando dicen les
W1N9H1PI NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 451

como an de bibir y creo que alguuos mandaiDieiitos que an

les digen
de guardar porque entre ellos borrachera ni sodomia ni sacriftcios
no aj'

ni comen came humana ni linrtan de comun trabajan en el pueblo la

estnfas son comunes es sacrilegio que las mugeres entren a dormir en
las estufas por senal de paz dar cruz queman los muertos hechan con
ellos en el fuego los instrumentos que tienen para usar sus officios.
tienen a tusayan entre norte y ponieute a ueinte leguas es prouin^ia
de siete pueblos de la misma suerte trajes ritos y costunibies que los
de ^ibola abra en estas dos iirouin^ias que son cator^e pueblos basta
ties o quatro mill hombres y ay hasta tiguex quarenta leguas o maa la
buelta del norte ay entre medias el penon de acuco que contamos en la
primera parte.

Gapitulo quarto como se tratan los de tigue.r 1/ de la prouincia de tigiiex

y sus comarea^.
tiguex es prouincia de doce pueblos riberas de un rio grande y cau-
daloso unos pueblos de una parte y otros de otra es ualle espa^ioso de
dos leguas en ancho tiene a el oriente una sierra! nebada uiuy alta y
aspera a el pie de ella por las espaldas ay siete pueblos quatro en llano
y los tres metidos en la halda de la sierra.
tiene a el norte a quirix siete pueblos a siete leguas tiene a el nordeste
la prouincia de hemes siete pueblos a quarenta leguas tiene a el norte o
leste a Acha a quatro leguas a el sueste a tutahaco prouiuyia de ocho
pueblos todos estos pueblos en general tienen unos ritos y costumbres
aunque tienen algunas cosas en particulares que no las tienen los otros
gobiernanse por acuerdo de los mas uiejos labran los ediflcios del pueblo
de comun las mugeres entienden en ha9er la mescla y las paredes los
hombres traen la madera y la asientau no ay cal pero haijen una mescla
de fenisa de carbon y tierra ques i)oco menos que de cal porque con
aber de tener quatro altos la casa no hacen la pared de mas gordor que
de media bara juntan gran cautidad de rama de tomillos y corriso y
ponen le fuego y como esta entre carbon y 5enisa hechan mucha tierra
y agua y hagen lo mescla y de ella hacen pellas redondas que ponen en
lugar de piedra despues de seco y traban con la misnia mescla de suerte
que despues escomo argamasa los man^ebos por casar siruen a el pueblo
en general y traen la lena que se a de gastar y la ponen en rima en los
patios de los pueblos de donde la toman las mugeres para lleuar a sus
casas su abitafion de los man^ebos es en las estufas que son en los
patios de el pueblo debajo de tierra quadrados o redondos con pilares
de pino algunas se bieron de doge pilares y de quatro por nabe de gor-
dor de dos bra§as los comunes eran de tres o quatro pilares los suelos
de losas grandes y lisas como los banos que se usan europa tienen
dentro un fogon a manera de una bitacora de nabio donde ensienden un
puno de tomillo con que sustentan la calor y pneden estar dentro como
en baiio lo alto eii pareja con la tierra alguna se bio tan espaciosa que
tendra Juego de bola quaudo alguno se a de casar a de ser pororden de
452 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].14

los que gobiernaii a de hilar y texer uua manta el baron y ponerle la

muger delantey ella cubrecon ella y queda por su muger las casas son
de las mugeres las estufas de los hombres si el uaron repudia la muger
a de ir a ello a la estufa es biolable cosa domir las mugeres en la estufa
ni entrar a ningun negocjio mas de meter de comer a el marido o a los
hijos los hombres bilan y texen las mugeres crian los hijos y gaisan de
coiner la tierra es tan fertil que no desyerban en todo el ano mas de para
sembrar porque luego cae la niebe y cubre lo senbrado y debajo de la
niebe cria la ma9orca cogen en un ano para siete ay gradissimo numero
de guillas y de ansares y cuerbos y tordos que se mantienen por los sem-
brados y con todo esto quando bueluen a sembrar para otro ano estan
los campos cubiertos de maiz que no lo an podido acabar de eucerrar.
auia en estas prouincias gra cantidad de gallinas de la tierra y gallos
de papada sustentabanse muertos sin pelar ni abrir sesenta dias sin
mal olor y los hombres muertos lo mismo y mas tiempo siendo inbierno
los pueblos son limpios de inmundi^ias porque salen fuera a estercolar
y desaguan en basijas de barro y las sacan a basiar fuera del pueblo
tienen bien repartidas las casas en grande limpie9a donde guisan de
comer y donde muelen la harina que es un apartado o retrete donde
tienen un farnal con tres piedras asentado con argamasa donde entrau
tres mugeres cada una en su piedra que la una frangolla y la otra muele
y la otra remuele antes q entren dentro a la pnerta se descal9 in los
sapatos y cogen el cabello y sacuden la ropa y cubre la cabe5a mientras
que muele esta un liombre sentado a la puerta taiiedo con una gayta
al tono traen las piedras y canta a tres bo^es muelen de una bez mucha
cantidad porque todo el pan ha^en de harina desleyda con agua calieute
a manera de obleas cogen gran cantidad de yeruas y secan las para
guisar todo el ano para comer no ay en la tierra frutas saluo piuones
tienen sus predicadores no se hallo en ellos sodomia ni comer carne
humana ni sacriflcarlla no es geute cruel porque en tiguex estubieron
obra de quarenta dias muerto a fran§isco de ouando y quando se acabo
de ganar el pueblo lo hallaron entero entre sus muertos sin otra li§i6n
mas de la herida de que murio bianco como niebe sin mal olor de un
indio de los nuestros que auia estado un alio catibo entre ellos alcanse
a saber algunas cosas de sus costumbres en especial preguntadole yo
que porque causa en aquella prouingia andaban las mugeres mogas eu
cueros haQiendo tam gran frio dixome que las dongellas auian de andar
ansi hasta que tomasen maridos y que en cognogiendo uaron se cubnan
trayan los hombres por alii camisetas de cuero de benado adobado y
engima sus pellones ay por todas estas prouincias loca bedriada de
alcohol y jarros de extremadas labores y de hechuras que era cosa de
ber.

Gapitulo quinto de eicuyc y log pueblos de su contomo y de como una»

gentes binieron a conquistar aquella tierra.

ya abemos dicho de tiguex y de todas las prouincias que estan en la

como son todos de una calidad de gente y una
costa de aquel rio por ser
wiNBHip] NAKRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 453
condi^don y costumbres uo sera meuester en ellos particulari§ar ninguna
cosa solo quiero de^ir del a^iento de cicuye y unos pueblos despoblados
que le caen en comarca en el caniino dereclio quel campo llebo i>ara alia
y otros que estan tras la sierra nebada de tiguex que tanibien caen en
aquella comarca fuera del rio.
cicuyc es un pueblo de basta quiuieutos hoinbres de guerra es temido
por toda aquella tierra en su sitio es quadrado asentado sobre peua
en medio uu gran patio o pla^a con sus estufas las casas son todas
parejas de quatro altos por lo alto se anda todo el pueblo sin que aya
calle que lo estorbe a los dos primeros doblados es todo 5ercado de
corredores que se anda por ellos todo el pueblo son como balcones que
salen a fuera y debajo de ellos se pueden amparar no tienen las casas
puertas por lo bajo con es(;aleras leuadisas se siruen y suben a los corre-
dores que son por de dentro del pueblo y por alii se mandan que las
puertas de las casas salen a aquel alto al corredor sirue el corredor por
calle las casas que salen a el campo La§en espaldas con las de dentro
del patio y en tiempo de guerra se mandan por las de dentro es 5ercado
de una §erca baja de piedra tiene dentro una fuente de agua que se la
pueden quitar la gente deste pueblo se previa de que nadie los a podido
sqjuzgar y los sojuzgan los pueblos que quiereu son de la misnia con-
digiou y costumbres que los otros pueblos tambien andau las doncellas
desnudas hasta que toma maridos por que dicen que si hacen maldad
que luego se bera y an si no lo haran ni tienO de que tener berguen§a
pues andan qual na^ieron.
ay eutre cicuye y la prouiufia do (juirix uu pueblo cliico y fuerte a
quien los espanoles pusieron nonbre ximena y otro pueblo casi despo-
blado que no tiene poblado sino un barrio este pueblo era grande segun
su sitio y fresco parecia aber sido destruydo acpieste se llamo el pueblo
de los cilos porque se liallaron en el grandes silos de maiz.
adelante aula otro pueblo grande todo destruido y asolado en los
patios del muchas pelotas depiedras tan grandes como botijas de arroba
que paregia aber sido hechadas con ingenios o trabucos con que des-
truyeron aquel pueblo lo que de ello se alcanso a saber fue que abria
desiseis anos que unas gentes llamados teyas en gran numero auian
benido en aquella tierra y auian destruydo aquellos pueblos y auian
tenido gercado a cicuye y no lo auian podido tomar por ser fuerte y que
quando salieron de aquella tierra auiau liecbo amistades con toda la
tierra pare§io debio de ser gente poderosa y que debia de tener ingenios
para derriba los pueblos no saben decir de que parte binieron mas de
seiialar debajo del norte generalmente llaman estas gentes teyas por
gentes ualietes como di^en los mexicanos cbichimecas o teules porque los
teyas que el campo topo puesto que eran ualientes eran cogno^-idos dela
gente de los poblados y sus amigos y que se ban a inbernar por alia los
inbieruos debaxo de los alaues de lo poblado porque detro no se atreben
a los re^ebir porque no se debeu fiar de ellos y puesto que los re^ibea
de amistad y tractan con ellos de noche no quedan en los pueblos sino
454 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ethannU

faera solas alaues y los pueblos se belanabo 9ina y grito grito como las
fortalegas de espafia.
otros siete pueblos ay a la orilla deste camino hacia la sierra nebada
que el uno quedo medio destruydo de estas gentes ya dichas que estan
debaxo de la obidien5ia de cicuye estacieuye en un pequeuo ualle entre
sierras y moutauas de grandes pinales tiene una pequefia riuera que
Ueba muy buenas truchas y nutrias crianse por aqui muy grandes osos
y buenos halcones.

Capitulo sexto en que se declare quantos fueron los pueblos que se uieron
en los poblados de terrados y lo poblado de ello.

paregiome antes que saiga de^ir de los llanos de las bacas y lo poblado
y rancheado de ellos que sera bien que se sepa que tanto fue lo po-
blado que se bio de casas de altos en pueblos congregados y en que tanto
espayio de tierra digo que §ibola es lo primero.
§ibola siete pueblos
tucayan siete pueblos
el peiion de acuco uno
tiguex do^e pueblos
tutahaco ocho pueblos
por abajo del rio estauan estos pueblos. -

quirix siete j)ueblos

a la sierra nebeda siete pueblos
xiniena tres pueblos,
cicuye uno pueblo.
hemes siete pueblos
aguas calientes tres pueblos.
yuqueyunque de la sierra seis pueblos.
ualladolid dicbo braba un pueblo.
cilia un pueblo.
por todos son sesentay seis pueblos como parece tiguex es el rinon de
los pueblos ualladolid lo mas alto el rio arriba a el nordeste los quatro
pueblos a el rio abaxo al sueste porque el rio boltea haQia leuante que
desde la una punta de lo que se bio el rio abaxo a la otra que se bio el rio
arriba en que esta todo lo poblado ay 9iento y treinta leguas diez mas
o menos que por todos los pueblos con los de las trabesias son sesenta
y seis como tengo dicho en todos ellos puede auer como ueinte mill
liombres lo qual se puede bien considerar y entender por la pobla^ion
de los pueblos y entre medias de unos y otros no ay caserias ni otra
abitacion sino todo despoblado por donde se be que segun son poca gente
ytan diferen9iados eu trato gouierno y poliyiade todas las nagiones que
se an bisto y descubierto en estas partes de poniente son benedi^os de
aquella jiarte de la india mayor que cae su costa debaxo del ijoniente
de esta tierra que por aqueila parte pueden aber baxado atrabesando
aquellas cordilleras baxando por aquel rio abajo poblando eu lo mejor
que les pare9ia y como an ydo multiplicando an ydo poblando hasta que
wiNsHip] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 455

no hallaroii rio porque se sume debaxo de tierra liaciendo sus corrientes

ha9ia la tiorida baxando del uordeste donde se hallaua noti<;ia todauia
de pueblos qiiese dexo de seguir al turco qne lo decjia sin aquellas cor-
dilleras do iiace aqiiel rio se atrabesaran yo cieo se tomaran ricas noti-
cias y se entrara ea las tierras de donde aquellas gentes pro§eden que
segun el rfibo es principio de la India mayor aun que partes innotas y
no sabidas ni cognosidas porque segun la demostragion de la costa es
muy la tierra adentro eutre la nuruega y la china en el comedio de la
tierra de mar a mar es graude anchura seguu de muestran los rumbos
de ambas costas asi lo q descubrio el capitan uillalobos yendo por esta
mar de pouiente en demanda de la china como lo que sea descubierto
por la mar del norte la buelta de los bacallaos que es por la costa de la
florida arriba hacia la nuruega.
ansi que tornado a proposito de lo (iomen^ado digo q en espa^io de
el

setenta leguas en aucho de aquella tierra poblada y de ciento y

el
treinta leguas al luego del rio de tiguex no se bieron ni hallaron mas
poblados ni gentes de los ya diclias que ay repartimientos en la nueba
espaiiano uno sino uiucbos de mayor nuiuero de gentes eu inuchos pue-
blos de alios se hallaron metales de plata que los tenian parabedriar y
piutar los rotro.

Gapitulo septimo que trata de los llanos que se atrabesaron de bacas y

de las gentes que los habitan.
dicho abemos de lo poblado de altos que segun parese esta en el
comedio de la cordillera en lo mas llano y espagioso de ella porque tiene
de atrabesia giento y sinqueuta leguas hasta entrar en la tierra liana
que esta entre las dos cordilleras digo la que esta a la mar del norte y
la que esta a la mar del sur que por esta costa se podria mejor de^ir a
la mar de pouiente esta cordillera es la que esta a el mar del sur j)ues
para entender como lo poblado que digo es ba en el comedio de la cor-
dillera digo que desde chichilticale que es el principio de la trabesia a
§ibola ay ocheuta leguas de gibola que es el primer pueblo a cicuye que
es el prostero en la trabesia ay setenta leguas de cicuye a los llanos ay
treinta leguas liasta el principio de ellos puede ser aberse atrabesado
algo por trabesia o a el sesgo por do parece aber mas tierra que si se
atrabesara por medio y pudiera ser mas dificultoso y aspero y esto no
se puede bie entender por la buelta que la cordillera ha9e tras de su costa
del Ancon del rio del tizon.
agora direraos de los llanos <]ue es una tierra liana y espa§iosa que
tiene en anchura mas de quatro cientas leguas por aquella parte eutre
las dos cordilleras la una la que atrabeso francisco uasques coronado a la
mar del sur y la otra la que atrabeso la gente de don fernando de soto
a la mar del norte entrando por la florida lo que de estos llanos se bio
todo era despoblado y no se pudo ber la otra cordillera ni jerro ni gierra
que tubiese de altura tres estados con andar do5ientas y sinquenta
leguas por ellos atrechos se hallauan algunas lagunas redondas como
456 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].1*

platos de un tiro de piedra de ancho y inayores alguaas dulses y alga-

nas de sal en estas lagunas ay alguna yerba cresida fuera de ellas toda
es muy chica de uu geme y meiios es la tierra de liechura de bola que
doiide qulera que uu hombre se jwne lo ^erca el ^ielo a tiro de ba-
llesta no tiene arboleda sino en los rios que ay en algunas barrancas que
son taui encubiertas que hasta que estan a el bordo de ellas no son
bistas son de tierra muerta tienen eutradas que ha^en las bacas para
entrar a el agua que esta honda por estos llanos andan gentes como
tengo dicho en la primera parte en pos de las bacas ha§iendo ca§a y
adobado ciieros para lleuar a bender a los poblados los iubiernos porque
ban a inbernar a ellos cada coinpaiiia a donde mas jerca se halla unos
a los i)oblados de cicuye otros lia<;ia quiuira otros haQia la florida a los
poblados que estan bayia aquella parte y puerto estan gentes que los
llama querechos y teyas dan relation de grandes poblados y segun lo
que de estas gentes se bio y de otros que ellos dabau notiyia que aula
por otras partes ella es liarto mas gente tjue no la de los poblados mas
dispuesta y mayores bombres de guerra y mas temidos andan como
alarabes con sus tiendas y barrias de perros aparejados con lomillos y
en xalmas y sinclia (juando se les tuer^e la carga aullan llamando quieu
los aderese comeu esta gente la carne cruda y beben la sagre no comeu
carne bumana es gente amoroso y no cruel tienen flel amistad son muy
entendidos por senas secan la carne a el sol cortandola delgada como
una oja y seca la muelen como harina para guardar y liager nia5amo-
rras para comer que con un puno que hechan en una olla se hinche por
que cre^e mucbo guisan lo con nianteca que siempre procuran traer
quando matan la baca ua^ian una gran tripa y hinchen la de sangre y
hecban la a el cuello para beber quando tienen sed quando an abierto
lapan§a de la baca ai)rietan para abajo la yerua mascada y el sumo
que queda arriba lo beben que diyen que esto da la sustangia de el
bientre abren las bacas por el lomo y desha9en los por sus coyunturas
con un pedernal grande como un dedo atado en un palito co tanta
fa^ilidad como si fuese con una muy bueiia berraniienta dando les los
fllos en sus propios dientes es cosa de ber y de notar la preste^a con

que lo lia^en.
ay por estos llanos muy gran cantidad de lobos que anda tras de las
bacas tienen el pelo bbuico los sieruos son remendados de bianco el pelo
ancho y que muriendo ansi con la mano se pelan en caliente y quedan
como pueroo pelado las liebres que son en gran numero andan tan
abobadas que yendo a cauallo las matan con las lan^as esto es de andar
hecbas entre las bacas de la gente de pie huyen.

Capitulo ocho de quiuira y en que runibo eata y la notifia que dan.

quiuira es a el poniente de aquellas barrancas por el medio de la tierr^
algo arrimada a la cordillera de la mar porque hasta quiuira es tierra
liana y alii se comen^an a ber algunas sierras la tierra esmuy poblada
segun el principio de ella se bio ser esta tierra muy apareute a la de
1(3
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY

^<J

(LTV

FACSIMILE OF PAGES
From the Manus

i
 FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT FL. LXXXir

^>i^^

ITANEDA'S RELACION
tie Lenox Library
wiNSHii] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 457

espaua en su manera de yeruas y frutas ay siriielas como las de castilla

ubas nuecies moras uallico y abena poleo oregano lino en gran cantidad
no lo benefficia porque no saben el uso de ello la gente es casi de la
manera y traje de los teyas tienen los pueblos a la manera conio los de
la nueba espana las casas son redondas sin ^erca tienen unos altos a
manera de balbacoas por baxo la tecliubre adonde duernien y tienen sus
aberes las techunibres son de paja ay en su contorno otras i)rouincia8
muy pobladas en grande numero de gente y aqui en esta prouinyia quedo
un frayle que se de9ia fray ju° de padilla y un cspanol portugues y
un negro y un niestiso y siertos indios de la prouin^ia de capothan de
la nueba espaiia a el frayle mataron porque se queria yr a la prouinyia
de los guas que eran sus enemigos el espanol escapo huyendo en una
yegua y despues aporto en la nueba espana saliendo por la uia de panuco
los indios de la nueba espana que yban con el frayle lo enterraron con
consentimiento de los niatadores y se binieron en pos del espanol hasta
que lo alcan9aron este espaiiol era portugues auia por nombre campo.
el gran rio del espiritu santo que descubrio don fer"*" de soto en la
tierra de la florida lleua sus corrientes de aquesta tierra pasa por una
prouin^ia que se di^e arache segun alii tubo j/or noticia berdadera que
no se bieron sus na§imientos porque segun dejian bienen de muy lejos
tierra de la cordillera del sur de la parte que desagua a los llanos y atra-
biesa toda la tierra liana y rompe la cordillera del norte y sale adonde
lo nauegaron los de don fernando de soto esto es mas de tregientas
leguas de donde el ba a salir a la mar y por esto y por las grandes
acogidas que tiene sale tarn poderosa a el mar que an perdido la uista
de la tierra y no el agua de ser dul§e.
hasta esta tierra de quiiiira fue lo ultimo que se bio y de lo que ya
puedo dar noticia o rela9ion y agora me conbieue dar lii buelta a hablar
del campo que dexe en tiguex reposando el inbierno para poder pasar
o bolber a buscar estos poblados de quiuira lo qual despues no suyedio
ansi ])orque fue dios seruido que estos descubrimientos quedasen para
otras gentes que nos contentasemos los que alia fuimos con de^ir ijue
j'^

fuimos los primeros que lo descubrimos y tubimos uotiyia de ello.

como hercules conoger el sitio adonde jullio <;esar auia de fundar a
seuilla o bispales plega a el senor todo poderoso se sirua con todo que
sierto es que si su uoluntad fuera ni fran""" uasques se bolbiera a la
nueba espaiia tan sin causa ni ra9on ni los de don fernando de soto
dexaran de poblar tan buena tierra como tenian y tambien poblada y
larga mayormente abiendo teuido como tubieron noti9ia de nuestro
campo.
458 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

TEBCERA PARTE COMO Y EN QUE SE TBATA AQUELLO QUE ACON-

TEC^'IO A FRANCISCO XTASQUES CORONADO ESTANDO INBERNANDO Y
COMO DEXO LA JORNADA Y SE BOLBIO A LA NUEBA ESPANA.'
laus deo.

Capitulo primero como hino de Senora don pedro de touar con gente y
se partio para la nueba enpafia don garci lopen de cardenas.
en el fin de la primera parte de este libro diximos como francisco
uasques coronado buelto de quiuira aula ordenado de inbernar en
tiguex y benido el inbierno dar la biielta con todo su can])© ])ara
descubrir todos aqaellos poblados en estos comedios don pedro de
touar que como diximos auia ydo asacar gente de la uilla de san biero-
nimo llego con la gente que traya y a la berdad considerando que pa
ir en demanda de su general a la tierra del iudio que llemauan turco le
conbenia lleuar buena gente no saco de alia los cedi§iosos ni reboltosos
sino los mas exprimentados y mejores soldados hombres de conflan(,'a
que pudo y llegados a tiguex aiinque ballaron alii el campo no les
plugo muclio por que benian ya el pico a el biento creyendo ballar a el
general en la tierra rica del indio (pie de5ian turco consolaronse con la
esperauga de la buelta que se auia de ha9er y biuian eu gran placer y
alegria con la esperanca de la buelta que se auia de hacer y de que
presto yria el campo a quiuira cou don i)edro de touar binierou cartas
de la nueba espana ansi del uirrey don Antonio de mendo^a como de
particulares entre los quales dieron una a don garfia lopes de cardenas
en que le lii9ieron saber la muerte de un su liermano mayorazgo 11a-
mandole fuese a lieredar a espana por donde ubo liyen^ia y salio de
tiguex con algunas otras personas que ubieron ligen^ia para se yr a
reposar a sus casas otros mucbos se quisieran yr que lo dexaron por
no mostrar tlaqueya procuraba en estos comedios a pasiguar algunos
pueblos de la comarca que estabau no bien asentados y llamar a los de
tiguex a paz y buscar alguna ropa de la tierra porque andabau ya los
soldados desnudos y mal tratados llenos de piojos y no los podian
agotar ni deshecbar de si.
el general francisco uasques coronado auia sido entre sus capitanes

y soldados el mas bien quisto y obede5ido capitan que podia auer salido
en indias y como la necesidad care§e de ley y los capitanes que recogian
la ropa la repartiesen mal tomando para si y sus amigos y criados lo
niejor y a los soldados se les repartiese el desbecho come90 a aber algu.
nas murmnra^iones y desabrimentos unos por lo dicho y otros por ber
que algunos sobre salientes eran reseruados del trabajo y de las uelas
y mejor repartidos en lo que se repartia asi de ropa como de bastimeiitos
par do se cree praticaban y a no aber en la tierra para que bolber a
quiuira que no fue pequeiia ocagion para lo de adelante como se uera.

I The beading same page with the preceding text of the second
of the third part> is written on the
part, there being no break between the end of the second part and the heading which follows it. The
following page is left blank.
wiNSHiPl NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 459

Capitulo segundo como cayo el general y se hordeno la buelta para la

nueba espana.
que fue el inuierno se publico la buelta para quiuira y la geute
pasa<]o
se comecaua a pergebir de las cosas necesarias y como uiuguna cosa
esta en esta uida a la dispusi^'ion de los hombres sino a la ordeuaj ion
de dios todo poderoso fue su uoluutad que los uios no se efectuaseii y
fue el caso quel general un dia de fiesta se salio aholgar a cauallo como
solia y corriendo parejas con el capitan dou rodrigo inaldonado el yba
en un poderoso cauallo y sus criados auian le puesto una gincha nueba
que del tiempo debia de estar podrida en la carrera rebento y bino a
caer de lado a la parte que yba don rodrigo y a el pasar a el cansole el
cauallo con el pie en la cabe§a de cpie llego a punto de nmerte y su cura
file larga y temida.

en este comedio quel estaba en la cama don garci lopes de cardenas

que auia salido para salir a la nueba espana bolbio de suya huyeudo que
hallo despoblada la uilla y muerta la gente y cauallos y gauados y llego
a tiguex y sabida la triste nueba como el general estaba en los terminos
ya dichos no se lo osaron de^ir hasta que estubiese sano y al cabo y a
que se lebantaua lo supo y sintio lo tanto que ubo de tornar a recaer y
por nentura para benir a liager lo que lii^o segun despues se creyo y fue
que como se bio de aquella suerte bino le a la memoria que en salamanca
un mathematico su amigo le auia dicbo que se auia de ber en tierras
estranas seuor y ])oderoso y abia de dar un cayda de que no se auia de
poder leuantar y con esta inmagina^ion de su muerte le dio deseo de
boluer a morir a donde tenia muger y hijos y como del mismo fi9ico y
su surujano que lo curaua y seruia tambien de chismoso suprese las
murmura§iones que andaban entre los soldados trato secreta y oculta-
mente con algunos caualleros de su opinion pusieron en pratica la
buelta de la nueua espana entre los soldados hagiendo juntas y corrillos
y que se hiciesen consultas y lo pidiesen con sus alferes a el general co
carteles flrmados de todos sus soldados lo qual ellos trataron muy por
entero y no fue menester gastar mucho tieupo segun ya muchos lo
tenian en uoluntad el general mostro des que se lo pidierou que no lo
queria hager sino lo confirmauau todos los caualleros y capitanes dando
8u pare^er flrmado y como algunos eran en ello dieronlo luego y aun
persuadieron a los otros a liager lo mismo y ansi dierou pare§er que se
deuiau de boluer a la nueba espana pues no se auia hallado cosa rica
ni auia poblado en lo descubrierto donde se pudieseu ha9er reparti-
mientos a todo el campo y como les cogio las firmas luego se publico la
buelta para la nueua espana y como no puede aber cosa encubierta
comegose a descubrir el trato doble y hallaronse muchos de los caua-
lleros faltos y corridos y procuraron por todas uias tornar a cobrar sus
firmas del general el qual las guardo tanto que no salia de una camara
ha5iendo su dolengia muy mayor poniendo guardas en su persona y
camara y de noche en los altos a donde dormia con todo esto le hurtaron
el cofre y se dixo no hallaron en el sus firmas que las tenia en el colchou
460 THE COKONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

por otro cabo se dixo que las cobraron ellos i)idieion quel general les
diese sesenta bombres escogidos y que ellos quedarian y sustentarian
la tierra basta que el uiirey les enibiase socorro o a llamar o que el gene-
ral dexase el campo y escogiese sesenta hombres con que se fuese pero
lo8 soldados ni de una ni de otra inanera no quisieron quedar lo nuo por
aber ya puesto la jiroa a la uueba espaiia y lo otro por que bieron clara
la discordia que se aula de leuantar sobre quien auia de maudar los
caualleros no se sabe si porque auian jurado fldelidad o por tener creydo
que los soldados no los faborecerian aunque agrabiados lo ubieron de
su fin y pasar por lo determinado aunque desde alii no obede^ian al
general como solian y el era dellos raal quisto y haf ia caudal de los
soldados y lionraba los que fue a benir a el efecto de lo quel queria y
que se efetuase la buelta de todo el campo.

Capitulo terfero como se alfo Suya y las causas que para ello dieron los
poMadores.
ya diximos en el capitulo pasado como don garcia lopes de cardenas
bolbio huyendo de suya desque hallo al9ada la tierra y que de deyir
como y ponjue se desi>oblo a la aquella uilla lo qual paso como contare
y fue el caso que como ya en aquella uilla tio auia quedado sine la gente
ruyn entere5ada honbres reboltosos y sediciosos puesto que quedarou
algunos bonrados en los cargos de republica y para gouernar a los demas
podia mas la mali^ia de los ruynes y cada dia hacian munipudios y tra-
tos diciendo que estaban bendidos y no para ser aprobechados pues en
aquella tierra se mandaba por otra parte mas aproposito de la nueba
espana que no aquella estaua y ellos quedaban casi por derecbo y con
esto mouidos sierta compafiia haciendo caudillo a un pedro de auila se
amotinaron y fueron la buelta de culiacan dexando a diego de alcaraz
8U capitan con poca gente doliente en aquella uilla de sant bieronimo
que no ubo quig los pudiese seguir para los apremiar a que bolbiese en
el camino en algunos pueblos les mataron alguna gente y al cabo salie-
ron a culiacan adonde bernando arias de saya bendra los detubo
entretenidos con palabras porque aguardaba a Juan gallego
que auia de benir alii con gente de la nueua espana y (jue los bolberia
algunos temiendolo que auia de ser se huyan de noche para la nueba
espana diego de alcaraz que auia quedado con poca gente y doliente
aunque quisiera no podia alii sustentarse por el peligro de layenia mor-
tal que por alii usan traer los naturales los quales sintiendo la liaque5a
de los espanoles ya no se dexaban tratar como solian abian se ya descu-
bierto antes desto mineros de oro y como estaban en tierra de guerra y
no tenian posibilidad no se labrauan estando en esta confugion no se
dexaban de belar y recatar mas que solian.
la uilla estaba poblada ^erca de un rio pequeno y una nocbe a desora
bieron fuegos no usados ni acostumbrados que fue causa que doblaron
las'uelas pero como en toda la noche no sintieron nada a la madrugada
se descuidaro y los eneraigos entraron tan callados por el pueblo que no
WIS8HIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTAXEDA 461

fueron uistos hasta que andaban matando y robaiido algunas gentes

salieron a lo llauo que tubieron lugar y a el salir hirieroii de muerte a el
capitan y como alguiios espanoles se rehicjieron en algunos caiiallos
bolbierou sobre los eiieiiiigos y socorrieron alguua gente aunque fue poca
y los eneuiigos se fuerou con la presa sin re^ebir dauo dexaiido muertos
tres espanoles y mucba gente de seruiyio y mas de ueinto cauallos.
los espanoles que quedaron salieron aquel dia a pie sin cauallos la
buelta de culiacan por fuera de caminos y sin iiingun bastimento hasta
llegar a los corayones adonde aquellos indios los socorrieron de basti-
mentos como amigos que siempre fueron y de alii co grandes trabajos que
pasaron llegaron a culiacan adonde bernandarias de saabedra alcalde
mayor los regibio y hospedo lo mejor que pudo Lasta que Juan gallego
llego con el socorro que traya i)ara pasar adelante en busca del campo
que no poco le peso se obiese despoblado aquel paso creyendo quel
campo estaba en la tierra rica que auia dicho el indio que llamaron turco
porque lo parecia en su aspeto.

Capitulo quarto como se quedo fray juan de padilla y fray luis en la

tierra y el camjjo se aperfibio la huelta de mexico.

ya quel general francisco uasqiies uido que todo estaba pacifico y

que BUS nego^ios se auian eucaminado a su uoluntad mando que para
entrado el mes de abril del auo de quinieutos y quarenta y tres estu-
biesen todos aperyebidos para salir la buelta de la nueba espafia.
biendo esto uu fray juan de padilla frayle de misa de la orden de los
menores y otro fray luis lego dixerou a el general que ellos querian
quedarse en aquella tierra el fray juan de padilla en quiuira porque le
parecia haria alii fructo su dotrina y el fray luis en cicuye y para esto
como era quaresma a la sa§on predico un domingo aquel sermon del
padre de las compafias y fuudo su proiiosito con autoridad de la sagrada
escritura y como su celo era combertir aquellas gentes y traer los a la
fe y como tubieron liyenyia que para esto no era menester embio el gen-
eral con ellos una compania que los sacasen hasta cicuye dondc se que-
do el fray luis y el fray juan paso la buelta de quiuira Ueuando el por-
tugues que diximos y el negro y el mestiso y indios de la nueba espana
con las guias (jue auia traydo el general donde en llegando alia dentro
de mny poco tiempo lo martiri^aron como contamos en la segunda parte
cap otauo y ansi se puede creer murio martir pues su 5elo era santo y
bueno.
el fray luis se quedo en cicuye no se a sabido del mas hasta oy aun
que antes quel campo saliese de tiguex Ueuandole sierta cantidad de
obejas para que se le quedasen los que las llebauan toparon acompa-
fiado de gente que andaba ui^itando otros pueblos que estaban a quin§e
y a ueinte leguas de cicuye y no dio poca bueiia esperanca que estaba
en gratia del pueblo y haria fruto su dotrina auque se quexaba que los
aiejos lo desamparaban y creyo al fin lo matarian yo para mi tengo que
como era hombre de buena y santa uida nfo sefior lo guardaria y daria
462 THE COKONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].u

gracia que coubirtiese alguuas gentes de acjuellas y dexase despues

de SU8 dias quieu los administrate en la fee y no es de creer otro cosa
porque la gente de por alii es piadosa y uinguna cosa cruel antes son
aniigos o enemigos de la crueldad y guardan la fee y lealtad a los ainigos.
el general despachados los frayles temieudo no le danase el traer
gente de aquella tierra a la nueba espana niado quel serni9io que los
soldados tenian de los naturales lo dexasen yr libres a sus pueblos
adonde quisieseu qne a mi ber no lo a serto que mas ualiera se dotri-
narau entre christianos.
andaba ya el general alegre y contento Uegado el placo y todos pro
beydos de lo necesario j)ara su Jornada el campo salio de tiguex la buelta
de cibola aconte^io en este cauiiTio una cosa no poco de notar y fue qae
con salir los cauallos exeryitados a el trabajo gordos y hermosos en diez
dias que se tardo en llegar a cibola murieron mas de treinta que no ubo
dia que no muriesen dos y tres y mas y despues hasta llegar a culiacan
murieron gran numero de ellos cosa no acontecjida en toda la Jornada.
llegado que fue el campo a ^ibola se rehi^o para salir por el despo-
blado por ser alii lo ultimo de los poblados de a(|uella tierra quedando
toda acjuella tierra paciflca y liana y que se quedaron algunos amigos
entre ellos de los nuestros.

Capitulo quinto como el canpo salio del poblado y camino a culiacan y

lo que aconte^io en el camino.
dexaudo ya por popa podemos de5ir los poblados que se auian descu-
bierto en la tierra nueba que como tengo dicbo eran los siete pueblos
de cibola lo primero que se bio y lo prostero que se dexo salio el campo
caminando por el despoblado y en dos o tres jornadas nunca dexaron
los naturales de seguir el campo tras la retaguardia por coger algun
fardaje o gente de seruiyio porque aunque que daba de paz y auian sido
buenos y le a les aniigos todauia como bieron que se les dexaba la tierra
libre se holgauan de ber en su poder gente de la nuestra a aunque se
ere uo para los enojar como se supo de algunos que no quiseron yr con
ellos que fueron de ellos inportunados y rogados todauia lleuaron
alguna gente y otros que se auian quedado uoluntariamPte de los
quales el dia de oy abra bnenas lenguas el despoblado se camino sin
coutraste y como salieron en chichilticale en la segunda Jornada llego
a el campo Juan gallego que yba de la nueba espana con socorro de
gente y cosas ne^esarias para el cam))o i)ensando de lo liallar en la
tierra del indio que llamauan turcb y como Juan gallego bido que el
canpo se bolbia la prime[ra] palabra que dixo no fue de^ir norabuena
bengals y no lo sintio tan poco que despues de aber hablado al general
y llegados a el campo digo a el aposento no ubiese algunos mobimientos
en los caualleros con aquel nuebo socorro que no con poco trabajo auian
allegado tras ta alii tenieiido cada dia recuentros con los indios de
aquellas partes como se a diclio que estaban alcados ubo algunos tratos
y platicas de poblar ])or alii en alguna parte hasta dar relation a el
WIN8BIP] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 463
bisorey de lo que pasaba la gente de los soldados que ueuiau de la

tiiTra nueba a iiiuguua cosa dabau consentiiniento sino en bolber a la

nueba espafia por donde no ubo efecto uada de lo que se proponia en
sus consultas y aunque ubo algunos alborotos al cabo se apasiaguaro
yban con juan gallego algunos de los amotiiiados que despoblaron la
uilla de los cora^ones asegurados por el y debajo de su palabra y puesto
que el general quisiera ha^er algun castigo era poco su poder porque
ya era desobe desobedet'ido y poco acatado y de alii adelante de nuebo
comen§o a temer y baciase doliente andando con guarda en algunas
partes ubo algunas gritas y de indios y de heridos y muertes de cauallos
hasta llegar a batuco donde salieron a el campo indios amigos del ualle
del corayon ))or ber a el general como amigos que sieujire fueron y ansi
auia tratado a todos los espanoles <iue por sus tierras auian pasado
probeyendoles en sus ne(^esidades de bastimentos y geute si necesario
era y ansi fueron de los nfos siempre muy bien tratados y gratiflcados
en esta Jornada se aprobo del agua del menbrillo ser bueua contra la
yerba de estas partes- porque en un paso algunas jornadas antes de
llegar a el ualle de sefiora los indios enemigos hirieron a un espafiol
llamado mesa y con ser la berida mortal de yerba fresca y tardarse mas
de dos oras en curar con el agua no murio puesto que quedolo que la
yerba auia infiyiouado podrido y se cayo la carne hasta dexar los
guesos y nierbos desnudos con pestilengial liedor que fue la herida en
la muneca y auia llegado la ponsona hasta la espalda quando se uino a
curar y todo esto desamparo la carne.
caminaba el campo sin toinar reposo porque ya en esta sayon auia
falta de bastimentos que como aijuellas comarcas estaban alyadas las
bituallas no auia adonde las tomar hasta que Uego a petlatlan hayiendo
algunas entradas en las trabesias por buscar bastimentos patlatlan es
de la prouiu<;ia de culiacan y a esta causa estaba de paz aunque des-
pues aca a bido algunas nobedades alii descanso el campo algunos dias
por se basteyer y salidos de alii con mayor preste§a que de antes pro-
curaron pasar aquellas treiuta leguas que ay el ualle de culiacan donde
de nuebo los acogieron como gente que benia con su gouernador mal
tratado.

Capitulo sexto como el general malio de culiacan para dar qiienta a el

uisorey del campo que le encargo.

ya parece que en aber llegado a el ualle de culiacan se da fin a los
trabajos de esta Jornada lo uno por ser el general gouernador y lo otro
I)or estar en tierra de christianos y ansi se comenyaron luego asentar
algunos de la superioridad y dominio que sobre ellos tenian sus capi-
tanes y aun algunos capitanes de la obidencia del general y cada uno
hagia ya cabeya de su juego de manera que pasaudo el general a la
uilla que estaua de alii diez leguas mucha de la gente o la mas de ella
se le quedo en el ualle reposando y algunos con ])roposito de no le
seguir bien sintio el general que por uia de fuerya ya no era poderoso
464 THE COBONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

annque la autoridad de ser goueriiador le daba otra uueba autoridad

determino llebar lo por otra mejor uia que fue maiidar prober a todos
los capitanes de bastimeiitos y came de lo que aula en algunos pueblos
que como gouernador estaban en su cabe^a y mostrose estar doliente
hafiendo cama porque los que con el ubieseii de negoyiar pudiesen
hablarle o el con ellos mas llbremente sin enpacho ni obenpaciou y no
dexaba de embiar a llamar algunos particulares amigos para les rogar
y encargar bablasen a los soldados y los animasen a salir de alii en su
compania la buelta de la nueba espaiia y les dixeseu lleuaba muy a
cargo de los faboreyeran si con el uisorey don Antonio de mendoya
como en su gouernayion a los que con el quisiesen quedar en ella y
desque ubo negociado salio con su camyjo en tiempo regio y principle
de las aguas que era por san juan en el qual tiempo lluebe brabamete y
los rios de aquel despoblado que se pasan hasta conpostela so mucbos
y muy peligrosos y caudalosos de grandes y brauos lagartos en un rio
de los quales estando asentado el campo pasaudo un soldado de la una
parte a la otra a bista de todos fue arrebatado de un lagarto y llebado
sin poder ser socorrido el general camino dexando por todas partes
gentes que no le querian seguir y llego a mexico con menos de gien
bombres a dar quenta a el uisorey don Antonio de mendoya no fue del
bien recebido auu que dio sus descargos y desde alii perdio reputagion
y gouerno poco tiempo la gouernayion que se le auiil eucargado de la
nueba galiyia porque el uisorey la tomo en si liasta que uino a el la audien-
yia como a el presente lo ay y este fue el fin que ubieron aquellos des-
cubrimientos y Jornada que se bigo de la tierra nueba.
quedanos agora deyir por que uia se podria entrar y por mas
derecbo camino en ella aunque digo que no ay atajo sin trabajo y siem-
pre es lo mejor lo que se sabe porque prebienen bien los bombres lo que
saben que a de benir y necesidades en que ya otra uez se bieron y decir
sea a que i^arte cae quiuira ques el rumbo que llebo el campo y a qual
parte cae la India mayor que era lo que se pretendia buscar quando el
campo salio para alia que agora por aber uiUalobos descubierto esta
costa de la mar del sur que es por esta uia de poniente se cognoye y be
claramente que se aula de bolber estando como estabamos debajo del
norte a el poniente y no ba^ia oriente como fuimos y con esto dexaremos
esta materia y daremos fin a este tratado como ay a hecbo relayion de
algunas cosas notables que dexe de contar por las tratar particular-
mente en los dos capitulos siguientes.

GapituU) septimo de las cosas que le acontei^ieron al capitan Juan gallego

por la tierra algada Ueuando el socorro.

bien se sufrira pues en el capitulo pasado pase en silenyio las hayaiias

quel capitan juan gallego bigo con ueinte compaueros que lleuabase
diga en el presente capitulo para que en los tiempos benideros los que
lo leyeren y de ello dieren notiyia tengan autor sierto con quien apro-
bar y que no escribe fabulas como algunas cosas que en ufos tiempos
wiNSHff] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 465
leemos en los libros de cauallerias que si no fiiese por Ueuar aquellas
fabulas de encatamieutos ay cosas el dia de oy acontesidas en estas
partes por nfos espafioles en conquistas y recuentros abidos con los
naturales que sobrepujan en hechos de admiragion no solo a los libros
ya dichos sino a los que se escriben de los do§e pares de fran9ia porque
tanteado y mirado la fatales fuer5as que los autores de aquellos tienpos
les atribuyeu y las lucidas y resplandesientes armas de que los adornan
y las pequeuas estaturas de que agora son los liombres de nfos tiempos
y las pocas y ruynes armas de en estas partes mas es de admirar las
cosas estraiias que con tales armas los nfos acometen y hacen el dia de
oy que las que escribe de los antiguos pues tambien peleaban ellos con
gentes barbaras y desnudas como los nfos con indios donde no dexa de
aber hombres que entre ellos so esforcados y ualientes y muy 9ertero8
flecheros i)ues le abemos uisto derribar las aues que ban bolando y cor-
riendo tras las liebres flecharlas todo esto be dicho a el fin que algunas
cosas que tenemos por fabulosas puedeu ser berdaderas y pues cada
dia bemos en nfos tiempos cosas mayores como an sido las de don
fer^° cortes en los benideros tienpos que con tresientos hombres osa
se entrar en el rinon de la nueba espafia donde tan grande numero de
gentes como es mexico y con quinientos espaiioles la acabase de ganar
y senorear en dos afios cosa de grande admiration.
los hechos de don pedro de aluarado en la conquista de guatimala y
lo de montejo en tabasco las conquistas de terra flrme y del i)eru cosas
eran todas estas i^ara que yo ubiera de callar y pasar en silen§io lo que
agora quiero contar pero por que estoy obligado a dar relacion de las
cosas en esta Jornada acoutecidas e querido se sepau tambien las oue
agora dire con las demas que tengo dicho.
y es ansi quel capitan juan gallego Ilego a la uilla de culiacan con
bien poca gente y alii recogio la que pudo de la que se auia escapade de
la uilla de los cora5ones o por mejor decir de suya que por todos fueron
ueinte y dos hombres y con estos camino por toda aquella tierra poblada
en que andubo do^ientas leguas y de tierra de guerra y gente al5ada que
auian estado ya en el amistad de los espaiioles teniendo cada dia o poco
menos recuentros con los enemigos y siempre caminaua dexando atras
el fardaje con las dos partes de las gentes Ueuando contiuuamente la
auangardia con seis o siete espaiioles sin otros amigos que los lleuaban
entrando en los pueblos por fuerfa matando y destruyendo y poniendo
fuego dando en los enemigos tarn de supito y con tanta preste5a y
denuedo que no les daban lugar a que se juntasen ui eutendiesen de
suerte que eran tan temidos que no auia pueblo que esperar los osase
que ansi huyau de ellos como de un poderoso exercito tanto que les
aconte^io yr diez dias todo por poblado que no tenian ora de descansa
y todo lo hacia con siete companeros que quando llegaua el fardaje con
toda la demas gente no tenian en que entender saluo en robar que ya
ellas auian muerto y preso la gente que auian podido auer a las manoa
y la demas auia hnydo y como no paraban aunque los pueblos de ade«
14 ETH 30
466 THE COKONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].u

lante tenian algun abiso erau con ellos tam presto que no les daban
lugar a se recoger eu especial eu aquella parte donde aula side la uilla
de los coragones que mate y ahorco buena cantidad de gente eu
alii

castigo de sii y eu todo esto no perdio compauero sin se lo

rebelion
hirieron saluo uuo que por despojar a un indio que casi estaba muerto
le hirio eu el parpalo del ojo quaudo le roupio el pelejo y por ser con
yerba obiera de morir sino fuera socorrido con el agua del membrillo y
perdio el ojo fuerou tales estos hijos digo liechos que aquella gente
tendra en memoria todo quauto la uida les durare en espe9ial quatro o
cinco indios auiigos que salierou con ellos de los cora9ones que quedarou
desto tam adniirados que los tenian mas por cosa diuina que humana y
si como nro campo los topo no los topara obieran de llegar a la tierra del

indio que llamauan turco do yban encaminados y lo pasaran sin riesgo

segu la buena orden y gouierno lleuaba y bien dotrinada y exergitada
en la guerra de los quales algunos quedaron en esta uilla de culiacan
donde yo a el presente escribo esta relation y noti5ia a donde ansi ellos
como yo y los demas que en esta prouincia paramos no nos a faltado
trabajos apasiguando y sustentaudo esta tierra tomando rebeldes y
biniendo en probeya y ne^esidad y en esta ora mas por estar la tierra
mas probe y alcangada que nunca lo fue.

Capitulo otauo en que se quentan algunas cosas admirables que se bieron

en los llanos con lafa^on de los toros.
no sin misterio calle y dicimule en la segunda parte deste libro en
el capitulo septimo que habla de los llanos las cosas de que hare men-
jion en este capitulo particular adonde se hallase todo junto pues eran
cosas seiialadas y no uistas en otras partes y atrebome a las escrebir
porque escribo en tiempo que sou oy biuos muchos hombres que lo bieron
y haran berdadera mi escriptura quien podra crer que caminando por
aquellos llanos mill cauallos y quinientas uacas de las nuestras y mas de
5inco mill carneros y obejas y mas de mill y quinientas personas de los
amigos y serui^io que acabando de pasar no dexaban mas rastro que si
nunca por alii ubieran pasado nadie tanto que era menester ha§er
montones de guesos y boDigas de uacas a trechos para que la reta-
guardia guiase tras del canpo y no se perdiesen la yerba aunque menuda
en pisandola se enhiestaua tam limpia y derecha como de antes lo
estaba.
una laguna de sal a la parte del
otra cosa que se hallo a la orilla de
sur uu grande ayuntamiento de guesos de uacas que tenia de largo uu
tiro de ballesta o muy poquito menos y de esto casi dos estados en partes
y en ancho tres bra^as y mas en parte donde no ay gente que lo pudiese
ha9er lo que de ello se entendio fue que con la reseca que debe de ha9er el
lago o laguna en tiempo de nortes los a juntado de el ganado «iue muere
dentro en la laguna que de uiejo y flaco entrando no puede salir lo que
se a de notar es que numero de ganado seria menester para tanta osa-
menta.
IS
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY

f:*^T>
)^j«<2^

FACSIMILE OF PAGES OF '

From the Manuscript i

 raURTEENTH ANNUAL REPO«T PI. LXXXIV

'^HWi iii
MjiJi
/^^ \

^NEDA'S RELACION
LenoJt Library
wmsHip] NARRATIVE OF CASTANEDA 467

pues querer contar la fa§ion de los toros tambien es de admirar que

niugun cauallo ubo a los principios que los biese de cara que no huyese
de su bista porque ellos tienen el rrostro ancho y corto de ojo a ojo dos
palmos de frente los ojos salidos por el lado que yendo huyendo ben a
quien los sigue tienen barbas como cabrones muy grandes quaudo Luyen
lleuau la cabeca baxa la barba aixastrando por el suelo del medio cuerpo
para atras son sefiidos el pelo muy merino como de ouejas muy flnas y
de la sinta para adelante el pelo muy largo de faicion de leon raspante
y una gra corcoba mayor que de camello los cuernos cortos y gordos que
se descubren poco por cima del pelo mudan el pelo de medio cuerpo atras
por mayo en un bellon y quedan perfectos leones para mudarse arrima
a algunos arboles pequeiios que ay en algunas barranquillas y alii se
rrefriegan hasta que dexan el bellon como la culebra el pelejo tienen la
cola corta y un pequeuo y sopo a el cabo lleuan la quando corren alta
a manera de alacra es cosa de ber que quando son be5erricos son berme-
jos y de la manera de [Link] y con el tiempo y la edad se mudan
en color y faicion.
ay otra cosa que todos los toros que se mataron tenian a la oreja
isquierda hendida teniendolas sanas quando chiquitos este fue un
secreto que no se pudo alcan9ar la causa de ello de la lana segun la
finesa se harian buenos panos aunque no de colores por ser ella de color
de buriel.
otra cosa es de notar que andan los toros sin bacas en tanto numero
que no ay quien los pueda numerar y tam apartados de las uacas que
desde donde comenijamos a ber toros jasta adonde comeufamos a ber
uacas aula mas de quarenta leguas y la tierra adonde andaban era tan
liana y esconbrada que por do quieraque los mirasen se bia el cielo por
entre las piernas de suerte quesiestaban algo lejos paregian escombra-
dos pinos que juntaban las copas por lo alto y si un solo toro estaba
pare^ia quatro pinos y por serca que estubiese no se podia mirando
por encima ber tierra de la otra parte causaba todo esto ser la tierra
tam redonda que do quiera que un hombre se pouia pare^ia que estaba
en la cumbre y uia el 5ielo a el rededor de si a tiro de ballesta y por
poca cosa que se le ponia delante le quitaba la uista de la tierra.
otras cosas se bieron que por no ser de tanta calidad no las escribo ni
hago de ellas minjion aunque no parece es de callar el tener como tienen
en beneragion en algunas partes de los poblados de altos la serial de la
cruz por que en acuco en una fuente que estaba en lo llano tenian una
cruz de dos palmos de alto de gordor de un dedo hecha de palo con su
pena de una uara de quadro y muchos palitos adornados de plumas a el
rededor y muchas flores secas desmenu9adas.
en tutabaco en un sepulcro fuera del pueblo parecia aber se enterrado
en el frescamente alguien estaua otra cruz a la cabe^era de dos palitos
atados con hilo de algodon y flores desmenusadas secas yo digo que a
mi pare^er por alguna uia tienen alguna lunbre de cruz de cliristo
nuestro redentor y podria ser por la uia de la India de do ellos progeden.
468 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

Capitulo nono que trata el rumbo que llebo el campo y como se podria yr
a buscar otra uia que man derecha fitese abiendo deboluer aquella tierra.
muclio quisiera yo agora que para dar a entender lo que quiero degir
ubiera en mi alguna parte de cosmografla o jumetria para que pudiera
tantear o compasar la beiitaja que puede aber y ay si otra uez saliesen de
la nueba espaua gentes en demauda de aquella tierra en yr alia per el
rifion de la tierra o seguir el camino quel campo llebo pero ayudaudome
la gratia del seiior dire lo que alcanso dandolo a entender lo mejor que
a mi sea posible.
ya me parege que se tiene entendido quel portugues campo fue el
soldado que se escapo quando los de quiuira mataron a fray juan de
padilla el quel uino a salir a la nueba espaSa per panuco abiendo andado
por la tierra de los llanos hasta que uino atrabesar la Cordillera de la
mar del norte dexando siempre la tierra que descubrio don beniando
de soto sobre mano isquierda porque este bombre nuuca bio el rio del
espiritu santo y quando biuo acabar de atrabesar la cordillera de la
mar del norte cayo sobre panuco de manera que si no se pusiera a
deniandar por la mar del norte ubiera de salir por la comarca de la
marca o tierra de los sacatecas de que ya agora se tiene lumbre.
y para aber de boluer en demauda de quiuira serla aquella uia harto
mejor y mas derecba pues ay guias en la nueba espana de las que
binieron con el portugues aunque digo que seria mejor y mas derecbo
por la tierra de los guachichules arrimandose siempre a la cordillera
de la mar del sur porque es mas poblada y abria bastimento porque
engolfarse en la tierra liana seria perderse por la gran anchura que
tiene y ser esteril do comidas aunque sea berdad que dando en las
uacas no se pasaria mucha necesidad y esto es solamente para yr en
demanda de quiuira y de aquellos pueblos que decia el indio que
Uemauan turco porque yr jjor donde fue el campo de frau°° uasques
coronado el grandissinio rodeo porque salen de mexico a el poniente
siento y diez leguas y despues a el nordeste cien leguas y a el norte
docientas y sinquenta y todo esto es hasta los barrancos de las uacas
y con aber andado ocbo§ientas y sinquenta leguas por rumbo derecho
no se an desbiado de mexico quatro sientas leguas si es querer yr a la
tierra de tiguex para desde alii bolber a el poniente eji demauda de la
tierra de la India a se de lleuar el camino quel campo llebo porque aunque
se quiera tomar otro camino no lo ay que no da lugar el ancon de mar
que entra por esta costa adentro hacia el norte sino es que se ubiese de
hacer armada de mar que fuese atrabesaudo este ancon de mar a
desembarcar en el paraje de la isla de negros y por alii eutrar la tierra
adentro atrabesaudo la cordillera en busca de la tierra do proyeden los
de tiguex o de otras gentes que tengau aquella poli^ia porque aber de
entrar por tierra de la florida i)or la mar del norte ya se a uisto y
conosido que quantas jornadas por alii se an becho an sido iufeli^es y
no bien afortunadas allende de ques la tierra de aquella parte llena de
cienegas y ahogadiga esteril y la mas mala que calienta el sol sino ban
wiNSHip] NAEEATIVE OF CASTANEDA 469

a (lesembarcar pasado el rio del espiritu santo como lii5o don hernando
de soto y con todo me afinno que auuque se pase muebo trabajo es lo
mejor por la tierra que aya andado y se sepan los aguajes porque se
lleuauan las cosas necesarias con mas fagilidad y mas abundosamente
y en las tierras nueuas los cauallos es lo nias ne^esario y lo que mas
liage temer a los euemigos y los que son senores del campo tambien
es temida el artilleria doiide no saben el uso de ella y para poblados
como los que fran"" uasques descubrio fuera buena alguna piefa de
artilleria gruesa para derribar porque el no llebo sino uersillos menores
y no hombre ingenioso para que hiciese uu trabuco ni otra maquina
que los atemorisas el qual es muy necesario.
digo pues que con la lunbre que el dia de oy se tiene de los rumbos
que an corrido los nauios por esta costa de la mar del sur an andado
descubriedo por esta parte de poniete y lo que se sabe de la mar del
norte ha9ia la nuruega ques la costa de la florida arriba los que agora
eiitrasen a descubrir por doude fran"" uasques entro y se hallasen en
tierra de §ibola o de tiguex bien sabrian a que parte auia de yr en de-
manda de la tierra quel marques del ualle don hernando cortes buscaba
y la buelta que da el ancon del ti^on para tomar el rumbo berdadero y
esto bastara para dar fin a nuestra relation en todo lo demas probe a
aquel poderoso sefior de todas las cosas dios omnipotente quel sabe el
como y quando estas tierras seran descubiertas y para quien esta guar-
dada esta buena uentura.

laus deo.

Acabose de tresladar sabado a ueinte y seis de otubre de mill y qui-

nientos y nouSta y seis anos en seuilla.
 TEANSLATION OF THE JSTAREATIYE OF CASTASTEDA
Account of the Expedition to Cibola which took place in the year 1540, in which all
those settlements, their ceremonies and customs, are described. Written by
Pedro de Castafleda, of Najera.'
PREFACE
To me it seems very certain, my very noble lord, that it is a worthy
ambition for great men to desire to know and wish to preserve for pos-
terity correct information concerning the things that have happened
in distant parts, about which little is known. I do not blame those
inquisitive persons who, perchance with good intentions, have many
times troubled me not a little with their requests that I clear up for
them some doubts which they have had about different things that
have been commonly related concerning the events and occurrences
that took place during the expedition to Cibola, or the New Land, which
—
the good viceroy may he be with God in His glory ^ Don Antonio de —
Mendoza, ordered and arranged, and on which he sent Francisco Vaz-
quez de Coronado as captain -general. In truth, they have reason for
wishing to know the truth, because most people very often make things
of which they have heard, and about which they have perchance no
knowledge, appear either greater or less than they are. They make
nothing of those things that amount to something, and those that do
not they make so remarkable that they appear to be something impos-
sible to believe. This may very well have been caused by the fact that,
as that country was not i)ermanently occupied, there has not been any-
one who was willing to spend his time in writing about its peculiarities,
because all knowledge was lost of that which it was not the pleasure
— —
of God He alone knows the reason that they should enjoy. In truth,
he who wishes to employ himself thus in writing out the things that
happened on the expedition, and the things that were seen in those
lands, and the ceremonies and customs of the natives, will have matter
enough to test his judgment, and I believe that the result can not fail
to be an account which, describing only the truth, will be so remarkable
that it will seem incredible.

'There were seyeral representativea of the family of Castafieda among the Spaniards in America
as early as the middle of the sixteenth century, hut the only possible mention of this Pedro, of the
Biscayan town of N^era, 'which I have seen outside of the present document, is the following item
from a Relacion do los pesos de oro que estdn sefialados por indios vacos A los eonquistadores d©
Nueva Espafia y & sus hijos, cuyos nonibrca ae expresan (ano 1554), in Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de
Indias, xiv, 206: "A los nueve hijos de Pero Franco, couquistjidor, e su nuijer, que son: Maria de
Acosta, madre de todos, Pero Francisco do Castaneda, Juana de Castafieda, In^-s de Castaueda, Fran-
Cisco de Castaiieda, Lorenzo Franco, Marta de Castafieda, Anton de Vargas y Juana de CastaHeda, lea
est&n seiialados de entretenimiento en cada un auo duzientos y setenta pesos. ccLxx.'*
'Mendoza died in Lima, July 21, 1552.
470
wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 471
And besides, I think that the twenty years and more since that
expedition took place have been tlie cause of some stories which are
related. For example, some make it an uninhabitable country, others
have it bordering on Florida, and still others on Greater India, which

does not appear to be a slight difference. They are unable to give any
basis upon which to found their statements. There are those who tell
about some very peculiar animals, who are <!ontradicted by others
who were on the expedition, declaring that there was nothing of the
sort seen. Others difler as to the limits of the provinces and even in
regard to the ceremonies and customs, attributing what pertains to one
people to others. All this has had a large part, my very noble lord,
in making me wish to give now, although somewhat late, a short gen-
eral" account for all those who pride themselves on this noble curiosity,
and to save myself the time taken up by these solicitations. Things
enough will certainly be found here which are hard to believe. All or the
most of these were seen with my own eyes, and the rest is from reliable
information obtained by inquiry of the natives themselves. Under-
standing as I do that this little work would be nothing in itself, lacking
authority, unless it were favored and jirotected by a person whose
authority would protect it from the boldness of those who, without
reverence, give their murmuring tongues liberty, and knowing as I do
how great are the obligations under which I have always been, and am,
to your grace, I humbly beg to submit this little work to your protec-
tion. May it be received as from a faithful retainer and servant. It
will be divided into three parts, that it may bo better understood. The
first will tell of the discovery and the armament or army that was
made ready, and of the whole journey, with the captains who were
there; the second, of the villages and provinces which were found, and
their limits, and ceremonies and customs, the animals, fruits, and
vegetation, and in what parts of the country these are; the third, of
the return of the army and the reasons for abandoning the country,
although these were insufficient, because this is the best place there is
for discoveries— the marrow of the land in these western parts, as will
be seen. And after this has been made plain, some remarkable things
which were seen will be described at the end, and the way by which
one might more [Link] return to discover that better land which we did
not see, since it would be no small advantage to enter the country
through the land which the Marquis of the Valley, Don Fernando Cor-
tes, went in search of under the Western star, and which cost him no
small sea armament. May it please our Lord to so favor me that with
my slight knowledge and small abilities I may be able by relating the
truth to make my little work pleasing to the learned and wise readers,
when it has been accepted by your grace. For my intention is not to
gain the fame of a good composer or rhetorician, but I desire to give a
faithful account and to do this slight service to your grace, who will, I
hope, receive it as from a faithful servant and soldier, who took part in
 —

472 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

it. Althougli not in a polished style, I write that which happened

that which I heard, experienced, saw, and did.
I always notice, and it is a fact, that for the most part when we have
something valuable in our hands, and deal with it without hindrance,
we do not value or prize it as highly as if we understood how much we
would miss it after we hadand the longer we continue to have it
lost it,

the less we value it; but after we have lost it and miss the advantages
of it, we have a great pain in the heart, and Ave are all the time imag-
ining and trying to find ways and means by which to get it back again.
It seems tp me tluit this has happened to all or most of those who
went on the expedition which, in the year of our Savior Jesus Christ
1640, Francisco Vazquez Coronado led in search of the Seven Cities.
Granted that they did not find the riches of which they had been told,
they found a place in which to search for them and the beginning of a
good country to settle in, so as to go on farther from there. Since they
came back from the country which they conquered and abandoned, time
has given them a chance to understand the direction and locality in which
they were, and the borders of the good country they had in their hands,
and their hearts weep for having lost so favorable an ojiportunity. Just
as men see more at the bullfight when they are ujion the seats than
when they are around in the ring,' now when they know and understand
the direction and situation in which they were, and see, indeed, that
they can not enjoy it nor recover it, now when it is too late they enjoy
telling about what they saw, and even of what they realize that they
lost, especially those who are now as poor as when they went there.
They have never ceased their labors and have spent their time to no
advantage. I say this because I have known several of those who came
back from there who amuse themselves now by talking of how it would
be to go back and proceed to recover that which is lost, while others
enjoy trying to find the reason why it was discovered at all. And now
I will proceed to relate all that happened from the beginning.

FIRST PART.

1, which treats of the way we first came to know about the Seven
Chapter
Cities,and of how Nuno de Guzman made an expedition to discover them.
In the year 1530 Nuno de Guzman, who was President of New Spain,^
had in his possession an Indian, a native of the valley or valleys of
Oxitipar, who was called Tejo by the Spaniards. This Indian said he
was the son of a trader who was dead, but that when he was a little
boy his father had gone into the back country with line feathers to trade
for ornaments, and that when he came back he brought a large amount
of gold and silver, of which there is a good deal in that country. He

' Temanx renders this; '^C'est ainsi que rbumniequise place derri^re la barri^re qui. dans lesconrses

des taureaux, 8^;pare le spectateur des combattantB, voit bien mieux la position dans laquelle il so
trouvnit iorsqu'll combattait, qu'alors m^nie qu'il 6tait dans la carriere."
President, or bead, of the Audiencia, the administrative and judicial board which governed the
province.
iviNSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 473
went with liiin once or twice, and saw some very larjre villages, which
he compared to Mexico and its environs. He had seen seven very
large towns which had streets of silver workers. It took forty days
to go there from his country, through a wilderness in which nothing
grew, except some very small plants about a span high. The way
they went was up through the country between the two seas, follow-
ing the northern direction. Acting on this information, Nuno de Guz-
man got together nearly 400 Spaniards and 20,000 friendly Indians of
New Spain, and, as he happened to be in Mexico, he crossed Tarasca,
which is in the province of Michoacan, so as to get into the region
which the Indian said was to be crossed toward the North sea, in this
way getting to the country which they were looking for, which was
already named "The Seven Cities.'" He thought, from the forty days
of which the Tejo had spoken, that it would be found to be about 200
leagues, and that they would easily be able to cross the country. Omit-
ting several things that occurred on this journey, as soon as they had
reached the province of Culiacan, where his government ended, and
where the New Kingdom of Galicia is now, they tried to cross the
country, but found the diflBculties very great, because the mountain
chains which are near that sea are so rough that it was impossible, after
great labor, to find a passageway in that region. His whole army had
to stay in the district of Culiacan for so long on this account that some
rich men who were with him, who had possessions in Mexico, changed
their minds, and every day became more anxious to return. Besides
this, NuQo de Guzman received word that the Marquis of the Valley,
Don Fernando Cortes, liad come from Spain with his new title," and
with great favors and estates, and as Nunc de Guzman had been a great
rival of his at the time he was president,' and had done much damage
to his property and to that of his friends, he feared that Don Fernando
Cortes would want to pay him back in the same way, or worse. So he
decided to establish the town of Culiacan there and to go back with
the other men, without doing anything more. After his return from
this expedition, he settled at Xalisco, where the city of Compostelais
situated, and at Tonala, which is called Guadalaxara,^ and now this is
the New Kingdom of Galicia. The guide they had, who was called
Tejo, died about this time, and thus the name of these Seven Cities
and the search for them remains until now, since they have not been
discovered.^

*TbeSegundaRelaciOD Au6nimade la Jornada <]ue hizoNuuodeGuzmau, 1529, iaicazbelceta'a Doca-

meutos para la Historia de Mexico, vol. 11, p. 303, also Impliea that the Dame of the " Seven Cities " had
already been given to the country which he was trying to discover.
'Marqu6s del Valle de Oaxaca y Capitan General de la Nueva Espaiia y de la Costa del Snr.
Guzman had presided over the trial of Cortes, who was in Spain at the time, for the murder of bis
first wife seven years previously (October, 1522). See Zaragoza's edition of Suarez de Peralta's Tra-
taflo, p. 315.
^Tbe name waa changed in 1540.
*The best discussion of the stories <if the Seven Caves and the Seven Cities is in Bandolier's Con-
tributions, p. 9, if.
474 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].u

Chapter 2, of hoic Francisco Vazquez Goronado came to he governor, and

the second account ichich Cabeza de Vaca gave.
Eight years after 2^^u^lo de Guzman made this exj)edition, he was put
in prison by a juez de residencia,' named the licentiate Diego de la
Torre, who came from Spain with sufficient powers to do this.^ After
the death of the judge, who had also managed the government of that
country himself, the good Don Antonio de Mendoza, viceroy of New
Spain, appointed as governor of that province Francisco Vazquez de
Coronado, a gentleman from Salamanca, who bad married a lady in the
city of Mexico, the daughter of Alonso de Estrada, the treasurer and
at one time governor of Mexico, and the son, most people said, of His
Catholic Majesty Don Ferdinand, and many stated it as certain. As
I was saying, at the time Francisco Vazquez was appointed governor,
he was traveling through New Spain as an official visitor, and in this
way he gained the friendship of many worthy men who afterward went
on his expedition with him. It happened that just at this time three
Spaniards, named Cabeza de Vaca, Dorantes, and Castillo Maldonado,
and a negro, who had been lost on the expedition which Pamiilo de
Narvaez led into Florida, reached Mexico.^ They came out through
Culiacan, having crossed the country from sea to sea, as anyone who
wishes may find out for himself by an account which this same Cabeza
de Vaca wrote and dedicated to Prince Don Philip, who is now King
of Spain and our sovereign/ They gave the good Don Antonio de Men-
doza an account of some large and powerful villages, four and five stories
high, of which they had heard a great deal in the countries they had
crossed, and other things very different from what turned out to be
the truth. The noble viceroy communicated this to the new governor,
who gave up the visits he had in hand, on account of this, and hurried
his departure for his government, taking with him the negro who had
come [with Cabeza de Vaca] with the three friars of the order of Saint
Francis, one of whom was named Friar Jlarcos of Nice, a regular priest,
and another Friar Daniel, a lay brother, and the other Friar Antonio
de Santa Maria. When he reached the province of Culiacan he sent the
friars just mentioned and the negro, who was named Stephen, off in
search of that country, because Friar Marcos offered to go and see it,
because he had been in Peru at the time Don Pedro de Alvarado went
there overland. It seems that, after the friars I have mentioned and
the negro had started, the negro did not get on well with the friars,
because he took the women that were given him and collected tur-
quoises, and got together a stock of everything. Besides, the Indians
in those places through which they went got along with the negro bet-
ter, because they had seen him before. This was the reason he was sent
Ajudge appointed and administration of a royal oflScial.
to investigate the accounts
^A full account of de la Torre and his administration is given by Mota Padilla (ed.
tlie licoatiate
Icazl>alceta, pp. 103-106). He was appointed juez March 17, 1536, and died during 1538.
'They appeared in New Spain in April, 1536, before Coronado's appointment. CastaGeda may be
right in the rest of his statement.
^Xhis account has been translated by Backingham Smith. See Bibliography for the full tiUe.
wiNSHip) TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 475

on ahead to open up the way and pacify the Indians, so that when the
others came along they had nothing to do except to keep an account of *
the things for which they were looking.

Chapter 3, of how tliey killed the negro Stephen at Cibola, and Friar
Marcos returned in flight.
After Stephen had left the friars, he thought he could get all the
reputation and honor himself, and that if he should discover those
settlements with such famous high houses, alone, he would be con-
sidered bold and courageous. So he proceeded with the people who
had followed him, and succeeded in crossing the wilderness which lies
between the country he had passed through and Gibola. He was so
far ahead of the friars that, when these reached Chichilticalli, which is
on the edge of the wilderness, he was already at Cibola, which is 80
leagues beyond. It is 220 leagues from Culiacan to the edge of the
wilderness, and 80 across the desert, which makes 300, or i^erhaps 10
more or less. As I said, Stephen reached Cibola loaded with the large
quantity of turquoises they had given him and several pretty women
who had been given him. The Indians who accompanied him carried
his things. These had followed him from all the settlements he had
passed, believing that under his protection they could traverse the whole
world without any danger. But as the people in this country were
more intelligent than those who followed Stephen, they lodged him in a
little hut they had outside their village, and the older men and the gov-
ernors heard his story and took steps to find out the reason he had
come to that country. For three days they made inquiries about him
and held a council. The account which the negro gave them of two
white men who were following him, sent by a great lord, who knew
about the things in the sky, and how these were coming to instruct
them in divine matters, made them think that he must be a spy or a
guide from some nations who wished to come and conquer them, because
it seemed to them unreasonable to say that the people were white in
the country from which he came and that he was sent by them, he
being black. Besides these other reasons, they thought it was hard of
him to ask them for turquoises and women, and so they decided to
kill him. They did this, but they did not kill any of those who went
with him, although they kept some young fellows and let the others,
about 60 persons, return freely to their own country. As these, who
were badly scared, were returning in flight, they happened to come
upon the friars in the desert 60 leagues from Cibola, and told them the
sad news, which frightened them so much that they would not even
trust these folks who had been with the negro, but opened the packs
they were carrying and gave away everything they had except the
holy vestments for saying mass. They returned from here by double
marches, prepared for anything, without seeing any more of the country
except what the Indians told them.
476 THE COKONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

Chapter i, of hoic the noble Don A ntonio de Mendoza made an expedi-

tion to discover Cibola.

After Francisco Vazquez Goronado bad seut Friar Marcos of Mce

and bis party on the search already related, be was engaged in Oulia-
can about some business that related to bis government, when he beard
an account of a province called Topira,^ which was to the north of the
country of Culiacan. He started to explore this region with several
of the conquerors and some friendly Indians, but be did not get very
far, because the mountain chains which they had to cross were very
diflicult. He returned without finding the least signs of a good coun-
try, and when he got back, he found the friars who bad just arrived,
and who told such great things about what the negro Stephen had dis-
covered and what they bad beard from tlie Indians, and other things
they batl beard about the South sea and islands and other riches, that,
without stopping for anything, the governor set off at once for the City
of Mexico, taking Friar Marcos with him, to tell the viceroy about it.
He made the things seem more important by not talking about them
to anyone except bis particular friends, under promise of the greatest
secrecy, until after he bad reached Mexico and seen Don Antonio de
Mendoza. Then be began to announce that they bad really found the
Seven Cities, which Nuiio de Guzman had tried to find, and for the con-
quest of which be had collected a force. The noble viceroy arranged
with the friars of the order of Saint Francis so that Friar Marcos was
made father provincial, as a result of which the pulpits of that order
were filled with such accounts of marvels and wonders that more than
300 Spaniards and about 800 natives of New Spain collected in a
few days.^ There were so many men of such high quality among the
Spaniards, that such a noble body was never collected in the Indies,
nor so many men of quality in such a small body, there being 300 men.
Francisco Vazquez Coronado, governor of New Galicia, was captain-
general, because be had been the author of it all. The good viceroy
Don Antonio did this because at this time Francisco Vazquez was bis
closest and most intimate friend, and because he considered him to be
wise, skillful, and intelligent, besides being a gentleman. Had he paid
more attention and regard to the position in which he was placed and
the charge over which be was placed, and less to the estates he left
behind in New Spain, or, at least, more to the honor be had and might
secure from having such gentlemen under his command, things would
not have turned out as they did. When this narrative is ended, it
will be seen that he did not know bow to keep his position nor the
government that be held.
' Bandolier (ContributioDft, p. 1U4) says this was Topia, in Burango, a locality since noted for its
rich mines.
^MotaPadilla, xxii, 2, p. Ill: " Determin6 el virey lograr la ocasion de la macha gen te noble que habia
en M6xico, que como corcho sobre el agua reposado, seandaba sintenerqu^ bacer ni en qu6 ocuparse,
toflos atenidos & que el vircy les hiciese algunas niercedes, y & que loa vecinosde Mexico les susten-
tasen & sua mesas y &s\, le fi;6 f^cil aprestar mas de trescientos bombres, los mas de & caballo, por-
;

que ya se criaban muchos; dixies & treinta pesos y prometioles repartimientos en la tierra que se
poblase, y mas cuando se afirmaba baber un cerro de plata y otras miuaa."
wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 477
Chapter J, concerning the captains who went to Cibola.
When Don Antonio de Mencloza, saw what a noble com-
the viceroy,
pany bad come together, and the spirit and good will with which they
had all ijresented themselves, knowing the worth of these men, he
would have liked very well to make every one of them captain of aa
army; but as the whole number was small he could not do as Le would
have liked, and so ho appointed the captains and officers, because it
seemed to him that if they were api)ointed by him, as he was so well
obeyed and beloved, nobody would find fault with his arrangements.
After everybody had heard who the general was, he made Don Pedro
de Tovar ensign general, a young gentleman who was the son of Don
Fernando de Tovar, the guardian and lord high steward of the Queen
—
Doiia Juana, our demented mistress may she be in glory and Lope —
de Samaniego, the governor of the arsenal at Mexico,* a gentleman
fully equal to the charge, army-master. The captains were Don Tris-
tan de Arellano; Don. Pedro de Guevara, the son of Don Juan de
Guevara and nephew of the Count of OTiate Don Garcia Lopez de Car-
;

denas; Don Eodrigo Maldonado, brother-in-law of the Duke of the

Infantado; Diego Lopez, alderman of Seville, and Diego Gutierres, for
the cavalry. All the other gentlemen were iilaced under the flag of the
general, as being distinguished iiersous, and some of them became
captains later, and th^ir appointments were confirmed by order of the
viceroy and by the general, Francisco Vazquez. To name some of them
whom I happen to remember, there were Francisco de Barrionuevo,
a gentleman from Granada; Juan de Saldivar, Francisco de Ovando,
—
Juan Gallego, and Melchior Diaz a captain who had been mayor of
Culiacan, who, although he was not a gentleman, merited the position
he held. The other gentlemen, who were worthy substitutes, were Don
Alonso Manrique de Lara Don Lope de Urrea, a gentleman from
;

Aragon Gomez Suarez de Figueroa, Luis Eamirez de Vargas, Juan de

;

Sotomayor, Francisco Gorbalan, the commissioner Riberos, and other

gentlemen, men of high quality, whom I do not now recall.^ The infantry
captain was Pablo de Melgosa of Burgos, and of the artillery, ETer-
nando de Alvarado of the mountain district. As I say, since then I
have forgotten the names of many good fellows. It would be well if I
could name some of them, so that it miglit be clearly seen what cause
I had for saying that they had on this expedition the most brilliant
company ever collected in the Indies to go in search of new lands.
But they were unfortunate in having a captain who left in New Spain
estates and a pretty wife, a noble and excellent lady, which were not
the least causes for what was to happen.
•See Mendoza'a letter to the King, regarding Samanie^o'a position.
^Mota Tadilla, xxii, iii, p. 112, mentions among tbose who had coramauds on the expedition D. Diego
de Guevara and Diego Lopez de Cardenas. The second error may be due to the presence of another
Diego Lopez in the party.
 "

478 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].14

Chapter C>, of hoic all the companies collected in Gompostela and set off
on the journey in good order.

When the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza had fixed and arranged
everything as we have related, and the companies aiid captaincies had
been arranged, he advanced a part of their salaries from the chest of
His Majesty to those in the army who were in greatest need. And as
it seemed to him that it would be rather hard for the friendly Indians

in the country if the army should start from Mexico, he ordered them to
assemble at the city of Gom])[Link], the chief city in the New Kingdom
of Galicia, 110 leagues from Mexico, so that they could begin their
journey there with everything in good order. There is nothing to tell
about what happened on this trip, since they all finally assembled at
Gompostela by shrove-tide, in the year (fifteen hundred and) forty-one.'
After the whole force had left Mexico, he ordered Don Pedro de Alarcon
to set sail with two ships that were in the port of La Natividad on the
South sea coast, and go to the port of Xalisco to take the baggage which
the soldiers were unable to carry,'' and thence to sail along the coast near
the army, because he had understood from the reports that they would
have to go through the country near the seacoast, and that we could
find the harbors by means of the rivers, and that the ships could always
get news of the army, which turned out afterward to be false, and so
all this stuff was lost, or, rather, those who owned it lost it, as will
be told farther on. After the viceroy had completed all his arrange-
ments, he set off for Gompostela, accompanied by many noble and rich
men. He kept the New Year of (fifteen hundred and) forty-one at Pas-
quaro, which is the chief place in the bishopric of Michoacan, and from
there he crossed the whole of New Spain, taking much pleasure in enjoy-
ing the festivals and great receptions which were given him, till he
reached Gompostela, which is, as I have said, 110 leagues. There he
found the whole company assembled, being well treated and entertained
by Ghristobal de Oiiate, who had the whole charge of that government
for the time being. He had had the management of it and was in com-
mand of all that region when Francisco Vazquez was made governor.'
All were very glad when he arrived, and he made an examination of the
company and found all those whom we have mentioned. He assigned
the captains to their companies, and after this was done, on the next day,
after they had all heard mass, captains and soldiers together, the viceroy
made them a very eloquent short speech, telling them of the fidelity they
owed to their general and showing them clearly the benefits which this
expedition might afford, from the conversion of those peoples as well as
in the profit of those who should conquer the territory, and the advan-

> The correct date is 1-540. Castaueda carries tlie error tliroiigtiout the liarrative.
'See the instructions given by Mendoza to Alarcon, in Buckingham Smith's Florida, p. 1. The last
of them reads: " Llevareys ciertas cossas que dofia Beatrix de Strada embia para el Capitan General sa
marido, y mandareys que en ello y en lo que mas llevaredcs para algunos de los soldadoa que con 61
estan que os ayan recoraendado amigos 6 parientea suyos liayabnen recaudo.
*Se© the writings of Telle and Mota Padilla concerning Ouate. Much of the early prosperity of New
—
Galicia what there was of it— seems to have been due to Oiiate's skillful management.
 :

wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 479

tage to His Majesty and the claim whicli they would thus have on
his favor and aid at all times. After he had finished, they all, both
captains and soldiers, gave him their oaths upon the Gospels in a
Missal that they would follow their general on this expedition and
would obey him in everything he commanded them, which they faith-
fully performed, as will be seen. The next day after this was done, the
army started off with its colors flying. The viceroy, Don Antonio, went
with them for two days, and there he took leave of them, returning
to !N"ew Spain with his friends.'

Chapter /, of how the army reached Ghiametla^ and the Jcilling of the
arrny -master, and the other things that happened vp to the arrival at
Culiacan.
After the viceroy Don Antonio left them, the army continued its
march. As each one was obliged to transport his own baggage and

iThe following sections from the' Fragmento de la Visita hecha & don Antonio de Hendoza, printed
Documentos para la Historla de Mexico, ii, 72, add something to the details of the
in Icazbalceta's
departure of the expedition
"199. Item, bi aaben &c. que la gente que salib de la villade S. Miguel deCulnacan, que es el postrer
lugar de Galicia de la Xiieva EspaDa, para ir en descubriraiento de la tierra nueva de Cibola con el
capitan general Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, fueroa hasta doscientos y cincuenta espauoles de A
caballo. loa cuales asl para sus pers6nas, como para su carruaje, armas, y bastimentos, y municiones,
y otras cosas necesarias para el dicho viaje, Uevaron mas de mill caballos y ac^milas, y asf lo dirto
loa testigos, porque lo vieron y hallaron presentes, y fueron al dicho viaje digan lo que saben &c. :

''200. Item, . que asimismo con la dicha gente espaiiolasalieron de la dicba villade [Link]
. .

do Culuacan hasta trescientoa indios, poco mas 6 menos, los cuales fueron de su volnntad d servir en
la dicha Jornada, y el dicho visorey les mand6 socorrer, y ae lea socorrid con dineros y provisionea, y
A los que eran casados y dejaban acA sua mujerea les provey6 de lo necesario para an austentamiento,
y esto es publico y notorio, . . .

"201. Item, . que el dicho visorey provey<5 para la gente que fu6 al dicho deacnbrimiento,
. .

demas de los socorroa que lea hizo en dineros, y caballos, y armas y otraa cosas, les di6 mncha cantidad
de ganadoa vacunos y ovejunos, sin otra macba cantidad de ganados que llev&ban los capitanes y
soldados, que bastaron para proveerae todo el tierapo que estuvieron al dicho deacnbrimiento; y
aaimismo el dicho visorey lea did mucha cantidad de rescates que llevaba 4 cargo el fator de S. M.,
para que con ellos compraaen maiz y las otraa cosas de bastimentos de la tierra por do paaasen,
porque no se hiciese nioleatia A los indioa : . . .

"202. Item, . que el dicho visorey mandd y encarg6 al dicho capitan general tuvieso especial
. .

caidado que los indioa que dosta tierra iban d servir en el dicho descubrimiento, fuesen bien tratados y
proveidos de lo que bubiesen menester, y loa que se quisiesen volver no fuesen detenidos, antes los
enviasericos y contentoa, y el diclio general aai lo hizo y cumpli6, . . .

"203. Item, si saben que por razon de los dichoa caballos y carruaje que Uevaron los capitanes y
espanoles, los indios fueron reservados de Uevar cargaa de los capitanes yespa&oles, y si algnnos
Uevaron, seria de su comida, y ropa y bastimentos, como ctros espafiolea lo hacian, que cargaban
SUA caballos y sus personaa de bastimentos, . . .

"204. Item, , . que de todoa los dichos indios que fuerou & servir en la dicba Jornada,
.

murieron tan solamente hasta veinte 6 treinta personas, y si mas murieran, loa testigos lo vieran y
snpieran: . . .

"205, Item, . que todos los tamemea que loa indios dieron,
. . se les pago may 4 su . . .

cuntento & loa indios, por mandado del dicho visorey :" . . .

The evidence of the Informacion, which was taken at Compostela just after the army departed, is
so snggestlve that I have translated themost valuable portions in full at the end of this memoir.
Mota Padilla, xxii, 3, p. 112 . " habiendo llegado la comitiva & Compostela hizo el goberna-
: . .

dor reseua de la gente y halld doscientos y sesenta hombres de & caballo con lanzas, eapadas y otras
armas manuales, y alguDos con cotas, celadas y barbotea, unas de bierro y otras de cuero de vaoa
crudio, y los caballos con faldones de manta de la tierra; sesenta infantes, ballesteros y arcabuceros,
y otros con eapa<1as y rodelas dividid la gente en ocho comjianiaa.
: Repartida, pnes, la gente . . .

de esta suerte, con mas de mil caballus sin ac6milas, y otros de carga con seis pedrerus, p61vora y
municiou, y mas de mil indios amigos 6 indias de servicio, vaqneros y pastores de ganado mayor y
menor."
480 THE COROXADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

all (lidnot know bow to fasten the packs, and as the horses started off
fat and plumi), they had a good deal of difBculty and labor during the
first few days, and many left many valuable things, giving them to
anyone who wanted them, in order to get rid of carrying them. In the
end necessity, which is all powerful, made them skillful, so that one
could see many gentlemen become carriers, and anybody who despised
this work was not considered a man. With such labors, which they
then thought severe, the army reached Chiametla, where it was obliged
to delay several days to procure food. During this time the army-
master. Lope de Samaniego, went off with some soldiers to find food,
and at one village, a crossbowman having entered it indiscreetly in
pursuit of the enemies, they shot him thi-ough the eye and it passed
through his brain, so that he died on the spot.' They also shot five or
six of his companions before Diego Lopez, the alderman from Seville,
since the commander was dead, collected the men and sent word to the
general. He put a guard in the village and over the provisions. There
was great confusion in the army when this news became known. He
was buried here. Several sorties were made, by which food was ob-
tained and several of the natives taken prisoners. They hanged those
who seemed to belong to the district where the army -master was killed.
It seems that when the general Francisco Vazquez left Culiacan
with Friar Marcos to tell the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza the
news, as already related, he left orders for Captain Melchior Diaz and
Juan de Saldivar to start off with a dozen good men from Culiacan and
verify what Friar Marcos had seen and heard. They started and weht
as far as Chichilticalli, which is Avhere the wilderness begins, 220 leagues
from Culiacan, and there they turned back, not finding anything impor-
tant. They reached Chiametla just as the army was ready to leave,
and reported to the general. Although the bad news was kept as
secret as possible, some things leaked out which did not seem to add
luster to the facts.- Friar Marcos, noticing that some were feeling dis-
turbed, cleared away these clouds, promising that what they would see
should be good, and that the army was on the way to a country where
their hands would be filled, and in this way he quieted them so that
they appeared well satisfied. From there the army marched to Culia-
can, making some detours into the country to seize provisions. They
were two leagues from the town of Culiacan at Easter vespers, when the
*The account which Mota Padilla gives, cap. xxii, sec. 4, p. 112, is much clearer and more specific
than the somewhat confused text of Castaiieda. He says: "A Chametla . . liallaron la tierra
.

alzada, de snerte que fu6 precise entrar il la sierra en busca de maiz, y por cabo el maese de canipo,
Lopez de Samaniego; interniirouso en la espcsura de on monte, en donde uu soldado que inadvertida-
mente se aparto, fu^> aprehendido ])or log indios, di<3 voces, & las que, como vigilante, acudi6 el maese
de campo, y libr6 del peligro al soldado, y pareci^^ndole eatar seguro, alz6 la vista & tiempo que de
entre unoa raatorrales se lo disparO una flecha, que entr^ndole por un ojo, le atravesiS el cerebro. . . .

Samaniego (era) uno de los mas esforzados capitanes y amado de todoa; entemise en una ramada,
de donde despues sus huesos fueron trasladados A Compostela.^'
'Compare the Spanish text The report of Diaz is incorporated iu the letter from Mendoza to
the King, translated herein. This letter seems to imply that Diaz staye*! at Chichilticalli; but if
such was his intention when writing the report to Mendoza, he must have changed his mind and
returned with Saldivar as far as Chiametla.
W1N8HIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 481

inhabitants came oat to welcome their governor and begged him not to
enter the town till the day after Easter.

Chapter 8, of hotr the army entered the toicn of Culiacan and the recep-
tion it received, and other things ichich happened before the departure.
When the day after Easter came, the army started in the morning to
go to the town and, as they approached, the inhabitants of the town
came out on to an open plain with foot and horse drawn up in ranks as
if for a battle, and having its seven bronze pieces of artillery in position,
making a show of defending their town. Some of our soldiers were
with them. Our army drew up in the same way and began a skirmish
with them, and after the artillery on both sides had been flred they
were driven back, just as if the town had been taken by force of arms,
which was a pleasant demonstration of welcome, except for the artil-
leryman who lost a hand by a shot, from having ordered them to Are
before he had finished drawing out the ramrod. After the town was
taken, the army was well lodged and entertained by the townspeople,
who, as they were all very well-to-do people, took all the gentlemen
and people of quality who were with the army into their own apartments,
although they had lodgings prepared for them all just outside the
town. Some of the townspeople were not ill repaid for this liospitality,
because all had started with fine clothes and accouterments, and as
they had to carry provisions on their animals after this, they were obliged
to leave their fine stuff, so that many preferred giving it to their hosts
instead of risking on the sea by putting it in the ship that had followed
it

the army along the coast to take the extra baggage, as I have said. After
they arrived and were being entertained in the town, the general, by
order of the viceroy Don Antonio, left Fernandarias de Saabedra, uncle
of Hernandarias de Saabedra, count of Oastellar, formerly mayor of
and captain in this town. The army rested
Seville, as his lieutenant
here several days, because the inhabitants had gatliered a good stock
of provisions that year and each one shared his stock very gladly with
his guests from our army. They not only had i)lenty to eat here, but
they also had plenty to take away with them, so that when the depart-
ure came they started oft" with more than six hundred loaded animals,
besides the friendly Indians and the servants more than a thousand —
persons. After a fortnight had passed, the general started ahead with
about fifty horsemen and a few foot soldiers and most of the Indian
allies, leaving the army, which was to follow him a fortnight later,
with Don Tristan de Arellano in command as his lieutenant.
At this time, before his departure, a pretty sort of thing happened
to the general, which I will tell for what it is worth. young soldier A
named Trugillo (Truxillo) pretended that he had seen a vision while he
was bathing in the river which seemed to be something extraordinary,'
' Compare the Spauinh text for this whole paragrapii. Ternaux renders this clause "feijfuant d'6tre
tr68-eifray6."

14 ETH 31
482 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth. ann.U

80 that be was brought before the general, whom he gave to uuderstand

that the devil had told him that if he would kill the general, be could
marry his wife, Dofia Beatris, and would receive great wealth and other
very fine things. Friar Marcos of Nice preached several sermons on
this, laying it the fact that the devil was jealous of the good which
all to

must and so wished to break it up in this way.

result from this journey
It did not end here, but the friars who were in the expedition wrote to
their convents about it, and this was the reason the pulpits of Mexico
proclaimed strange rumors about this affair.
The general ordered Truxillo to stay in that town and not to go on
the expedition, wbicli was what he was after when he made up that
falsehood, judging from what afterward ap])eared to be the truth. The
general started off with the force already described to continue his
journey, and the army followed him, as will be related.

Chapter 9, of how the army started from Culiacan and the arrival of the
general at Cibola and of the army at Seiiora and of other things that hap-
pened.
The general, as has been said, started to continue his journey from
the valley of Culiacan somewhat lightly equipped, taking with him the
friars, since none of them wished to stay behind with the army. After
they bad gone three days, a regular friar who could say mass, named
Friar Antonio Victoria, broke his leg, and they brought him back from
the camp to have it doctored. He stayed with the army after this,
which was no slight consolation for all. The general and bis force
crossed the country without trouble, as they found everything peaceful,
because the Indians knew Friar Marcos and some of the others who had
been with Melcbior Diaz when he went with Juan de Saldibar to inves-
tigate. After the general had crossed the inhabited region and came
to Chichilticalli, wliere the wilderness begins, and saw nothing favor-
able, he could not help feeling somewhat downhearted, for, although
the reports were very fine about what was ahead, there was nobody who
had seen it excejit the Indians wbo went with the negro, and these had
already been caught in some lies. Besides all this, be was mucli affected
by seeing that the fame of Chichilticalli was summed up in one tumble-
down house without any roof, although it appeared to have been a
strong place at some former time when it was inhabited, and it was very
plain that it had been built by a civilized and warlike race of strangers
who bad come from a distance. This building was made of red earth.
From here they went on through the wilderness, and in fifteen days
came to a river about 8 leagues from Cibola, which they called Red
river,' because its waters were muddy and reddish. In this river they
found mullets like those of Spain. The first Indians from that country
—
were seen here two of them, who ran away to give the news. During
'[Link], iu his Gilded Man. iiiontifles tliis witli Zuui river. The Ilio [Link] of JnramiUo is
'
the Little Colorado or Colorado Chiquito.
W1N8HIP] TKANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 483

the iiiy bt following the next day, about 2 leagues from the village, some
Indians in a safe place yelled so that, although the men were ready for
anything, some were so excited that they put their saddles on hind-side
before; but these were the new fellows. When the veterans had
mounted and ridden round the camp, the Indians fled. None of them
could be caught because they knew the country.
The next day they entered the settled country in good order, and
when they saw the first village, which was Qibola, such were the curses
that some hurled at Friar Marcos that I pray God may protect him
from them.
It is a little, if il^had been crumpled all
unattractive village, looking as
up together. There are mansions in New
Spain which make a better
appearance at a distance.' It is a village of about 200 warriors, is
three and four stories high, with the houses small and having only a few
rooms, and without a courtyard. One yard serves for each section.
The people of the whole district had collected here, for there are seven
villages in the province, and some of the others are even larger and
stronger than Cibola. These folks waited for the army, drawn up by
divisions in front of the village. When they refused to have peace on
the terms the interpreters extended to them, but ai)i)eared defiant, the
Santiago'^ was given, and they were at once put to flight. The Span-
iards then attacked the village, which was taken with not a little diffi-
culty, since they held the narrow and crooked entrance. During the
attack they knocked the general down with a large stone, and would
have killed him but for Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas and Hernando
de Alvarado, who threw themselves above him and drew "him away,
receiving the blows of the stones, which were not few. But the first
fury of the Spaniards could not be resisted, and in less than an hour
they entered the village and captured it. They discovered food there,
which was the thing they were most in need of.^ After this the whole
province was at peace.^

Mota Padilla, p. 113; "They reached Tzibola, which was a village divided into two parts, which were
encircled in such a way as to make
the village round, and the houses adjoining tlirec and four stories
high, witli doors opening on a great court or plaza, leaving one or two doors in the wall, so as to gi>
in and out. In t!ie middle of the plaza there is a hatchway or trapdoor, by which tlicy go down to -i
Bubterrancan hall, the roof of which was of large pine beams, and a little hearth in the tloor, and the
walls jdastered. The Indian men stayed there days and nights playing (or gaming) and the women
brought them food; and this was the way the Indians of the neighboring villages lived."
-The war cry or "loud iuvocation addressed to Saint James before engaging in battle with the Infi-
—
dels." Captain John Stevens' Dictionary.
•Compare the translation of the Traslado do las Nuevas herein. There are some striking resem-
blances between that account and Cjlstafieda's narrative.
1 Gomara, Hist. Indias, cap. ccxiii, ed. 15.j4
:
" Llegando a Sibola reqnirieron a loa del pueblo que los
recihiessen de paz; ea no yuan a les hazer mal, sine muy gran bien, y prouecho, y que les diessen
comida, ca Ueuauan falta de ella. Ellos respondiei-on que no querian, i)ues yuan arniados. y en son de
lea dar guerra: que t:d semblantemostranan. Assi que cobatieron el pueblo los uuestros, defendieron
lo gran rate ochocientos hombres, (jue di-ntro estanan; descalabraron a Francisco Va/.<)uez, capitan
general del exercito, y a otros niuchos Espanoles; mas al cabose salieron huyendo. Enlraron los nue-
Btros y nombraron la Granada, por ainor del virrey. q es natural dela de Espana. Es Sibola de hasta
dozietas casas de tierra y madera tosca, altas qnatro y cinco sobrados, y las juiertas (^omo escotillones
de nao, suben a ellos con escaleras de palo, que quitan de noche y en tieinpos de guerra. Tiene delante
oada casa una cueaa, donde como en estufa, se recogeu los inuiernos, que sim largas, y de muchas
484 THT CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 1kth.a>n.i4

The army which had stayed with Don Tristan de Arellano started
to follow their general, all loadedwith provisions, with lances on their
shoulders, and all on foot, so as to have the horses loaded. With
no slight labor from day to day, they reached a province which
Cabeza de Vaca had named Hearts (Corazones), because the people
here ottered him many hearts of animals.' He founded a town here
and named it San Hierouimo de los Corazones (Saint Jerome of the
Hearts). After it bad been started, it was seen that it could not be
kept up here, and so it was afterward transferred to a valley which
had been calh'd Senora.'' The Spaniards call it Seiiora, and so it will
be known by this name.
From here a force went down the river to the seacoast to find the
harbor and to find out about the ships. Don Rodrigo Maldonado, who
was captain of tbose who went in search of the ships, did not tind them,
but he brought back with him an Indian so large and tall that the best
man in the army reached only to his chest. It was said that other
Indians were even taller on that coast. After the rains ceased the army
went on to where the town of Senora was afterward located, because
there were provisions in that region, so that they were able to wait
there for orders from the general.
About the middle of the month of October,^ Captains Melchior Diaz
and Juan Gallego came from Cibola, Juan Gallego on his way to New
S])ain and Melchior Diaz to stay in the new town of Hearts, in com-
mand of the men who remained there. He was to go along the coast
in search of the shii)s.

Chapter 10, of Iww the army started from the town of Senora, leaving it
inhabited,and how it reached Cibola, and of what happened to Captain
Melchior Diaz on his expedition in search of the ships and how he discov-
ered the Tison {Firebrand) river.
After Melchior Diaz and Juan Gallego had arrived in the town of
Senora, it was announced that the army was to depart for Cibola; that
Melchior Diaz was to remain in charge of that town with 80 men; that
Juan Gallego was going to New Spain with messages for the viceroy,
and that Friar Marcos was going back with him, because lie did not
think it was safe for him to stay in Cibola, seeing that his report had

nienes. Aunqtie qo esta maa de 37} grados de la Gquinocial qne sino fneHse por laB montands. seria
:

del teuiplo de Sevilla. La^ famoaas sietc ciudaden de fray Marcos de Nii^a, que estuD en espacio de seys
leguaa. teman obra de 4.00U hombret*. Las riquezafl de sti reyno es no teuer qne comer, ni qne vestir,
dnrado la nieve sicte mesefl."
'Ovie<lD, Historia, vol. iii. lib. xxxv, cap. vi, p. 610 (ed. 1853), aays of Cabe7.a de Vaca and his com-
]>anions: "Piies [Link] la.s sierras qnes dicho, Uogaron I'stos quatro chripstiauos & tres . . .

pueblos que estabun Juntos 6 pequenos, en que avia hasta veyntc casas en ellos, las quales erau coino
las passadas i*^ juntas, . . . & este pueblo, 6 n)ejordi<;iendo pueblos juntos, uonibraron los chrlps-
tianoH la Tilla de los Corazones, porque les dieron alii niAs de 8eys<;ieutos corazones de venadoa escal-
ades 6 secos." Cabeza de Vaca describes this place in his Naufraffios, p. 172 of Smith's translation.
- It is possible that the persistant use of the form Senora, Madame, for the place Souora, may be due
t« the copyists, although it is as likely that the Spanish settlers made the change in their common
parlance.
> This should be September. See the next chapter; also the Itinerary.
 wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 485

turned out to be entirely false, because the kingdoms that he had told
about had not been found, nor the populous cities, nor the wealth of
gold, nor the precious stones which he had reported, nor the fine clothes,
nor other things that had been proclaimed from the pulpits. When
this had been announced, those who were to remain were selected and
the rest loaded their provisions and set oft' in good order about the mid-
dle of September on the way to Cibola, following their general.
Don Tristan de Arellano stayed in this new town with the weakest
men, and from this time on there was nothing but mutinies and strife,
because after the army had gone Captain Melchior Diaz took 25 of the
most efticient men, leaving in his place one Diego de Alcaraz, a man
unfitted to have people under his command. He took guides and went
toward the north and west in search of the seacoast. After going
about 150 leagues, they came to a province of exceedingly tall and strong
—
men like giants. They are naked and live in large straw cabins built
underground like smoke houses, with only the straw roof above ground.
They enter these at one end and come out at the other. More than a
hundred persons, old and young, sleep in one cabin.' When they carry
anything, they can take a load of more than three or four hundredweight
on their heads. Once when our men wished to fetch a log for the fire,
and six men were unable to carry it, one of these Indians is reported to
have come and raised it in his arms, put it on his head alone, and car-
ried it very easily.- They eat bread cooked in the ashes, as big as the
large two-pound loaves of Castile. On account of the great cold, they
carry a firebrand (tison) in the hand when they go from one place to
another, with which they warm the other hand and the body as well,
and in this way they keep shifting it every now and then.'' On this
account the large river which is in that country was called Rio
del Tison (Firebrand river). It is a very great river and is more than
2 leagues wide at its mouth; here it is half a league across. Here the

*Ban(lelier, in his Final Report, vol. i, p. 108, snggests the following from the Relacionof Padre Sedel-

mair, which he quotes from the manuscript "SusranchcHaa, porgrandesdogentio ([tie Mean,
S..T., 1746, :

sereilucen il nnad doscaaas, con techode terrado y zacate, armadas sobre miichoshorconfs por pilarea
con viguelos de unos A otros, y b.a,jas, tan capaces que cabon en cada una mas de cion i)er8ona8, con trea
iliviHiones, la primera una enranjada del tamafio de la casu y b;ya para donnir eu el verano, luego la
segunda division como sala, y la tercera corao alcoba, dimde ]>or el abrigo meten loa [Link] y vie,ia8,
muchachitos y muehachitas, escepto los ]umas ijue viven entro ellos, que cada familia tiene su choza
aparte." These were evidently the ancestors of the Yuman Indians of Arizona.
^Fletcher, in The World Ercompasaed by Sir Frauds Drake, p. 131, (ed. 1854) tells a similar story of
some Indians whom Brake visited on the coast of f'alifornia '* Yet are tho men commonly so strong
:

of body, that that which 2 or 3 of our men could hardly beare, one of them would lake vpon hla
backe, and without grudging, carrie it easily away, vp hill and downe hill an English mile together."
^lota Padilla, cap. xxxii, p. 158, describes an attempt to catch one of these Indians; " Quiso el
capitan [Melchior Diaz] remitir A un iudio, porque el virey viese su corpulencia y hallando Jl un man-
cebo, trataron de apresarlo; mas liizo tal resisteucia, que entre quatro eapaijoles no pudieron amar-
rarlo, y daba tales gritos, que los obligaron d dejarlo, per no iudiaponer los Animos de aquellos
indios."
'Father Sedelmair, in hia Relacion, mentions this custom of the In<lians. (See Bandolier, Final
Report, vol. i, p. 108) " Su fraza<1a eu tiempo de frit* es un tizon eucendido (jue aplicandole li la hoca
:

. del eatomago caminan ])or las mafianas, y calentando ya el sol corao A las ocho tiran los tizones rjue por
,

muchoaque liayan tirado por los caminos, pucden .ser guias de los caminantes: desnerteque todoa
estos rios puedeu llarmarae rioa del Tizon, nombre que algunas luapas ponen A itno solo.
'
486 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth. ann.14

captain beard that there had been ships at a point three days down
toward the sea. When he reached the place where the ships had been,
which was more than 15 leagues up the river from the mouth of the
harbor, they found written on a tree: "Alarcon reached this place;
there are letters at the foot of this tree." He dug up the letters and
learned from them how long Alarcon had waited for news of the army
and that he had gone back with the ships to Ifew Spain, because he was
unable to proceed farther, since this sea was a bay, which was formed
by the Isle of the Marquis,' which is called California, and it was
explained that California was not an island, but a point of the main-
land forming the other side of that gulf.
After he had seen this, the captain turned back to go up the river,
without going down to the sea, to find a ford by which to cross to the
other side, so as to follow the other bank. After they had gone five or
six days, it seemed to them as if they could cross on rafts. For thia
purpose they called together a large number of the natives, who were
waiting for a favorable opportunity to make an attack on our men, and
when they saw that the strangers wanted to cross, they helped make
the rafts with all zeal and diligence, so as to catch them in this way on
the water and drown them or else so divide them that they could not
helji one another. While the rafts were being made, a soldier who had
been out around the camp saw a large uumber of armed men go across
to a mountain, where they were waiting till the soldiers should cross
the river. He reported this, and an Indian was quietly shut up, in
order to find out the truth, and when they tortured him he told all the
arrangements that had been made. These were, that when our men
were crossing and part of them had got over and part were on the river
and part were waiting to cross, those who were on the rafts should
drown those they were taking across and the rest of their force should
make an attacik on both sides of the river. If they had had as much
discretion and courage as they had strength and power, the attempt
would have succeeded.
When
he knew their plan, the captain had the Indian who had C(m-
and that night he was thrown into the
fessed the attair killed secretly,
river with a weight, so that the Indians would not suspect tliat tliey
were found out. The next day they noticed that our men suspected
them, and so they made an attack, shooting showers of arrows, but
when the horses began to catch up with them and the lances wounded
them without mercy and the musketeers likewise made good shots, tliey
had to leave the plain and take to the mountain, until not a man of
them was to be seen. The force then came back and crossed all right,
the Indian allies and the Spaniards going across on the rafts and the
horses swimming alongside the rafts, where we will leave them to con-
tinue their journey.^

' Cortes.
* Mota Padilla, sec. xxxii, p. 158, aays: Molchior Dias paao el rio del Tison "en unoa cestua ifrandea
que los indios tieuen aderezadoa con un betum que no lea [Link] el agua. y asidoa de vl cuatro 6 aeia indioa,
lo llevan uadandu, . . li to iiue ayudaron tainbien laa indiaa."
wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 487

To relate lio\r the army tliat was on its way to Cibola got on Every- :

thing went along in good shape, since the general had left everything
peaceful, because he wished the people in that region to be contented
and without fear and willing to do what they were ordered. In a
province called Vacapan there was a large quantity of priclily pears, of
which the natives make a great deal of preserves.' They gave this
preserve away freely, and as the men of the army ate much of it, they
all fell sicli with a headache and fever, so that the natives might liave

done much harm to the force if they had wished. This lasted regu-
larly twenty-four hours. After this they continued their march until
they reached Chichilticalli. The men in the advance guard saw a flock
of sheep one day after leaving this place. I myself saw and followed
them. They had extremely large bodies and long wool; tlieir horns
were very thick and large, and when they I'un they throw back their
heads and i)ut their horns ou the ridge of their back. They are used to
the rough country, so that we could not catch them and had to leave
them.'-'

Three days after we entered the wilderness we found a horn on the

bank of a river tliat flows in the bottom of a very steep, deep gully,
which the general had noticed and left there for his army to see, for it
was six feet long and as thick at the base as a man's thigh. It seemed
to be more like the horn of a goat than of any other animal. It was
something worth seeing. The army proceeded and was about a day's
march from Cibola when a very cold tornado came up in the afternoon,
followed by a great fall of snow, which was a bad combination for the
carriers. The army went on till it reached some caves in a rocky ridge,
late in the evening. The Indian allies, who were from 5few Spain, and
for the most part from warm countries, were in great danger. They
felt the coldness of that day so much that it was hard work the next
day taking care of them, for they suffered much i)ain and had to be
carried on the horses, the soldiers w'alking. After this labor the army
reached Cibola, where their general was waiting for them, with tlieir
quarters all ready, and here they were reunited, except some captains
and men who had gone ott' to discover other provinces.

Chapter 11, of how Don Pedro de Tovar discovered Tusayan or Tuta-

haco' and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas saw the Firebrand river and the
other things that had happened.
While the things already described were taking place, Cibola being at
peace, the General Francisco Vazquez found out from the people of the
' The Znnis make a similar sort of pre8er\'es froBi the froit of the tuna and the yucca. See Gushing
In The Millstone, Indianapolis, July, 1884, ii]). 108-109.
''Compare the Spanish text for this whole description. Mota Padilla, sec. xxii, 6, p. H:i. says:
" Chiehilticali (que tiuiere decir casa colorada, por uua que estaba en el euibarrada eon tierra eolorada,
que aqui so hallaron |)inos con grandes pifias ile ]>iriouea uuiy huenos; yniasaile-
llaniau almagre) ;

lante, en la ciuiadeunaspeuas, se hallaron cahezas de carneros de jjrandes ciiernos, y algunos dijerou

haber visto tres 6 cuatro carneros de aquellos, y (lue eran niuy li<;eros (de estos aniniales .se ban
''
visto en el Catay, que es la Tartaria.)
^Compare chapter 13. These two groups of pueblos were not the same.
488 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].u

province about tbe provinces that lay around it, and got them to tell
their friends and neighbors that Christians had come into the country,
whose only desire was to be their friends, and to find out about good
lands to live in, and for them to come to see the strangers and talk with
them. They did this, since they know how to communicate with one
another in these regions, and they informed him about a province with
seven villages of the same sort as theirs, although somewhat difi'erent.
They had nothing to do with these peoi)le. This province is called
Tusayan. It is twenty-five leagues from Cibola. The villages are high
and the people aie warlike.
The general had sent Don Pedro de Tovar to these villages with
seventeen horsemen and three or four foot soldiers, Juan de Padilla, a
Franciscan friar, who had been a fighting man in his youth, went with
them. When they reached the region, they entered the country so
quietly that nobody observed them, because there were no settlements
or farms between one village and another and the people do not leave
the villages except to go to their farms, especially at this time, when
they had heard that Cibola had been captured by very fierce people,
Avho traveled on animals which ate people. This information was gen-
erally believed by those who had never seen horses, although it was so
strange as to cause much wonder. Our men arrived after nightfall
and were able to conceal themselves under the edge of the village,
where they heard the natives talking in their houses. But in the morn-
ing they were discovered and drew up in regular order, while the
natives came out to meet them, with bows, and shields, and wooden
cltibs, drawn up in lines without any confusion. The interpreter was
given a chance to si)eak to them and give them due warning, for tliey
were very intelligent people, but nevertheless they drew lines and
insisted that our men should not go across these lines toward their
village.' While they were talking, some men acted as if they would
cross the lines, and one of the natives lost control of himself and struck
a horse a blow on the cheek of the bridle with his club. Friar Juan,
fretted by the time that was being wasted in talking with them, said
to the captain "To tell the truth, I do not know why we came here."
:

When the men heard this, they gave the Santiago so suddenly that
they ran down many Indians and the others tied to the town in confu-
sion. Some indeed did not have a chance to do this, so quickly did
the people in the village come out with presents, asking for peace.'* The
captain ordered his force to collect, and, as the natives did not do any
more harm, he and those who were with him found a place to establish
their headquarters near the village. They had dismounted here when
the natives came peacefully, saying that they had come to give in the
submission of the whole province and that they wanted bim to be
friends with them and to accept the presents which they gave liim.

'Compare the lineswhich the Hopi or M ki Imliaiin still mark with sacred meal daring their festi-
vals, as described hy Dr Fewkes in iiis "Few Slimmer Ceremonials." in vol. ii of the JourDal of
Aiiiericim Ethnology and Archaiolug.y.
3 Compare tlie Spanish text.
W1N8BIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 489
This was some cottou cloth, although not much, because they do not
make it in that district. Tliey also j^ave hiui some dressed skins and
corn meal, and pine nuts and corn and birds of the country. After-
ward they presented some turquoises, but not many. The people of
the whole district came together that day and submitted themselves,
and they allowed him to enter their villages freely to visit, buy, sell,
and barter with them.
It is governed like Cibola, by an assembly of the oldest men. They
have their governors and generals. This was where they obtained the
information about a large river, and that several days down the river
there were some people with very large bodies.
As Do!i Pedro de Tovar was not commissioned to go farther, he
returned from there and gave this information to the general, who dis-
patched Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas with about twelve companions
to go to see this river. He was well received when he reached Tusayan
and was entertained by the natives, who gave him guides for his jour-
ney. They started from here loaded with provisions, for they had to
go through a desert country before reaching the inhabited region,
which the Indians said was more than twenty days' journey. After
they had gone twenty days they came to the banks of the river, which
seemed to be more than 5 or 4 leagues above the stream which flowed
between them.' This country was elevated and full of low twisted
pines, very cold, and lying open toward the north, so that, this being the
warm season, no one could live there on account of the cold. They
spent three days on this bank looking for a passage down to the river,
which looked from above as if the water was feet across, although the
Indians said it was half a league wide. It was impossible to descend,
for after these three days Captain Melgosa and one Juan Galeras
and another companion, who were the three lightest and most agile
men, made an attempt to go down at the least difficult i)lace, and went
down until those who were above were unable to keep sight of them.
They returned about 4 oclock in the afternoon, not having succeeded
in reaching the bottom on account of the great difficulties which they
found, because what seemed to be easy from above was not so, but
instead very hard and difficult. They said that they had been down
about a third of the way and that the river seemed very large from the
place which they reached, and that from what they saw they thought
the Indians had given the width correctly. Those who stayed above
had estimated that some huge rocks on the sides of the cliffs seemed to
be about as tall as a man, but those who went down swore that when
they reached these rocks they were bigger than the great tower of
Seville. They did not go farther up the river, because they could not
get water. Before this they had had to go a league or two inland
every day late in the evening in order to find water, and the guides
said that if they should go four days farther it would not be possible

'Com pare the Spanish text. Ternaux translates it: "LeHl>ord8 80ntt«liementi-lev£8qu'ilsfroyaient
6tre k trois on quatre Ueues en Tair."
490 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].u

to go on, because therewas no water within three or fonr days, for when
they travel across this region themselves tliey take with them women
loaded with water in gourds, and bury tlie gourds of water along the
way, to use when thej' return, and besides this, they travel in one day
over what it takes ns two days to accomjilish.
This was the Tison (Firebrand) river, mucli nearer its source tlian
where Melchior Diaz and his company crossed it. These were the
same kind of Indians, Judging from wliat was afterward learned.
They came back from this point and the expedition did not liave any
other result. On the way they saw some water falling over a rock and
learned from the guides that some bunches of crystals which were
hanging there were salt. They went and gathered a quantity of this
and brought it back to Cibola, dividing it among those who were
there. They gave the general a written account of what they had
seen, because one Pedro de Sotomayor had gone with Don Garcia Lopez
as chronicler for the army. The villages of that province remained
peaceful, since they were uever visited again, nor was any attempt
made to find other peoples in that direction.
Chapter 12, of how people came from Gicuye to Cibola io see the Chris-
tians, and how Hernando de Alvarado trent to see the cows.

While they were making these discoveries, some Indians came to

Cibola from a village which was 70 leagues east of this province, called
Cicuye. Among them was a captain who was called Bigotes (Whiskers)
by our men, because he wore a long mustache. He was a tall, well-built
young fellow, with a line figure. He told tlie general that they had
come in response to tlie notice been given, to oft'er them-
which liad
selves as friends, and that if we wanted
go through their country to
they would consider us as their friends. They brought a present of
tanned hides and shields and head-pieces, which were very gladly re-
ceived, aiul the general giive them some glass dishes and a number of
pearls and little bells which they prized highly, because these were
things they had never seen. They described some cows which, from
a picture that one of them had painted on his skin, seemed to be
cows, although from tlie hides this did not seem possible, because the
hair was wooUj^ and snarled so that we could not tell what sort of skins
they had. The general ordered Hernando de Alvarado to take 20 com-
panions and go with them, and gave him a commission for eighty days,
after which he shoiild return to give an account of what ho had found.'
Captain Alvarado started on this journey and in live days reached a
village which was on a rock called Acuco- having a population of about
200 men. These people were robbers, feared by the whole country

'The report of Alvarado, trauslated herein, Is probably the ofBcial account of 'what he accom-
plisheil.
'In regard to the famous rock fortress of Aconia see Bandolier's Introduction, p. 14, and liis Final
Ke7»nrt, vol. i, p. 133. Tlie Spaniards called it b.y a name resembling that which tht-y beard applied to
it in Zani-Ciliola. Tbe true Zufii name of Acoiua, tm the authority of Mr F. W. Ilodgc, is H:ilvukta;
that of the Acoma peoj>le, Hjikukwe.
wiNsHir] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 491

round about. The village was very stroug, because it was up on a rock
out of reach, having steep sides in every direction, and so high that it
was a very good musket that could throw a ball as liigh. There Avas
only one entrance by a stairway built by hand, whicji began at the top
of a slope which is around the foot of the rock. There was a broad
stairway for about 200 steps, then a stretch of about 100 narrower
steps, and at the top they had to go up about three times as high as a
man by means of holes in the rock, in which they put the points of their
feet, holding on at the same time by their hands. There was a wall of
large and small stones at the top, which they could roll down without
showing themselves, so that no army could possibly be strong enough
to capture the village. On the top they had room to sow and store a
large amount of corn, and cisterns to collect snow and water. These
peoi)le came down to the plain ready to light, and would not listen to
any arguments. They drew lines on the ground and determined to
I)revcnt our men from crossing these, but when they saw that they
would have to fight they offered to make peace before any harm had
been done. They went through their forms of making peace, which is
to touch the horses and take their sweat and rub themselves with it,
and to make crosses with the fingers of the hands. But to make the
most secure peace they put their hands across each other, and they keep
this jieace inviolably. They made a jireseut of a large number of [tur-
key-] cocks with very big wattles, much bread, tanned deerskins, pine
[pinon] nuts, flour [corn meal], and corn.
From here they went days dis-
to a province called Triguex,' three
tant. The i^eople all came out Whiskers was
peacefully, seeing that
with them. These men are feared throughout all those provinces. Al va-
rado sent messengers back from here to advise the general to come and
winter in this country. The general was not a little relieved to hear
that the country was growing better. Five days from here he came to
Cicuj'e,^ a very strong village four stories high. The i)eople came out
from the village with signs of joy to welcome Hernando de Alvarado and
their captain, and brought them into the town with drums and i)ii)es
something like flutes, of which they have a great many. They made
many presents of cloth and turquoises, of which there are quantities
in tliat region. The Spaniards enjoyed themselves here for several days
and talked with an Indian slave, a native of the country toward Florida,
which is the region Don Fernando de Soto discovered. This fellow said
that there were large settlements in the farther ])art of that country.
Hernando de Alvarado took him to guide them to tliecows; but he told
them so many and such great things about the wealth of gold and silver
in his country that they did not care about lookin g for cows, but returned
after they had seen some few, to report the rich news to the general.

'An error for Tiguex, at or near the present Bernalillo. SlmpHon localeil this near the mouth of the
river Piierro, southeast of Acoma, but I ftiUow BaniU'licr, acronlmg to whom Alvarado pursued a
northeasterly direi^tion from Afoma. See his IiitriKluction, p. :J0, and Filial Report, vol. i, i». 129.
*Peco9. BesuU'S his Final Report, vol. i, p. 127, see Baudelier's Report on the Pecos Ruins.
492 THE CORONAOO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 |[Link].14

They called Indian ''Turk," because he looked like one.' Meanwhile

tlie
the general had sent Bon Garcia Lopez de Cardenas to Tiguex with men
to get lodgings ready for the army, which had arrived from Senora
about this time, before taking them there for the winter; and when
Hernando de Alvarado reached Tiguex, on his way back from Cicuye,
he found Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas there, and so there was no
need for him to go farther. As it was necessary that the natives should
give the Spaniards lodging places, the people in one village had to
abandon it and go to others belonging to their friends, and they took
with them nothing but themselves and the clothes they had on. Infor-
mation was obtained here about many towns up toward the north, and
I believe that it would have been much better to follow this direction
than that of the Turk, who was the cause of all the misfortunes which
followed.

Chapter 13, of how the general went toward Tutahaco with a few men
and left the army tcith Don Tristan, who took it to Tiguea:
Everything already related had happened when Don Tristan de Are-
llano reached Cibola from Senora. Soon after he arrived, the general,
who had received notice of a province containing eight villages, took
30 of the men who were most fully rested and went to see it, going
from there directly to Tiguex with the skilled guides wlio conducted
him. lie left orders for Don Tristan de Arellano to proceed to Tiguex
by the direct road, after the men had rested twenty days. On this
journey, between one day when they left the camping place and mid-
day of the third day, when they saw some snow-covered mountains,
toward which they went in search of water, neither the Spaniards
nor the horses nor the servants drank iinything. They were able
to stand it because of the severe cold, although witli great diffi-
culty. In eight days they reached Tutahaco,^ where they learned that

'The accoant which Mota Patlilla (cap. xxxii, 5, p. 161) gives of the Turk aiul Ills storii's ia very
Alvarado "halhi un iutlio en aquelloa llanos quien le dijo, mas por fteuas quo per voces, sor
8jj;nificaiit;
<le una provincia quo distaha treinta soles, la cual se llamaha Copala, y al indio se le pnao per nomhre

el Turco, por ser miiy moreno, aperaouado y de bueiia disposicion y lea dijo tantaa cosaa de aquella
;

provincia, que loa puso en admiracion, y en especial quo hahia tanta cantidad do oro, quo no aido
podian cargnr loa caballos, sino carros; que hahia una laguna en la que navegahan canoas. y <ine las
del cacique tenian argollas de oro; y para que se cxplicase, le mostraban plata, y decia que no, sino
como nil anillo que vio de oro decia que ll su cacique lo sacaban en audaa A las guerras, y que euaudo
:

queria, lea quitaban los hoziiloa d unoa lebreles quo despedazahan A loa euerai;;o.s que tenian una easa
;

muy grande, adonde todos acudian A servirle; que en las puertaa teniae mantaa de algodon."
Gomarn, Indias, cap. ccxiiii, adds some details: " Viendo lapociv gcnte, y mu<'atra do riqueza, dieron
loa Boldadosniuy pocaa graciaa a los fray les, quo conellos yuan, yque loauan aquella tierra do Sibola: y
por no boluer a Mexico sin hazer algo, ni las nianos vazias, acordaron de passar adelante, (pio les dezian
sermejor tierra. Asai quo fueron a Acuco, lugar aobre v« forlisainiopefiol, y desde alii fue don Oarci
lopez de Cardenas con su compafiia de cauallos a la mar, y Francisco Vazquez con los de mas a Tiguex,
quoesta ribera de vngran rio. AUi tuuieron nueuade Axa, y Quiuira; donde dezian, queestaua vn Uey,
dicho por nonibre Tatarrax, barhudo, canoa, y rico, que ceDia vn bracamarte, que rezaua cu lioras, que
adoraua vna cruz do oro, y vna ymagen de muger, Senora Del cielo. Mucho alegro, y sostuuo eata
nueua al exercito, aunqne algunos la tuuieron por falsa, y echadiza de fraylea. Determinaron yr alia
con intencion de inuernar en tierra tan rica como so sonaua."
^Coronado probably reached the Kio Grande near the present Isleta. .Taraniillo applies this name
to Aconia, and jierhaps he ia more correct, if we ought loread it Tulahaiu. since the Tiguas (the
inhabitants of Jsleta, Sandia, Taos, and Picuris ])ueblos) call Acoma Tuthea-u&y, according to
Bandelier, Gilded Man, p. 211.
wissHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTAXEDA 493

tliere were other towns down the river. These people were peaceful.
The villages are terraced, like those at Tiguex, and of the same style.
The general went up the river from here, visiting the whole province,
until he reached Tiguex, wliere he found Hernando de Alvarado and
the Turk. He felt no slight joy at such good news, because the Turk
said that in his country there was a river in the level country which
was 2 leagues wide, in which there were fishes as big as horses, and
large numbers of very big canoes, with more than 20 rowers on a side,
and that they carried sails, and that their lords sat on the poop under
awnings, and on the prow they had a great golden eagle. He said also
that the lord of that country took his afternoon nap under a great tree
on which were hung a great number of little gold bells, which put him
to sleep as they swung in the air. He said also that everyone had
their ordinary dishes made of wrought plate, and the jugs and bowls
were of gold. He called gold acochis. For the present he was be-
which he told it and because they
lieved, on account of the ease with
showed him metal orna'ments and he recognized them and said they
were not gold, and he knew gold and silver very well and did not care
anything about other metals.
The general sent Hernando de Alvarado back to (Jicuye to demand
some gold bracelets which this Turk said they had taken from him at
the time they captured him. Alvarado went, and was received as a
friend at the village, and when he demanded the bracelets they said
they knew nothing at all about them, saying the Turk was deceiving
him and was lying. Captain Alvarado, seeing that there were no other
means, gotthe captain Whiskers and the governor to come to his tent, and
when they had come he put them in chains. The villagers prepared to
light, and let fly their arrows, denouncing Hernando de Alvarado, and
saying that he was a man who had no respect for peace and friendship.
Hernando de Alvarado started back to Tiguex, where the general kept
them prisoners more than six months. This began the want of confi-
dence in the word of the Spaniards whenever there was talk of peace
from this time on, as will be seen by what happened afterward.

Chapter 14, of how the army went from Cibola to Tiguex and what
happened to them on the way, on account of the snow.
We have already said that when the general started from Cibola, he
left orders for Tristan de Arellano to start twenty days later. He
Don
did so as soon as he saw that the men were well rested and provided
with food and eager to start off to find their general. He set off with
his force toward Tiguex, and the first day they made their camp in the
best, largest, and finest village of that (Cibola) province.' This is the
only village that has houses with seven stories. In this village certain
houses are used as fortresses; they are higher than the others and set

'This was Matsaki, at the northwestern base of Thunder mountain, about 18 miles from Hawikuh,
where the a*lvance force bad encamped.
494 THE COKONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].14

up above tlieiii like towers, and there are embrasures and loopholes in
them for defending the roofs of the dittierent stories, because, like the
other villages, they do not have streets, and the flat roofs are all of a
height and are used in common. The roofs have to be reached first,
and these upper houses are the means of defending them. It begau to
snow on us there, and the force took refuge under the wings of the
village, which extend out like balconies, witli wooden pillars beneath,
because they generally use ladders to go uj) to those balconies, since
they do not have any doors below.
The army continued its march from here after it stopped snowing, and
as the season had already advanced into December, during the ten days
that the army was delayed, it did not fail to snow during the evenings
and nearly every night, so that they had to clenr away a large amount
of snow when they came to where they wanted to make a camp. The
road could not be seen, but the guides managed to find it, as they
knew the country. There are junipers and pines all over the country,
which they used in making large brushwood fires, the smoke and heat
of which melted the snow from 2 to -t yards all around the fire. It
was a dry snow, so that although it fell on the baggage and covered
it for half a man's height it did not hurt it. It fell all night long, cov-
ering the baggage and tlie soldiers and their beds, piling up in the
air, so that if anyone had suddenly come upon the army nothing would
have been seen but mountains of snow. The horses stood half buried
in it. It kept those who were underneath warm instead of cold. The
army passed by the great rock of Acuco, and the natives, who were
peaceful, entertained our men well, giving them provisions and birds,
although there are not many people here, as I have said. Many of the
gentlemen went up to the top to see it, and they had great difficulty in
going up the steps in the rock, because they were not used to them, for
the natives go up and down so easily that they carry loads and the
women carry water, and they do not seem even to touch their hands,
although our men had to pass their weapons up from one to another.
From here they went on to Tiguex, where they were well received
and taken care of, and the great good news of the Turk gave no little
joy and helped lighten their hard labors, although when the army
arrived we found the whole country or province in revolt, for reasons
which were not slight in themselves, as will be shown, and our men had
also burnt a village the day before the army arrived, and returned to
the camp.'

Chapter 1')^ of why Tiguex revolted^ and hoic they were punished, with-
out heinfi to blame for it.
It has been related how the general reached Tiguex, where he found
Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas and Hernando de Alvarado, and how he
iTh« Spanish uiauuBcript is very confusinj; througbout tiiis chapter. As usual, Ternaux passes
over most of the passaj^es which have given trouhle, omitting what he could not guess.
wiNsHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 495
sent the latter back to Oicuye, where he took the captain Whiskers and
the governor of the village, who was an old man, prisoners. The people
of Tiguex did not feel well about this seizure. In addition to this, the
general wished to obtain some clothing to divide among his soldiers,
and for this purpose he summoned one of the chief Indians of Tiguex,
with whom he had already had much intercourse and with whom he
was on good terms, who was called Juan Aleman by our men, after
a Juan Aleman who lived in Mexico, whom he was said to resemble.
'

The general told him that he must furnish about three hundred or more
pieces of cloth, which he needed to give his i)eople. He said that he
was not able to do this, but that it pertained to the governors; and that
besides this, they would have to consult together and divide it among
the villages, and that it was necessary to make the demand of each
town separately. The general did this, and ordered certain of the
gentlemen who were with him to go and make the demand; and as
there were twelve villages, some of them went on one side of the river
and some on the other.- As they were in very great need, they did
not give the natives a chance to consult about it, but when they came
to a village they demanded what they had to give, so that they could
proceed at once. Thus these peoi)le could do nothing except take off
their own cloaks and give them to make up the number demanded of
them. And some of the soldiers who were in these i)arties, when the
collectors gave them some blankets or cloaks which were not such
as they wanted, if they saw any Indian with a better one on, they
exchanged with him without more ado, not stopping to find out the
rank of the man they were stripping, which caused not a little hard
feeling.
Besides what I have just said, one whom I will not name, out of regard
for him, left the village where the camp was and went to another village
about a league distant, and seeing a pretty woman there he called her
husband down to hold his horse by the bridle while he went up; and
as the village was entered by the upper story, the Indian supposed he
was going to some other i)art of it. While he was there the Indian
heard some slight noise, and then the Spaniard came down, took his
horse, and went away. The Indian went up and learned that he had
violated, or tried to violate, his wife, and so he came with the important
men of the town to complain tliat a man had violated his wife, and he
told how it happened. When the general made all the soldiers and the
persons who were with him come together, the Indian did not recognize
the man, either because he had changed his clothes or for whatever
other reason there may have been, but he said that he could tell the
horse, because he had held his bridle, and so he was taken to the
stables, and found the horse, and said that the master of the horse
must be the man. He denied doing it, seeing that he had not been
recognized, and it may be that the Indian was mistaken in the horse;

' Dutch Jack, perhaps.

496 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [kth. asn.H

anyway, he went ofl' witliout getting any satisfaction.' Tlie next day
one of the Indians, wh-o was guarding the horses of the army, came
running in, saying that a companion of his had been killed, and that
the Indians of the country were driving off the horses toward their
villages. The Spaniards tried to collect the horses again, but many
were lost, besides seven of the general's mules.''
The next day Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas went to see the villages
and talk with the natives. He found the villages closed by palisades
and a great noise inside, the horses being chased as in a bull fight and
shot with arrows. They were all ready for fighting. Nothing could be
done, because they would not come down onto the plain and the villages
are so strong that the Spaniards could not dislodge them. The general
then ordered Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas to go and surround one
village with all the rest of the force. This village was the one where the
greatest injury had been done and where the affair with the Indian
woman occurred. Several captains who had gone on in advance with
the general, Juan de Saldivar and Barrionuevo and Diego Lopez and
Melgosa,^ took the Indians so much by surprise that they gained the
upper story, with great danger, for they wounded many of our men
from within the houses. Our men were on toj) of the houses in great
danger for a day and a night and part of the next day, and they made
some good shots with their crossbows and muskets. The horsemen on
the plain with many of the Indian allies from New Spain smoked then!
out from the cellars^ into which they had broken, so that they begged
for peace.^ Pablo de Melgosa and Diego Lopez, the alderman from
Seville, were left on the roof and answered the Indians with the same
signs they were making for peace, which was to make a cross. They
then i)ut down their arms and received pardon. They were taken
to the tent of Don Garcia, who, according to what he said, did not
know about the peace and thought that they had given themselves
up of their own accord because they had been conquered. As he
had been ordered by the general not to take them alive, but to make
an example of them so that the other natives would fear the Span-
iards, he ordered 200 stakes to be prepared at once to burn them alive.

'The instructions which Mendoza f^Ave to Alarcon show how carefully the viceroy tried to guard
against any such trouble -w-ith the natives. BucUingham Siuith's Florida, p. 4: "Iten; ai pobla-
redes en alguua parte, no sea entre los yndios. sino apartado dellos. y mandareys quo ningun
espai^ol ni otra persona de las vuostras vaya al lujrar ni A las cassas de los yndios sino fuere con
expressa liceucia vuestra. y al que lo contrario hiziore castigalle eys rauy asi)eramente, y la licencia
aveys de daila las vezes que fuere necessario para alguna cossa (jue convenga y li personaa d© quien
vos esteys contiado que no haril cossa tnal heclia. y estad muy advertido en guardar eata ordeD, porque
es cossa que conviene mas do lo que vos pwleys pensar."
E8iie.)0, Helacion del Viaje, 1584 (Parheco y Cardenas, I>oo. de Indias, vol. xv, p. 175), says that .at
Puala (Tiguex) iiuehlo, " hallanios relaciou nuiy verdadera que estubo en esta provincia Francisco
;

Vazquez Coronado y le matarou en ella nueve soldados y ruarenta caballos, y que por este respeto
habia asolado l.a gente de un i)uehlo desta itrovincia, y destos nos dieron razon los naturales deatos
pueblos por senas que entendinios."
'Ternaux says Diego Lopez Melgosa. and when Melgosa's name appears again he has it Pablo Lopez
Melgosa.
^Evidently tlie underground, or partially underground, ceremonial chambers or kivas.
^Compare the Spanish text.
 '

wrasHiP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 497

Nobody him about the peace that had been granted them, for the
told
soldiers little as he, and those who should have told him about
knew as
it remained silent, not thinkin g that it was any of their business. Then
when the enemies saw that the Spaniards were binding them and
beginning to roast them, about a hundred men who were in the tent
began to struggle and defend themselves with what there was there
and with the stakes they could seize. Our men who were on foot
attacked the tent on all sides, so that there was great confusion around
it, and then the horsemen chased those who escajjed. As the country
was level, not a man of them remained alive, unless it was some who
remained hidden in the village and escaped that night to spread through-
out the country the news that the strangers did not respect the peace
they had made, which afterward proved a great misfortune. After this
was over, it began to snow, and they abandoned the village and returned
to the camp just as the army came from Cibola.

Chapter 16, of how they besieged Tiguex and took it and of what hap-
pened during the siege.
As I have already related, it began to snow in that country just after
they captured the village, and it snowed so much that for the next two
months it was impossible to do anything except to go along the roads
to advise them to make peace and tell them that they would be par-
doned and might consider themselves safe, to which they replied that
they did not trust those who did not know how to keep good faith after
they had once given it, and that the Spaniards should remember that
they were keeping Whiskers prisoner and that they did not keep their
word when they burned those who surrendered in the village. Don
Garcia Lopez de Cardenas was one of those who went to give this notice.
He started out with about 30 companions and went to the village of
Tiguex to talk with Juan Aleman. Although they were hostile, they
talked with him and said that if he wished to talk with them he must dis-
mount and they would come out and talk with him about a peace, and
'Goniara, cap. ccxiiii, gives the following account of these events: " Fueronseloa Indios vna noche
y amanecieron muertos treynta cauallos, que puso temor al exercito. Caminando, quemaron vn lugar, y
en otro que acometieron, lea matarou ciertos Espa&oles, y hirieron cinquenta cauallos, y metieron dentro
loe vezinos a Francisco de Ouado, herido, o muerto, para comer, y sacrificar, a lo que pensaron, o
qui^a para mt'jor ver, que hoini)re8 eran los Espaiioles, ca no se hallo por alii rastro de sacrificio
hamano. Pusieron cerco los nuestroa al lugar, pero no lo pudieron tomar en mas de qnarenta, y cinco
dias. Beuian iiieue los cercados por falta de agua, y vieudose perdidos, hizieron vna hoguera, echaron
en ella sua mutas, plumajes, Tnrqueaas, y cosaa preciadas, porquo nolasgozaasen aquelloscstrangeroa.
Salieron en eaquadron, con loa uiiios, y mugerea en medio, para abrircaminoporfuerija, y saluarae: mas
pocoa escaparon de las eapadas, y caualloa, y do vn rio q cerca estaua. Murieron en la pelea aiete
Eapaitoles y quedaron heridoa ocbeta, y muchos cauallos, porq veays quanto vale la determlnacion
en la neceasidad. Muchoa Indios se boluieron al pueblo, con la gente menuda, y ae defendieron haata
que se les puso fuego. Elose tanto aquel rio estado eu siete y treynta grades de la Equinocial, que
Bufria paaaar cnoima horabrea a cauallo, y caualloa con carga. Dura la nieve medio afio. Ay en
aqlla ribera nu^lonea, y algodou bianco, y Colorado, de que bazen muy maa anchaa mantaa, que en
otraa partes de Indias."
Mota Padilla, xxxii, 6, p. 161 " Esta accion se tuvo en Espaiia por mala, y con razon, porque fu6
:

una crueldad considerable y habiendo el maeae de campo, Garcia Lopez paaado & EspaDa & heredar
;

un mayorazgo, estuvo preao en una fortaleza por este cargo."

14 ETH 32
498 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

that if he would seud away the horsemen and make his men keep away,
Juan Aleman and another captain would come out of the village and
meet him. Everything was done as they required, and then when
they approached they said that they had no arms and that he must
take his off. Don Garcia Lopez did this in order to give them confi-
dence, on account of his great desire to get them to make peace. When
he met them, Juan Aleman approached and embraced him vigorously,
while the other two who had come with him drew two mallets' which
they had hidden behind their backs and gave him two such blows over
his helmet that they almost knocked him senseless. Two of the soldiers
on horseback had been unwilling to go very far off, even when he ordered
them, and so they were near by and rode up so quickly that they res-
cued him from their hands, although they were unable to catch the
enemies because the meeting was so near the village that of the great
shower of arrows Avhich were shot at them one arrow hit a horse and
went through his nose. The horsemen all rode up together and hur-
riedly carried off their captain, without being able to harm the enemy,
while many of our men were dangerously wounded.^ They then with-
drew, leaving a number of men to continue the attack. Don Garcia
Lopez de Cardenas went on with a part of the force to anotlier village
about half a league distant, because almost all the people in this region
had collected into these two villages. As they paid no attention to the
demands made on them except by shooting arrows from the upper
stories with loud yells, and would not hear of peace, he returned to his
companions whom he had left to keep up the attack on Tiguex. A
large number of those in the village came out and our men rode off
slowly, pretending to flee, so that they drew the enemy on to the plain,
and then turned on them and caught several of their leaders. The rest
collected on the roofs of the village and the captain returned to his camp.
After this affair the general ordered the army to go and surround the
village. He set out with his men in good order, one day, with several
scaling ladders. When he reached the village, he encamped his force
near by, and then began the siege; but as the enemy had had several
days to provide themselves with stores, they threw down such quanti-
ties of rocks upon our men that many of them were laid out, and they
wounded nearly a hundred with arrows, several of whom afterward
died on account of the bad treatment by an unskillful surgeon who was
with the army. The siege lasted fifty days, during which time several
' Wooden warclubs shaped like potato-mashers.
*Mota Padilla, xxxii, 7, p. 161, describes this encounter: "D. Garcia pas6 at pueblo mayor A requertr
al principal caciqae, que se llamaba I).Juan Loman, auuque no estaba bautizadx>, y se dej6 ver por los
miiros sin qucrer biijar de paz, y & iustancias de D. Garcia, ofreci6 salirle & hablar, como dejase el
caballo y ospada, porque tenia uiucho miedo; y en esta conformidad, desmontd 1). Garcia del caballo,
entregole con la espada A sua soldados, & quienes hizo retirar, y accrcdudose il los muros, luego que Juan
Loman se afront6, se abraz6 de ^1, y al puuto, entre seis indios que habia dejado apercibidos, lo Ueva-
ron en peso y lotntraran en el pueblo si lapuerta no es pequeua, por lo que en ella hizo bincapi6, y
pndo resistir hasta que Uepraron soldados de & caballo, que le defendieron. Quisieron los indios
hacer alguna crueldad con dicbo I). Garcia, por lo que intentaron llevarlo vivo, que si los Indios salen
con macana? 6 porras que usabau, le quitan la vida."
wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 499

assaults were made. The lack of water was what troubled the Indians
most. They dug a very deep well inside the village, but were uot able
to get water, and while they were making it, it fell in and killed 30 per-
sons. Two hundred of the besieged died in the fights. One day when
there was a hard fight, they killed Francisco de Obando, a captain
who had been army-master all the time that Don Garcia Lopez de Car-
denas was away making the discoveries already described, and also
Francisco Pobares, a fine gentleman. Our men were unable to prevent
them from carrying Francisco de Obando inside the village, which was
regretted not a little, because he was a distinguished person, besides
being honored on his own account, affable and much beloved, which
was noticeable.' One day, before the capture was completed, they
asked to speak to us, and said that, since they knew we would not
harm the women and children, they wished to surrender their women
and sons, because they were using up their water. It was impos-
sible to persuade them to make peace, as they said that the Spaniards
would not keep an agreement made with them. So they gave up about
a hundred persons, women and boys, who did not want to leave them.
Don Lope de Urrea^ rode up in front of the town without his helmet
and received the boys and girls in his arms, and when all of these had
been surrendered, Don Lope begged them to make peace, giving them
the strongest pronuses for their safety. They told him to go away, as
they did not wish to trust themselves to people who had no regard for
friendship or their own word which they had pledged. As he seemed
unwilling to go away, one of them put an arrow in his bow ready to
shoot, and threatened to shoot liim with it unless he went off, and they
warned him to put on his helmet, but he was unwilling to do so, saying
that they would not hurt him as long as he stayed there. When the
Indian saw that he did not want to go away, he shot and planted his
arrow between the fore feet of the horse, and then put another arrow
in his bow and repeated th<at if he did not go away he would really
shoot him. Don Loi)e put on his helmet and slowly rode back to where
the horsemen were, without receiving any harm from them. When they
saw that he was really in safety, they began to shoot arrows in show-
ers, with loud yells and cries. The general did not want to make an
assault that day, in order to see if they could be brought in some way
to make peace, which they would not consider.
Fifteen days later they decided to leave the village one night, and
did so, taking the women in their midst. They started about the
fourth watch, in the very early morning, on the side where the cavalry
was.' The alarm was given by those in the camp of Don Uodrigo

>Bat see the Spanish. Temanx tranelatea it: " Lea Indiena par^-inrent & a'emparer de (d'Obando)
etremmenfercnt vivant dans leur village, . . . car c'etait un homme distingu6 qui, par sa vertu et
son atfabiliU\ s'^tait fait aimer de tout le inonde."
'Temaux substituted tbe uame of Dou Garci-Lopez for tiiat of Don Lope throughout this passage.
'Compare the Spanish text. Ternaux: "lis prirent le parti d'abandonner le village pendant la
nuit: lis se tnirent done en route les femnies marchaieut au milieu d'eux. Quaiul its furent arrives
:

& nn endroit oil campait don Rodrigo Maldnnado, lea sentinelles donndreut I'alarme."
500 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

Maldonado. The enemy attacked them and killed one Spaniard and
a horse and wounded others, but they were driven back with great
slaughter until they came to the river, where the water flowed swiftly
and very cold. They threw themselves into this, and as the men had
come quickly from the whole camp to assist the cavalry, there were few
who escaped being killed or wounded. Some men from the camp went
across the river next day and found many of them who had been over-
come by the great cold. They brought these back, cured them, and
made servants of them. This ended that siege, and the town was
captured, although there were a few who remained in one part of the
town and were captured a few days later.*
Two captains, Don Diego de Guevara and Juan de Saldivar, had
captured the other large village after a siege. Having started out
very early one morning to make an ambuscade in which to catch some
warriors who used to come out every morning to try to frighten our
camp, the spies, who had been placed where they could see when they
were coming, saw the people come out and proceed toward the coun-
1 There is much additional information of the Biege and capture of Tiguex in the account given by
Mota Padilla, xxxii, 8, p. 161: " Habi^ndose puesto estuvieron los indios rebeldea & los
el cerco,
requerimientos, por lo que se intents abrir brecha, y rota la argamasa superficial, ae advirti6 que el
centro del muro era de palizada, troncoa y mimbres bien bincados en la tierra, por lo que resistian loa
golpcs que daban con unas malas barraa, en cuyo tiempo hacian de laa azoteas mucho daho en los
nuestros con las piedras y con la flechas por las troneras; y quoriendo un soldado taparcon lodo una
tronera de donde se hacia mucbo dauo, por un ojo le entraron una flecba, de que cayo muerto: Uam^-
base Francisco Pobares; y Aotro que se Ilamaba Juan Paniagua, muy buen cristiano y persona noble,
le dieron otro flechazo en el pdrpado de un ojo, y publicaba que A la devocion del rosario, quo siempre
rezaba, dobio la vida; otro soldado, Uaraado Francisco de Ovando, se entr6 de bruzas por una porta-
fiuela, y apenas bubo aaomado la cabeza, cuando lo asieron y lo tirarou para adentro, quitAndole la
vida: pusoso unaescala por donde A todo trance Bubieron algunos; pero con arte, los indios tenian
muchas piezas & cielo deseubierto, para que se no comunicasen; y como d cortas distancias habia
torrecillas con muchas saeteras y troneras, hacian mucho dauo, de suerte que hirieron mas de
sesenta, de los que murieron tres: un fulano Carbajal, bennauo de Hernando Trejo, quien fu6 dea-
puestenientedegobernadorpor Francisco de Ibarra, en Cbametla: tambien muri<5 un vizcaino, llamado
Alonso de Castaneda, y un fulano Benitez; y esto fu6 por culpa de ellos, pues ya que habia pocas
annas de fuego con que ofender, pudieron haber pegado luego d los muros, pues eran de troncones y
palizadas con solo el embarrado de tierra.
-'9. Viendo el gobernador el poco efecto de su invasion, mandO se tocase d recoger, con dnimo de ren-

dirlos por falta de agua, ya que no i>or hambre, porque sabia tenian buenas trojes de maiz. Trataron
de curar los heridos, auuque se enconarou, y se cicatrizaban y Begun se supo, era la causa el que en
;

unas vasijas de mimbre encerraban los indios vivoras, y con las flechas las tocabau para que mordie-
sen las puntas y quedaaen venenosas y habi^ndose roantenido alguu tiempo, cuando ae eaperaba
;

padeciesen falta do agua, comeuz6 A nevar, con cuya nieve so aocorrieron y mantuvieron doa meses,
en loB que intentaron los unestros muchos desatinoa el uno fu6 formar unos ingenios con unos maderos,
:

que llamaban vaivenes, y son los antiguos arietes con que se batian las fortalezas en tiempo que no se
conocia la pdlvora; mas no acertaron: deapues, por falta do artilleria, intentaron hacer unoa cai^ooes
de madera bien liadoa de cordelea A mode de cohetes; maa tampoco sirvio; y no arbitraron el arriiiiar
leua A los muros y prenderles fuego A mi ver entiendo que la crueldad con que quitaron la vida A los
:

ciento y treinta gandules, los hizo indignoa del triunfo y asi, en una noche los sitiados salieron y ae
;

pusieron en fuga, dejando A los nuestros burlados y ain coaa du provecho que lograsen por despojos
de la plaza aitiada y se salieron loa indioa con su valeroso becho.
"10. Por la parte que salieron eataban de centinelas dos aoldados poco apercibidos, de loscualesel
uno no parecifi, y el otro fu6 hallado con el corazon atravesado cou una flecha; y traido el cuerpo, le
pusieron junto A la lumbrada comun del campo; y cuando volrierou los [Link] intentaron el
alcance do los indios, al desmontar uno de ellos del caballo, le pis6 la boca al miserable, y se atribuy6
au fatal niuerte A haber sido renegador y blaafemo. Luego que amanecit), se trat6 de reconocer el
paeblo, y entrando, se hall6 abastecido pero sin agua, y ao reconoci6 un pozo profundo en la plaza
que aquellos indios abrieron en bnsca de agua, y por no encontrarla, ae resolvieron A la fuga, que
consiguieron." . . .
 :

wrasHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 501

try. The soldiers left the ambuscade and went to the village and saw
the people fleeing. They pursued and killed large numbers of them.
At the same time those in the camp were ordered to go over the town,
and they plundered it, making prisoners of all the people who were
found in it, amounting to about a hundred women and children. This
siege ended the last of March, in the year '42.' Other things had
happened in tlie meantime, which would have been noticed, but that
it would have cut the thread. I have omitted them, but will relate
them now, so that it will be possible to understand what follows.

Chapter 17, ofhotc messengers reached the armyfrom the valley ofSeiiora
and how Captain Melchior Diaz died on the expedition to the Firebrand
river.

We have already related how Captain Melchior Diaz crossed the

Firebrand river on rafts, in order to continue his discoveries farther in
that direction. About the time the siege ended, messengers reached
the army from the city of San Hieronimo with letters from Diego de
Alarcou,^ who had remained there in the place of Melchior Diaz. These
contained the news that Melchior Diaz had died while he was conduct-
ing his search, and that the force had returned without finding any of
the things they were after. It all happened in this fashion
After they had crossed the river they continued their search for the
coast, which here turned back toward the south, or between south and
east, because that arm of the sea enters the land due north and this river,
wliich brings its waters down from the north, flowing toward the south,
enters the head of the gulf. Continuing in the direction they bad been
going, they came to some sand banks of hot ashes which it was impos-
sible to cross without being drowned as in the sea. The ground they
were standing on trembled like a sheet of paper, so that it seemed as
if there were lakes underneath them. It seemed wonderful and like
something infernal, for the ashes to bubble up here in several places.
After they had gone away from this place, on account of the danger
they seemed to be in and of the lack of water, one day a greyhound
belonging to one of the soldiers chased some sheep which they were
taking along for food. When the captain noticed this, he threw his
lance at the dog while his horse was running, so that it stuck up in the
ground, and not being able to stop his horse he went over the lance
so that it nailed him through the thighs and the iron came out behind,
rupturing his bladder. After this the soldiers turned back with their
captain, having to light every day with the Indians, who had remained
hostile. He lived about twenty days, during which they i^roceeded
with great difi&culty on account of the necessity of carrying him.' They

>Temaux translated this, "4 la flu de 1542." Professor Hayncs corrected the error in a note iu
Winsor's Narrative and Critical History, vol. ii, p. 491, saying that "it ia evident that the siege must
have been concluded early in 1.541.'*
^Should be Alcaraz.
^Mota Padilla's account of the death of Diaz ia translated in the Introduction.
502 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].u

returned in good order without losing a man, until he died, and after
that they were relieved of the greatest difficulty. When they reached
Senora, Alcaraz dispatched the messengers already referred to, so that
the general might know of this and also that some of the soldiers were
ill disposed and had caused several mutinies, and that he had sen-

tenced two of them to the gallows, but they had afterward escaped
from the prison.
When the general learned this, he sent Don Pedro de Tovar to that
city to sift oiit some of the men. He was accompanied by messengers
whom the general sent to Don Antonio de Mendoza the viceroy, with an
account of what had occurred and with the good news given by the
Turk. When Don Pedro de Tovar arrived there, he found that the
natives of that province had killed a soldier with a poisoned arrow,
which had made only a very little wound in one hand. Several soldiers
went to the place where this happened to see about it, and they were
not very well received. Don Pedro de Tovar sent Diego de Alcaraz
with a force to seize the chiefs and lords of a village in what they call
the Valley of Knaves (de los Vellacos), which is in the hills. After
getting there and taking these men prisoners, Diego de Alcaraz decided
to let them go in exchange for some [Link] and cloth and other things
which the soldiers needed. Finding themselves free, they renewed
the war and attacked them, and as they were strong and had poison,
they killed several Spaniards and wounded others so that they died
on the way back. They retired toward the town, and if they had not
had Indian allies from the country of the Hearts, it would have gone
worse with them. They got back to the town, leaving 17 soldiers dead
from the poison. They would die in agony from only a small wound,
the bodies breaking out with an insupportable pestilential stink. When
Don Pedro de Tovar saw the harm done, and as it seemed to them that
they could not safely stay in that city, he moved 40 leagues toward
Cibola into the valley of Suya, where we will leave them, in order to
relate what happened to the general and his army after the siege of
Tiguex.

Chapter 18, of how the general managed to leave the country in peace so
as to go in search of Quirira, where the Turk said there was the most
wealth.
During the siege of Tiguex the general decided to go to Cicuye and
take the governor with him, in order to give liim his liberty and to
promise them that he would give Whiskers his liberty and leave him
in the village, as soon as he should start for Quivira. He was received
peacefully when he reached Cicuye, and entered the village with several
soldiers. They received their governor with much joy and gratitude.
After looking over the village and speaking with the natives he returned '

^ Compare the Spanish t«xt. Temaux: "Le g6n6ral le retablit dans sa dignity, examina le [Link]
retouma au camp."
 ;

wiuBHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 503

to his army, leaving Cicuye at peace, in the hope of getting back their
captain Whiskers.
After the siege was ended, as we have already related, he sent a
captain to Ohia, a fine village with many people, Avhich had sent to
offer its submission. It was 4 leagues distant to the west of the river.
They found it peaceful and gave it four bronze cannon, which were in
poor condition, to take care of. Six gentlemen also went to Quirix, a
province with seven villages. At the first village, which had about a
hundred inhabitants, the natives fled, not daring to wait for our men
but they headed them off by a short cut, riding at full speed, and then
they returned to their houses in the village in perfect safety, and then
told the other villagers about it and reassured them. In this way the
entire region was reassured, little by little, by the time the ice in the
river was broken up and it became possible to ford the river and so to
continue the journey. The twelve villages of Tiguex, however, were
not repopulated at allduring the time the army was there, in spite of
every promise of security that could jwssibly be given to them.
And wheu the river, which for almost four months had been frozen
over so that they crossed the ice on horseback, had thawed out, orders
were given for the start for Quivira, where the Turk said there was some
gold and silver, although not so much as in Arche and the Guaes.
There were already some in the army who suspected the Turk, because
a Si^aniard named Servantes,' who had charge of him during the siege,
solemnly swore that he had seen the Turk talking with the devil in a
pitcher of water, and also that while he had him under lock so that no
one could speak to him, the Turk had asked him what Christians had
been killed by the people at Tiguex. He told him "nobody," and then
the Turk answered: "You lie; five Christians are dead, including a
captain." And as Cervantes knew that he told the truth, he confessed
it so as to find out who had told him about it, and the Turk said he

knew it all by himself and that he did not need to have anyone tell him
in order to know it. And it was on account of this that he watched him
and saw him speaking to the devil in the pitcher, as I have said.
While all this was going on, preparations were being made to start
from Tiguex. At this time people came from Cibola to see the general,
and he charged them to take good care of the Spaniards who were
coming from Sehora with Don Pedro de Tovar. He gave them letters
to give to Don Pedro, informing him what he ought to do and how he
should go to find the army, and that he would find letters under the
crosses which the army would put up along the way. The army left
Ti guex on the 5th of May and returned to Cicuye, which, as I have said,
'^

is twenty-fivemarches, which meansleagues, from there, taking Whiskers

with them. Arrived there, he gave them their captain, who already
went about freely with a guard. The village was very glad to see him,
and the people were peaceful and offered food. The governor and
• Or Cervant^'S, as Ternaux spells it.

^ Coronado says, lu his letter of October 20, that he started April 2:t.
 —

504 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link]

Whiskers gave the general a young fellow called Xabe, a native of

Quivira, who could give them information about the country. This fel-
low said that there was gold and silver, but j;ot so much of it as the
Turk had said. The Turk, however, continued to declare that it was
as he had said. He went as a guide, and thus the army started off
from here.

Chapter 19, of how they started in search of Quivira and of what

happened on the way.
The army started from Cicuye, leaving the village at peace and, as it
seemed, contented, and under obligations to maintain the friendship
because their governor and captain had been restored to them. Pro-
ceeding toward the plains, which are all on the other side of the moun-
tains, after four days' journey they came to a river with a large, deep
current, which flowed down toward Oicuye, and they named this the
Cicuye river.' They had to stoji here to make a bridge so as to cross it.
It was finished in four days, by much diligence and rapid work, and as
soon as it was done the whole army and the animals crossed. After
ten days more they came to some settlements of people who lived like
Arabs and who are called Querechos in that region. They had seen
the cows for two days. These folks live in tents made of the tanned
skins of the cows. They travel around near the cows, killing them
for food. They did nothing unusual when they saw our army, except
to come out of their tents to look at us, after which they came to
talk with the advance guard, and asked who we were. The general
talked with them, but as they had already talked with the Turk, who
was with the advance guard, they agreed with what he had said. That
they were very intelligent is evident from the fact that although they
conversed by means of signs they made themselves understood so well
that there was no need of an interpreter.^ Thej^ said that there was a
very large river over toward where the sun came from, and that one
could go along this river through an inhabited region for ninety days
without a break from settlement to settlement. They said that the first
of these settlements was called Haxa, and that the river was more than
a league wide and that there were many canoes on it. These folks
started off from here next day with a lot of dogs which dragged their
possessions. For two days, during which the army marched iii the
same direction as that in which they had come from the settlements
that is, between north and east, but more toward the north^ they saw —
'The Rio Pecos. The bridge, however, was doubtless bnilt across the upper waters of the Cauadian.
^There is nn elaborate account of tlie sign language of the Indians, by Garrick Mallery, in the first
annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1879-80.
^MotaPadiUa, xxxiii, 3, p. 165. says; "IlaataalU caraiuaron los nuestro.s. guiailos por el Turcoparael
Oriente, con miicha inclinaciou al Norte, y desde entAnces los gui6 via rocta al Orient©; y bal)iendo
andado tres jornadas, hubo do hacer alto el gobernador para conferir sobro si soria acertadodejarse
llevar do aquel indio, habieudo luudado de runibo, en cuyo intermedio un soldado, por traveaura. 6
por hacer carne, se apiirto, y auntiue lo eaperaron, no se supo mas de 61; y A dos jornadas que
auduvieron, guiados todavia del indio. pasaron una barranca profunda, que fu6 la primera qniebra
que vieron de la tierra desde Tigiies." Compare the route of the expedition in tho lutroauctiou, and
also in the translation of Jaramillo.
wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 505
other roaming Querechos and such great numbers of cows that it
already seemed something incredible. These people gave a great deal of
information about settlements, all toward the east from where we were.
Here Don Garcia broke his arm and a Spaniard got lost who went off
hunting so far that he was unable to return to the camp, because the
country is very level. The Turk said it was one or two days to Haya
(Haxa). The general sent Captain Diego Lopez with ten companions
lightly equipped and a guide to go at full speed toward the sunrise for
two days and discover Haxa, and then return to meet the army, which
set out in the same direction next day. They came across so many
animals that those who were on the advance guard killed a large num-
ber of bulls. As these fled they trampled one another in their haste
until they came to a ravine. So many of the animals fell into this that
they filled it up, and the rest went across on top of them. The men
who were chasing them on horseback fell in among the animals with-
out noticing where they were going. Three of the horses that fell in
among the cows, all saddled and bridled, were lost sight of completely.
As it seemed to the general that Diego Lopez ought to be on his way
back, he sent six of his companions to follow up the banks of the little
river, and as many more down the banks, to look for traces of the
horses at the trails to and from the river. It was impossible to find
tracks in this country, because the grass straightened up again as soon
as it was trodden down. They were found by some Indians from the
army who had gone to look for fruit. These got track of them a good
league off, and soon came up with them. They followed the river down
to the camp, and told the general that in the 20 leagues they had been
over they had seen nothing but cows and the sky. There was another
native of Quivira with the army, a painted Indian named Ysopete. This
Indian had always declared that the Turk was lying, and on account
of this the army paid no attention to him, and even now, although he
said that the Querechos had consulted with him, Ysopete was not
believed.'
The general sent Don Rodrigo Maldonado, with his company, for-
ward from here. He traveled four days and reached a large ravine
like those of Colima,^ in the bottom of which he found a large settle-
ment of people. Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes had passed through
this i)lace, so that they presented Don Ilodrigo with a pile of tanned
skins and other things, and a tent as big as a house, which he directed
them to keep until the army came up. He sent some of his compan-
ions to guide the array to that place, so that they should not get lost,
although he had been making piles of stones and cow dung for the
army to follow. This was the way in which the army was guided by
the advance guard.

'Compare the Spanish. Temaux: "Maiacette foia on n'avait pas voalu le croire; les Querechos
ayantrapport6 la meme chose que le Turc."
-Ternaux read this Colonia. The reference is clearly to the district of Colinia in western Mexico,
where one of the earliest Spanish settleiuents was made.
 — '

506 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

When the general came up with the army and saw the great quantity
of skins, he thought lie would divide them among the men, and placed

guards so that they could look at them. But when the men arrived and
saw that the general was sending some of his companions with orders
for the guards to give them some of the skins, and that these were
going to select the best, they were angry because they were not going
to be divided evenly> and made a rush, and in less than a quarter of
an hour nothing was left but the empty ground.
The natives, who hajjpened to see this also took a hand in it. The
women and some others were left crying, because they thought that
the strangers were not going to take anything, but would bless them
as Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes had done when they passed through
here. They found an Indian girl here who was as white as a Castiliau
lady, except that she had her chin painted like a Moorish woman. lu
general they all paint themselves in this way here, and they decorate
their eyes.

Chapter 20, of how great stones fell in the camp, and how they discov-
ered another ravine, where the army was divided into two parts.
While the army was resting in this ravine, as we ha'^e related, a
tempest came up one afternoon with a very high wind and hail, and in
a very short space of time a great quantity of hailstones, as big as bowls,
or bigger, fell as thick as raindrops, so that in pLaces they covered
the ground two or three spans or more deep. And one hit the horse
or I should say, there was not a horse that did not break away, excej)t
two or three which the negroes protected by holding large sea nets
over them, with the helmets and shields which all the rest wore ;

and some of them dashed up on to the sides of the ravine so that they
got them down with great difficulty. If this liad struck them while
they were upon the plain, the army would have been iu great dan-
ger of being left without its horses, as there were many which they
were not able to cover.^ The hail broke many tents, and battered
many helmets, and wounded many of the horses, and broke all the
crockery of the army, and the gourds, which was no small loss, because
they do not have any crockery in this region. They do not make gourds,
nor sow corn, nor eat bread, but instead raw meat or only half cooked —
and fruit.

1 The Spanish text is Tery confused. Temaux says " Les chevaux rompirent leure liens et 6*6chap-
:

parent tous k I'exception de deux ou trois qui furent reteuns par des n^gres qui avaient pris des cas-
ques et des boucliera pour se mettre k I'ubri. Le vent en euleva d'autres et les colU contre les parois
du ravin."
»Mota Padilla, xxiiii, 3, p. 165: "A la primera barranca. . .it las tres de la tarde hicieron alto,
.

y repentiuamente un recio riento les llevu una uube tan cargada, que cause horror el grauizo, que des-
pedia tan gruesos como nueces, hucvus de galiiua y de ansares, de suerte que era necesario arrodelarse
para la resistencia los caballos dieron estampida y se pusieron en fuga. y no se pudieran hallar si la
;

barranca no los detiene las tieudas que se babian armado que<laron rotas, y qnebradas todas las ollas,
:

cazuelas, coniales y denias vasyas; y atligidos con tan varios suceaos, determinaron en aquel dia que
fn6 el de Ascension del Seuor de 541, que el ej^rcito se volviese & ligtiee & reparar, como iiue era tierra
abastecida de todo."
wmsHip] TRANSLATION OK CASTANEDA 507

From here the general sent out to explore the country,' and they
found another settlement four days from there^ The country . . .

was well inhabited, and they ha<l ])lenty of kidney beans and prunes
like those of Castile, and tall vineyards. These village settlements
extended for three days. This was called Cona. Some Teyas,^ as
these people are called, went with the army from here and traveled as far
as the end of the other settlements with their packs of dogs and women
and children, and then they gave them guides to proceed to a large
ravine where the army was. They did not let these guides speak with
the Turk, and did not receive the same statements from these as they
had from the others. These said that Quivira was toward the north,
and that we would not find any good road thither. After this they
began to believe Ysopete. The ravine which the army had now reached
was a league wide from one side to the other, with a little bit of a river
at the bottom, and there were many groves of mulberry trees near it,
and rosebushes with the same sort of fruit that they have in France.
They made verjuice from the unripe grapes at this ravine, although
there were ripe ones.* There wei e walnuts and the same kind of fowls
as in New Spain, and large quantities of prunes like those of Castile,
During this journey arTeya was seen to shoot a bull right through both
shoulders with an arrow, which would be a good shot for a musket.
These iieople are very intelligent the women are well made and modest.
;

They cover their whole body. They wear shoes and buskins made of
tanned skin. The women wear cloaks over their small under petticoats,
with sleeves gathered up at the shoulders, all of skin, and some wore
something like little sanbenitos'' with a fringe, which reached half-way
down the thigh over the petticoat.
The army rested several days in this ravine and explored the country.
Up to this point they had made thirty-seven days' marches, traveling
•Herrera, Historia General, dec. ri, lib. Ix, cap. xi, xii, [Link], p. 206, ed. 1728: "La relacion que este
Indio hacia, de la manera con que se goTernaban en vna Piovinciama!* adelant«, Uamada Harae, [Link]-
doae, que eraimpoaible quo alii dexasede haver algunoH Cliriatianosperdidos del Armada de Pantilode
Narvaez, Francisco Vazquez acord6 de escrivir vna Carta, i la embi6 con el ludio flel de a<iuello8 dos,
porque el que bavia de quedar, siempre le llevaron de Ketaguarda, porque el bueno no le vieae. . , .

Emblada la Carta, dando cuenta do la Jornada que hacia el Exercito, i adondo bavia Uegado, pidiendo
aviso, i relacion de aquella Tierra, i Uamando aquelloa Chriatianos, ai por caao loa buvieae, 6 que aviaasen
de lo que bavian meneater para salir de cantiverio."
'A manera de alixarea. The margin reads Alexerea, which I can not find in the atlases. The word
means threshing floor, whence Temaux: "autres cabanes semblablea k dea bruy^rea (alixares)."
^Bandelier suggests that the name may have originated in the Indian exclamation, Texia! Texia!^
frienda! friends! — with which they first greeted the Spaniarda.
^Ternaux: "il y avait des vigues, dea mdriera et dea roaiera (rosalet), dont le fruit que I'on trouve
en France, aert en guise de verjus; il y en avait de mftr."
^Captain John Stevens's New* Dictionary aaysthe aanbenito was "the badge put upon converted Jews
brought out by tho Inquisition, being In the nature of a scai>ula or a broad piece of cloth banging
before and behind, witli a large Saint Andrews cross on it, red and yellow. The name corrupted from
Saco Benito, answerable to the aackclotb worn by penitenta in the primitive church." Robert Tomaon,
in his Voyage into Nova Hispania, 1555, in Hakluyt, iii, 536, deacribea his imprisonment by the Holy
Office in the city of Mexico: " We were brought into the Church, euery one with a S. Benito vpon his
backe, which is a halfe a yard of yellow cloth, with a hole to put in a mans head iu the middest, and
cast ouer a niaus head both flaps hang one before, and another behiude. and in the middest of euery
:

flap, a S. Andrewes crosse, made of red cloth, sowed on vpon the same, and that ia called S. Benito.''

\
508 THE COEONAUO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth. akn. u

6 or 7 leagues a day. It had been the duty of one man to measure and
count his steps. They found that it was 250 leagues to the settlements.'
When the general Francisco Vazquez realized this, and saw that they
had been deceived by the Turk heretofore, and as the provisions were
giving out and there was no country around here where they could
procure more, he called the captains and ensigns together to decide on
what they thought ought to be done. They all agreed that the general
should go in search of Quivira with thirty horsemen and half a dozen
foot-soldiers, and that Don Tristan de Arellano should go back to Tiguex
with all the army. When the men in the army learned of this decision,
they begged their general not to leave them to conduct the further
search, but declared that they all wanted to die with him and did not
want to go back. This did not do any good, although the general
agreed to send messengers to them within eight days saying whether
it was best for them to follow him or not, and with this he set off with

the guides he had and with Ysopete. The Turk was taken along in
chains.

Chapter 21, of how the army returned to Tiguex and the general reached
Quivira.

The general started from the ravine with the guides that the Teyas
had given him. He appointed the alderman Diego Lopez his army-
master, and took with him the men who seemed to him to be most effi-
cient, and the best horses. The army still had some hope that the
general would send for them, and sent two horsemen, lightly equipped
and riding post, to repeat their jjetition.
—
The general arrived I mean, the guides ran away during the first
few days and Diego Lopez had to return to the army for guides, bring-
ing orders for tlie army to return to Tiguex to find food and wait there
for the general. The Teyas, as before, willingly furnished him with
new guides. The army waited for its messengers and spent a fortnight
here, preparing jerked beef to take with them. It was estimated that
during this fortnight they killed 500 bulls. The number of these
that were there without any cows was something incredible. Many
fellows were lost at this time who went out hunting and did not get
back to the army for two or three days, wandering about the country
as if they were crazy, in one direction or another, not knowing how to
get back where they started from, although this ravine extended in
either direction so that they could find it.^ Every night they took
account of who was missing, fired guns and blew trumpets and beat
drums and built great fires, but yet some of them went off so far and
wandered about so much that all tiiis did not give them any help,
although it helped others. The only way was to go back where they had
killed an animal and start from there in one direction and another until

'The Tiguex country is often referred to as the region where the settlements were. Ternaux
says "depuis Tiguex jusqn'aii dernier village."
'Compare the Spanish text.
wiNSHir] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 509

they struck the ravine or fell in with somebody who could put them on
the right road. It is worth noting that the country there is so level that
at midday, after one has wandered about in one direction and another
in pursuit of game, the only thing to do is to stay near the game quietly
until sunset, so as to see where it goes down, and even then they have
to be men who are practiced to do it. Those who are not, had to trust
themselves to others.
The general followed his guides until he reached Quivira, which took
forty-eight days' marching, on account of the great detour they had
made toward Florida.' He was received peacefully on account of the
guides whom he had. They asked the Turk why he had lied and had
guided them so far out of their way. He said that his country was in
that direction and that, besides this, the people at Oicuye had asked him
to lead them off on to the plains and lose them, so that the horses would
die when their provisions gave out, and they would be so weak if they
ever returned that they could be killed without any trouble, and thus
they could take revenge for what had been done to them. This was the
reason why he had led them astray, supposing that they did not know
how to hunt or to live without corn, while as for the gold, he did not
know where there was. any of it. He said this like one who had given
up hope and who found that he was being persecuted, since they had
begun to believe Ysopete, who had guided them better than he had, and
fearing lest those who were there might give some advice by which some
harm would come to him. They garroted him, which pleased Ysopete
very much, because he had always said that Ysopete was a rascal and
that he did not know what he was talking about and had always hindered
his talking with anybody. Neither gold nor silver nor any trace of either
was found among these people. Their lord wore a copper plate on his
neck and prized it highly.
The messengers whom the army had sent to the general returned, as
I said, and then, as they brought no news except what the alderman
had delivered, the army left the ravine and returned to the Teyas,
where they took guides who led them back by a more direct road.
They readily furnished these, because these people are always roaming
over this country in pursuit of the animals and so know it thoroughly.
They keep their road in this way: In the morning they notice where
the sun rises and observe the direction they are going to take, and
then shoot an arrow in this direction. Before reaching this they shoot
another over it, and in this way they go all day toward the water
where they are to end the day. In this way they covered in '25 days
'Herrera, Historia General, dec. vi, lib. ix, cap. xii, vol. iii, p. 206 (ed. 1728): " Los treinta CaballoB
fueron en busca tie la Tierra poblada, i hallaron btienos Pueblos, fundados junto ^ Buenos Arroios, que
van k dkr al Rio Grande, que pasaron. Auduvieron cinco, 6 sets dias por estos Pueblos, Uegaron k lo
Tltimo de Quivira, quedecian Ids Indies ser mucho, i hallaron vn Kio de mas Agua, i poblacion quo los
otros i preguntando que si adelante havla otra [Link], dixeron, quo de Quivira no bavia sino Harae, i
;

que era de la misnia manera en Poblaoiones, i tamano. . . .Embi6se k Uamar al Senor, el qual era
vn Hombre grande, y de grandes miembros, de buena proporciou, Wevd docientos ^ jinbres desuudos,
.

imal cubiertas sue carnes, llevabau Arcos, i Flecbas, i Plu.- -.s en las z^.i? as." Compare Jaramillu'B
statement and Coronado's letter, as discussed in the introduction.

V
510 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

what had taken thein 37 days going, besides stopping to hunt cows on
the way. They found many salt lakes on this road, and there was a
great quantity of salt. There were thick pieces of it on top of the
water bigger than tables, as thick as four or five fingers. Two or three
spans down under water there was salt which tasted better than that
in the floating pieces, because thiswas rather bitter. It was crystal-
line. All over these plains there were large numbers of animals like
squirrels and a great number of their holes. On its return the army
reached the Cicuye river more than 30 leagues below there I mean —
below the bridge they had made when they crossed it, and they fol-
lowed it up to that place. In general, its banks are covered with a sort
of rose bushes, the fruit of which tastes like muscatel grapes.' They
grow on little twigs about as high up as a man. It has the parsley leaf.
There were unripe grapes and currants (f)^ and wild marjoram. The
guides said this river joined that of Tiguex more than 20 days from here,
and that its course turned toward the east. It is believed that it flows
into the mighty river of the Holy Spirit (Espiritu Santo), which the
men with Don Hernando de Soto discovered in Florida. A painted
Indian woman ran away from Juau de Saldibar and hid in the ravines
about this time, because she recognized the country of Tiguex where
she had been a slave. She fell into the hands of some Spaniards
who had entered the country from Florida to explore it in this direc-
tion. After I got back to New Spain I heard them say that the Indian
told them that she had run away from other men like them nine days,
and that she gave the names of some captains from which we ought ;

to believe that we were not far from the region they discovered,
although they said they were more than 200 leagues inland. I believe
the land at that point is more than COO leagues across from sea to sea.
As I said, the army followed the river up as far as Cicuye, which it
found ready for war and unwilling to make any advances toward peace
or to give any food to the army. From there they went on to Tiguex
where several villages had been reiuhabited, but the people were afraid
and left them again.

Chapter 22, of how the general returned from Quivira and of other
expeditions totoard the North.
After Don Tristan de Arellano reached Tiguex, about the middle of
July, in the year '42,^ he had provisions collected for the coming winter.

Captain Francisco de Barrionuevo was sent up the river toward the

north with several men. He saw two provinces, one of which was
called Hemes and had seven villages, and the other Yuqueyunque.*
The inhabitants of Hemes came out peaceably and furnished provisions.
At Yuqueyunque the whole nation left two very fine villages which
> Tftrnaux"lea rives, qui aont couvertes d'une plante dont le fruit ressemble au raisin mascat. *'
;

'Compare the Spanish t«xt; Tematix omit8 this sentence.

'CastaBefia's date ia, as usual, a year later than the actual one.
* Yuge-uing-ge, as Bandelicr spells it, is the aboriginal name of a former Tewa village, the site of

wliich is occupied by the hamlet of Chamita, opposite San Juan. The others are near by.
wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 611

they had on either side of the river entirely vacant, and went into
the mountains, where they had four very strong villages in a rough
country, whereit was impossible for horses to go. In the two villages
therewas a great deal of food and some very beautiful glazed earthen-
ware with many figures and different shapes. Here they also found
many bowls full of a carefully selected shining metal with which they

glazed the earthenware. This shows that mines of silver would be

found in that country if they should hunt for them.
There was a large and powerful river, I mean village, which was called
Braba, 20 leagues farther up the river, which our men called Valladolid.'
The river flowed through the middle of it. The natives crossed it by
wooden bridges, made of very long, large, squared pines. At this vil-
lage they saw the largest and finest hot rooms or estufas that there were
in the entire country, for they had a dozen pillars, each one of which
was twice as large around as one could reach and twice as tall as a
man. Hernando de Alvarado visited this village when he discovered
Cicuye. The country is very high and verj"^ cold. The river is deep
and very swift, without any ford. Captain Barrionuevo returned from
here, leaving the province at peace.
Another captain went down the river in search of the settlements
which the people at Tutahaco had said were several days distant from
there. This captain went down 80 leagues and found four largo villages
which he left at peace. He proceeded until he found that the river sank
into the earth, like the Guadiana in Estremadura.'' He did not go on to
where the Indians said that it came out much larger, because his com-
mission did not extend for more than 80 leagues march. After this cap-
tain got back, as the time had arrived which the captain had set for his
return from Quivira, and as he had not come back, Don Tristan selected
40 companions and, leaving the army to Francisco de Barrionuevo, he
started with them in search of the general. When he reached Cicuye
the people came out of the village to fight, which detained him there
four days, while be punished them, which he did by firing some volleys
into the village. These killed several men, so that they did not come out
against the army, since two of their principal men had been killed on
the first day. Just then word was brought that the general was com-
ing, and so Don Tristan had to stay there on this account also, to keep
the road open.^ Everybody welcomed the general on his arrival, with
great joy. The Indian Xabe, who was the young fellow who had been
given to the general at Cicuye when he started off in search of Quivira,
was with Don Tristan de Arellano and when he learned that the gen-
Taos, or Te-uatha. See Bandelier's Final Report, vol. i, p. 123, for the identification uf these
places.
-This rendering, doubtless correct, is duo to Temaux. Tlie Guadiana, Iiowever, reappears above
ground some time before it begins to mark the boundary of the Spanisli province of Estremadura.
The Ca3tane<la family had its seat in quite the other end of the peninsula.
'Mota Padilla, xxxiii, 4., p. 165: "Al cabode dos meses, poco mas 6 m^nos, volvi6 consu gente el gen-
eral & Tigiies, y dieron razon que habiendo caminado mas de cien leguas. '
Quivira se hallo ser
• *

nn pueblo de hasta cien casas."

512 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].14

eral was coming be acted as if he was greatly pleased, and said, "Now
when the general comes, you will see that there is gold and silver in
Quivira, although not so much as the Turk said." When the general
arrived, and Xabe saw that they had not found anything, he was sad and
silent, and kept declaring that there was some. He made many believe
that it was so, because the general had not dared to enter into the
country on account of its being thickly settled and his force not very
strong, and that he had returned to lead his army there after the rains,
because it had begun to rain there already, as it was early in August
when he left. It took him forty days to return, traveling lightly
equipped. The Turk had said when they left Tiguex that they ought
not to load the horses with too much provisions, which would tire them
so that they could not afterward carry the gold and silver, from which
it is very evident that he was deceiving them.

The general reached Cicuye with his force and at once set off for
Tiguex, leaving the village more quiet, for they had met him peaceably
and had talked with him. When he reached Tiguex, he made his
plans to pass the winter there, so as to return with the whole army,
because it was said that he brought information regarding large settle-
ments and very large rivers, and that the country was very much like
that of Spain in the fruits and vegetation and seasons. They were not
ready to believe that there was no gold there, but instead had susx^icions
that there was some farther back in the country, because, although this
was denied, they knew what the thing was and had a name for it among
—
themselves acochis. With this we end this first part, and now we
will give an account of the provinces.

Second pakt, which treats of the high villages and

PROVINCES and of THEIR HABITS AND CUSTOMS, AS COLLECTED
BY Pedro de Castaneda, native op the city of najara.
Lau8 Deo.
It does not seem to me that the reader will be satisfied with having
seen and understood what I have already related about the expedition,
although that has made it easy to see the difference between the report
which told about vast treasures, and the places where nothing like this
was either found or known. It is to be noted that in place of settlements
great deserts were found, and instead of populous cities villages of
200 inhabitants and only 800 or 1,000 people in the largest. I do not
know whether this will furnish grounds for pondering and considering
the uncertainty of this life. To please these, I wish to give a detailed
account of all the inhabited region seen and discovered by this expe-
dition, and some of their ceremonies and habits, in accordance with
what we came to know about them, and the limits within which each
province falls, so that hereafter it may be possible to understand in
what direction Florida lies and in what direction Greater India; and
 .

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPOftT PL. LV

tim
LA HISTOI?:iA GENERAt

yct\ojan tfinalmentces animal feo yficrodero*

ftro,j> [Link] de los los cauallos porfii ma-?
4a cataduia,o por nunca los aucr vifto. No
denen
fiis dueiios otra riqueza , ni hazieiida, dcllos co-

nien,beuen,viften,cal9an , y hazen iiiuchas cofas

de loa cueroSjCafaSjCalgadOjVeftido j> fogastdelog
iiueflbs,puni5ones:dclos neriiios,y peloj, hilotde
ios c«ernos,buchcs,y bcxigas , vafosrdelas boiir*
^asilumbre:y delas terneras , odres , en que traen
^ Cieueii agua : hazen en fin tantas cofas delioa .

fluanws ban menpfter , o quantas las baftan p'am

X\x [Link] tambicn onos animalcs, tan gran
Jes como cauallos,que por tcncr cuemos , y lafia
jfiiis,Ios Hainan carneros,j> dizen , que cada cuer-
no pc& dos [Link] tambicn grandcs pcrrosi
que

THE BUFFALO OF GOMARA, 1554

 .

wiNSHH-l TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 513

this land of New Spain is part of the mainland with Peru, and with
Greater India or China as well, there not being any strait between to
separate them. On the other hand, the country is so wide that there
is room for these vast deserts which lie between the two seas, for the

coast of the North sea beyond Florida stretches toward the Bacallaos'
and then turns toward Norway, while that of the South sea turns
toward the west, making another bend down toward the south almost
like a bow and stretches away toward India, leaving room for the lands
that border on the mountains on both sides to stretch out in such a
way as to have between them these great plains which are full of cattle
and many other animals of different sorts, since they are not inhabited,
as I will relate farther on. There is every sort of game and fowl there,
but no snakes, for they are free ^ from these. I will leave the account
of the return of the army to New Spain until I have shown what slight
occasion there was for this. We will begin our account with the city
of Culiacan, and point out the differences between the one country and
the other, on account, of which one ought to be settled by Spaniards
and the other not. It should be the reverse, however, with Christians,
since there are intelligent men in one, and in the other wild animals
and worse than beasts.

Chapter 1, of the province of Culiacan and of its habits and customs,

Culiacan is the last place in the New Kingdom of Galicia, and was
the first settlement made by Nuno de Guzman when he conquered this
kingdom. It is 210 leagues west of Mexico. In this province there are
three chief languages, besides other related dialects. The first is that
of the Tahus, who are the best and most intelligent race. They are
now the most settled and have received the most light from the faith.
They worship and make presents to the devil of their goods and
idols
and turquoises. They do not eat human flesh
riches, consisting of cloth
nor sacrifice it. They are accustomed to keep very large snakes, which
they venerate. Among them there are men dressed like women who
marry other men and serve as their wives. At a great festival they
consecrate the women who wish to live unmarried, with much singing
and dancing,' at which all the chiefs of the locality gather and dance
naked, and after all have danced with her they put her in a hut that
has been decorated for this event and the chiefs adorn her Avith clothes
and bracelets of fine turquoises, and then the chiefs go in one by one to
liewith her, and all the others who wish, follow them. From this time
on these women can not refuse anyone who pays them a certain amount
agreed on for this. Even if they take husbands, this does not exempt
them from obliging anyone who pays them. The greatest festivals are
on market days. The custom is for the husbands to buy the women
*The Newfoundland region
•Ternauxs rendering. Compare the Spanish text.
'Compare the Spanish. Several words in the manuscript are not very clear. Ternaux omits them,
as usual.
14 ETH 33
514 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].u

whom they marry, of their fathers and relatives at a high price, aud
then to take them to a chief, who is considered to be a priest, to deflower
them aud see if she is a virgin; and if she is not, they have to return
the whole price, and he can keep her for his wife or not, or let her be
consecrated, as he chooses. At these times they all get drunk.
The second language is that of the Pacaxes, the people who live iu
the country between the plains and the mountains. These people are
more barbarous. Some of them who live near the mountains eat human
flesh.' They are great sodomites, and have many wives<, even when
these are sisters. They worship painted and sculptured stones, and are
much given to witchcraft and sorcery.
The third language is that of the Acaxes, who are in possession of a
large part of the hilly country aud all of the mountains They go hunt-
ing for men just as they hunt animals. They all eat human iiesh, aud
he who has the most human bones and skulls hung up around his house
is most feared and respected. They live in settlements and iu very
rough country, avoiding the plains. In passing from one settlement to
another, there is always a ravine in the way which they can not cross,
although they can talk together across it.' At the slightest call 500 men
collect, and on any pretext kill and eat one another. Thus it has been
very hard to subdue these people, on account of the roughness of the
country, which is very great.
Many rich silver mines have been found iu this country. They do
not run deep, but soon give out. The gulf of the sea begins on the coast
of this province, entering the land 250 leagues toward the north and
ending at the mouth of the Firebrand (Tizou) river. This country
forms its eastern limit, and California the western. From what I have
been told by men who had navigated it, it is 30 leagues across from point
to point, because they lose sight of this country when they see the other.
They say the gulf is over 150 leagues broad (or deep), from shore to
shore. The coast makes a turn toward the south at the Firebrand river,
bending down to California, which turns toward the west, forming that
peninsula which was formerly held to be an island, because it was a low
sandy country. It is inhabited by brutish, bestial, naked people who
eat their own ofiFal. The men and women couple like animals, the female
openly getting down on all fours.

Chapter 2, of the province of Petlatlan and all the inhabited country as

far as Chichilticalli.

Petlatlan is a settlement of houses covered with a sort of mats made

of plants? These are collected into villages, extending along a river
from the mountains to the sea. The people are of the same race and

'Omitted by Temaux, who (p. 151) calls these the Pacasas.

' Compare the Spanish text. Ternaui (p. 152) renders 'fls ont soin de bfttir lears villages de maniere
:

jh ce qu'ila soient s6par6s les nns des aiitres par des ravins impossibles k franchir," which is perhaps

the meaning of the Spanish.

* Teruaux, p. 156 : couvert«s en luittes de glaieul.'
'
' ' The Spanish manuscript is very obscure.
wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OP CASTANEDA 515
habits as the Culua«anian Tahues. There is much sodomy among them.
In the mountain district there is a large population and more settle-
ments. These people have a somewhat diflerent language from the
Tahues, although they understand each other. It is called Petlatlan
because the houses are made of petates or palm-leaf mats.' Houses of
this sort are found for more than 240 leagues in this region, to the
beginning of the Cibola wilderness. The nature of the country changes
here very greatly, because from this point on there are no trees except
the pine,^ nor are there any fruits except a few tunas,^ mesquites,^ and
pitahayas.^
Petlatlan is 20 leagues from Culiacan, and it is 130 leagues fi'om here
to the valley of Seiiora. There are many rivers between the two, with
—
settlements of the same sort of people for example, Sinoloa, Boyomo,
Teocomo, Yaquimi, and other smaller ones. There is also the Corazones
or Hearts, which is in our possession, down the valley of Seiiora.^
Seuora is a river and valley thickly settled by able-bodied people.
The women wear petticoats of tanned deerskin, and little san benitos
reaching halfway down the body.' The chiefs of the villages go upon
some little heights they have made for this purpose, like public criers,
and there make proclamations for the space of an hour, regulating
those things they have to attend to. They have some little huts for
shrines, all over the outside of which they stick many arrows, like a
hedgehog. They do this when they are eager for war. All about this
province toward the mountains there is a large ijopulation in sepa-
rate little provinces containing ten or twelve villages. Seven or eight
of them, of which I know the names, are Oomupatrico, Mochilagua,
Arispa, and the Little Valley.* There are others which we did not see.
It is 40 leagues from Seiiora to the valley of Suya. The town of Saint
Jerome (San Hieronimo) was established in this valley, where there was

'An aocoont of these people is given in the Trivmphos, lib. 1, cap. ii, p. 6, A.ndre8 Peiez de
Kibas, S. J. "Estas [casas] bazian, vuaa de varas de monte hincadasen tierra, eutretexidas, y atadaa
con vejucOB, que son vuas ramas conio de Qar^aparrilla, muy fuertes, y que durau muclio tiepo. Las •

paredes que bazia con essa barazon las afortauan con vna torta de barro, para que no las penetrasse el
Sol. ni los vientos, cubriendo la casa con madera, y encinia tierra, 6 barro, con que bazian a9otea, y con
ease se contentauan. Otros bazian sus casas de petates q es genero de esteraa texidas de cana
taxada." Bandelier found the Opata Indians living in hons»^s made with "a slight foundation of cob-
blestones which supported a frameworlc of posts standing in a thin wall of rough stones and nud,
—
while a slanting roof of yucca or palm leaves covered the whole." Final Report, pt. i, p. 58.
' The meaning of tills sentence in the Spanish is not wholly clear. Temaux, p. 156 " Cette mani^re
:

de b&tir . .
. change dans cet endroit probablement, parce qu'il n'y a plus d'arbres sans 6pines."
• The Opuntia tuna or prickly pear.
• Prosopis juiijtora.
'•
Cereut thurberii.
• Sonera.
'Oviedo, Historia, vol. iii,p. 610 {ed.l853) "Todaestagente, dende las primeras casas delmabiz, andan
:

los hombres muy deshonestos, sin se cobrir cosa alguna de sus personas C las mugeres muy bonestas,
;

con Unas sayas de cueros de venados basta los pi^s, 6 con falda que detrds les arrastra alguna cosa, 6
abiertas por delante hasta el suelo y enla^adas con unas coiTeas. fi traen debaxo, per donde estto
abiertas, una mantilla de algo^lon 6 otra en9ima, 6 unas gorgueras de algodon, que les cubren todos lo6
pecbos.'*
•Temaux, pp. 157-158: " une multitude de tribus i part, r6unis en petites nations de sept on huit,
dix on douze villages, ce sont TJpatrico, Mocbila, Guagarispa, £1 Vallecillo, et d'antrea qui son pr^
:

des montagnes."
516 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540- 542 (eth. ann.U

a rebelliou aud part of the people who had settled there were killed,
later,
as will be seen in the third part. There are many villages in the neigh-
borhood of this valley. The people are the same as chose in Seiiora and
have the same dress and language, habits, and customs, like all the rest
as far as the desert of Ohichilticalli. The women paint their chins and
eyes like the Moorish women of Barbary. They are great sodomites.
They drink wine made of the pitahaya, which is the fruit of a great
thistle which opens like the pomegranate. The wine makes them
stupid. They make a great quantity of preserves from the tuna they ;

preserve it in a large amount of

sap without other honey. They
its
make bread of the mesquite, like cheese, which keeps good for a whole
year.' There are native melons in this country so large that a person
can carry only one of them. They cut these into slices and dry them
in the sun. They are good to eat, and taste like flgs, and are better
than dried meat; they are very good and sweet, keeping for a whole
year when prepared in this way.^
In this country there were also tame eagles, which the chiefs esteemed
to be something flne.^ No fowls of any sort were seen in any of these
villages except in this valley of Suya, where fowls like those of Castile
were found. Nobody could find out how they came to be so far inland,
the people being all at war with one another. Between Suya and Ohichil-
ticalli there are many sheep aud mountain goats with very large bodies
and horns. Some Spaniards declare that they have seen flocks of more
than a hundred together, which ran so fast that they disappeared very
quickly.
At Ohichilticalli the country changes its character again and the
spiky vegetation ceases. The reason is that the gulf reaches as far up
as this place, and the mountain chain changes its direction at the same
time that the coast does. Here they had to cross and pass through the
mountains In order to get into the level country.

Chapter 3, of ChichilticaUi and the desert, of Cibola, its customs and

habits, and of other things.

Ohichilticalli is so called because the friars found a house at this place

which was formerly inhabited by people who separated from Oibola. It
was made of colored or reddish earth.'' The house was large and appeared
to have been a fortress. It must have been destroyed by the people of
the district, who are the most barbarous people that have yet been seen.
They live in separate cabins and not in settlements. They live by hunt-
1 Baodelier, Final Report, pt. i, p. Ill, quotes from the Relaciones of Z^rate-Salmeron, of some Arizona

Indians: "Tambien tienen para sususteiituMescaliquees conserva de raiz dema^ey." The strong
liqnor is made from the root of the Mexican or American agave.
^Theao were doubtless cantaloupes. The southwestern Indians still slice and dry them in a manner
similar to that hero descnljed.
'The Pueblo Indians, particularly the Zufii and Hopi, keep eagles for their feathers, which are
higlily prized because of their reputed sacred character,
*Chichiltic-cani,arecl objector house, according to^tfolina's Vocabulario Mexicano, 1555. Bandelier,
Historical Introduction, p. 11, gives relerences to the ancient and modern descriptions. The location
is discussed on page 387 of tlle present memoir.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LVI

LBS s ING vlaritet:

tre cefie Floride ty U riwerr de Palmefi irouuenfl
Torcau diutrfes e^eces de hcfies
monjirueufisuntre lef^»el*\
» lesion feut')ioir^ne ejfece de grands Uwea,ux ,^0
'

fanscornes longuespulementd'ynpie , C^^rledos^

"yne tttmueur ou eminence, Come >» chameatt: le poil;

long par tout le corPs,dt*^uel la coitleur s'approchefirti

de celle £yne msue fauue , c;r encores l'ejtplf£iccuty\
% [Link] en amena '^ncfjis deux
^i*i ej} deffouhs le

toHi ~)itfs en Ejpagne,de /'>» dej^ttels fay'\eit la peat*

Cr Hon antre chofi yC" nj peurent~\nire long temps.
Cejl animal ainji que Ion dit,efipcrpetuelennemy di*
cheualfC^ne lepeut endurer pres de luy. De la Fltri-*
Cap Je tie tirant au promontoire de Baxe ,fe trouue ^Iquii
Baxe.
petite rimere,ou les ejclaues l>ontpeJcher hmtres, quti
. portent perles. Or depuis quefimmeslienKi Mpl^^e l^l

cortans ^^ toucher la ctlteBion des huitres , ne "Kux oi

f**^
pcrles. Uerpar quelmojen Usfar les enjint tirles,tant auX
indes
I

THE BUFFALO OF THEVET, 1558

V
wrasHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 517
ing. The rest of the country is all wilderness, covered with pine forests.
There are great quantities of the pine nuts. The pines are two or three
times as high as a man before they send out branches. There is a sort of
oak with sweet acorns, of which they make cakes like sugar plums with
dried coriander seeds. It is very sweet, like sugar. Watercress grows
in many springs, and there are rosebushes, and pennyroyal, and wild
marjoram.
There are barbels and picones,' like those of Spain, in the rivers of
this wilderness. Gray lions and leopards were seen.^ The country
rises continually from the beginning of the wilderness until Cibola is
reached, which is 8.5 leagues, going north. From Gviliacan to the edge
of the wilderness the route had kept the north on the left hand.
Cibola' is seven villages. The largest is called Ma9aque.'' The
houses are ordinarily three or four stories high, but in Magaque there
are houses with four and seven stories. These people are very intelli-
gent. They cover their privy parts and all the immodest parts with
cloths made like a sort of table napkin, with fringed edges and a tassel
at each corner, which they tie over the hips. They wear long robes of
feathers and of the skins of hares, and cotton blankets.^ The women
wear blankets, which they tie or knot over the left shoulder, leaving the
right arm out. These serve to cover the body. They wear a neat
well-shaped outer garment of skin. They gather their hair over the
two ears, making a frame which looks like an old-fashioned headdress.*
' Temaux (p. 162) succeeded no better than I have in the attempt to identify this fish.
'Temaux, p. 162: "A l'entr6e du pays inliabit6 on rencontre une esp^ce do lion de couleur fauve."
Compare the Spanish text. These were evidently the mountain lion and the wild cat.
3 Albert S. Gatschet, in his Zwolf Sprachen, p. 106, says that this word is now to be found only in

the dialect of the pueblo of Isleta, under the form sibiiloda, butfalo.
*Matsaki, the ruins of which are at the northwestern base of Thunder mountain. See Bandelier's
Final Report, pt. i. p. 133, and Hodge, First Discovered City of Cibola.
'The mantles of rabbit hair are still worn at Moki, but those of turkey plumes are out of use alto-
gether. See Bandelier's Final Report, pt. i, pp. 37 and 158. They used also the fiber of the yucca and
agave for making clothes.
* J. G. Owens, Hopi Natal Ceremonies, in Journal of American Archseology and Ethnology, vol. ii,
p.
165 n., says "The dress of the Hopi [Moki, or Tusayan] women consists of a black blanket about
:

3} feet square, folded around the body from the left side. It passes under the left arm and over the
right shoulder, being sewed together on the right side, except a hole about 3 inches long near the upper
end through which the arm is thrust. This is belted in at the waist by a sash about 3 inches wide.
Sometimes, though not frequently, a shirt is worn under this garment, and a piece of muslin, tied
together by two adjacent corners, is usually near by, to be thrown over the shoulders. Most of the
women have moccasins, which they put on at certain times."
Gomara, ccxiii, describes the natives of Sibola: "Hazen con todo esso maa mantillas de pieles de
Conejos, y liebres, y de venados, qnealgodon muypoco alcan^an cal9an 9apatos de cuero, y de iuuierno
:

Tnas como betas hasta las rodillas. Las mugeres van vestidas de Metl hasta en pies, andau ceuidas,
tren9an loa cabellos, y rodeanselos ala cabe^a por sobre las orejas. [Link] arenosa, y de poco
fruto, creo q por pereza dellos, pues donde siembran, lleua maj'z, frisoles, calaba^as, y frutas, y aun se
crian en ella gallipauoB, que no se hazen en todos cabos."
In his Kelacion de Vi%je, p. 173, Espejo says of Zuni: "en esta provincia se visten algunos de log
uaturales, de mantas de algodon y cueros de las vacas, y de gamuzas aderezadas; y las mantas de algo.
don las traen pnestas al uso mexicano, eceto que [Link] de partes vergonzosas traen unos panes do
algodon pintados, y algunos dellos traen camisas, y la.H mugeres traen naguas de algodon y muchaa
dellas bordadas con hilo de colores, y encinia una manta como la traen los indios mexicanos, y atada
con un i)aiio de manos como toballa labrada, y se lo atan por la cintura con bus borlas, y las naguas
son que sirven de faldas de camisa il raiz de las carnes, y esto cada una lo trae con la mas ventaja que
pnede y todos, asi hombres como mujeres. andan calzados con zapatos y betas, las suelas de cuero
;

K
518 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].u

This country is a valley between rocky mountains. They cultivate

corn, which does not grow very high. The ears start at the very foot,
and each large fat stalk bears about 800 grains, something not seen
before in these parts. There are large numbers of bears in this prov-
^

ince, and lions, wild-cats, deer, and otter. There are very fine turquoises,
although not so many as was reported. They collect the pine nuts each
year, and store them up in advance. A
man does not have more than
one wife. There are estufas or hot rooms in the villages, which are the
courtyards or places where they gather for consultation. They do not
have chiefs as in Naw Spain, but are ruled by a council of the oldest men.^
They have priests who preach to them, whom they call x>apas,^ These
are the elders. They go up on the highest roof of the village and i>reach
to the village from there, like public criers, in the morning while the sun
is rising, the whole village being silent and sitting in the galleries to
listen.^ They tell them how they are to live, and I believe that they
give certain commandments for them to keep, for there is no drunken-
ness among them nor sodomy nor sacrifices, neither do they eat human
flesh nor steal, but they are usually at work. The estufas belong to
the whole village. It is a sacrilege for the women to go into the estufas
to sleep. ^ They make the cross as a sign of peace. They burn their
dead, and throw the implements used in their work into the fire with
the bodies.^

deTacaa, y lo de encima de cuero de venado aderezado; las mugores traen el cabello mny peinado y
bien puesto y con sas moldes que tracn en la cabeza uno de una. parte y otro de otrs, & donde ponen
el cabello con curiosidad win traer nengun tocado en la cabeza."
Mota Padilla, xxzii, 4, p. 160: *'Lo8 indios son de biienas estaturas, laa indias bien dispnestas: traen
nnafl manias blancas, que las cubren desde loa liombros hasta los ]n(:s y por estar cerradas, tieneu por
donde sacar los brazos; asimismo, nsan traer sobre las dicbas otras [Link] que se ponen aobre el
hombro izquierdo, y el nn cabo tercian por debajo del brazo derecho conio capa estinian en mncbo loa
:

cabellos; y asi, los traen muy peinadoa, y en una jicara de agua, se miran como en un espejo; p4r-
tense el cabello en dos trenzas, liadas con cintas de algodon de colores, y en cada lado do la cabeza forman
dosrnedasd circulos, que [Link] la punta del cabello levantado como plumfyes
y en nnas tablitas de hasta tres dedos, fijan con pegamentos unas pledras verdes que Uaman chalcbi-
huites, de que se dice hay minas, como tambien se dice las hubo cerca de Sombrerete, en un real
de minas que se nombra Cbalcblbuites, por esta razon; . . . con dicbas piedras forman sorti^jas
qne con unos palillos fijan sobre el cabello como ramillete: son las indias limpias, y se precian de no
parecermal."
> Ternaux, p. 164 " les 6pis portent presque tous du pied, et chaqae 6pi a sept on buit cents grains,
:

ce que I'on n'avait pas encore vu aux Indes." The meaning of the Spanish is by no means clear, and
there are several words in the manuscript which have been omitted in the translation.
*Ternaux, p. 164: "ni de conseils devieillarda."
*Papa in the Zufii language signifies "elder brother,'" and may allude either to ageor to rank,
*Dr J. Walter Fewkes, in his Few Summer Ceremonials at the Tusayan Pueblos, p. 7, describes the
n&'wa-wymp-ki-yas, a small number of priests of the sun. Among other duties, they pray to the riainit
sun, whose course they are said to watch, and they prepare offerings to it.
Hota Padilla, cap. xxxii, 5, p. 160, says that at Cibola, " no se vi6 t«mplo alguno, ni se lea conoci^ Idolo,
por lo que se tuvo eutendido adoraban al sol y & la luna, lo que se cottfirm6, porque una noche que
hubo un eclipse, alzaron todos mucha gritoria. "
*Ternaux, p. 165 "Lea 6tuves sont rares dans ce pays. lis regardent comme un 6acriU>ge que les
:

femmes entrant deux h la fois dans un endroit."

In his Few Summer Ceremonials at Tusayan, p. 6, Dr Fewkes says that "with the exception of
their own dances, women do not take part in the secret kibva [estufa] ceremonials; but it can not be
said that they are debarred entrance as assistants in making the paraphernalia of the dances, or when
they are called upon to represent dramatizations of traditions in which women figure.''
•Mr Frank Hamilton Gushing, in the Corapte-rendu of the Congr^-s International dea American-
istes, Berlin, 1888, pp. 171-172, speaking of the excavations of "Los Muertus" in southern Arizona,
WIN8HIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 519

It is 20 leagues to Tusayaii, going northwest. This is a province

with seven villages, of the same sort, dress, habits, and ceremonies as
at Cibola. There may be as many as 3,000 or 4,000 men in the fourteen
villages of these two i>rovinces. It is 40 leagues or more to Tiguex,
the road trending toward the north. The rock of Acuco, which we
described in the first i)art, is between these.

Chapter 4, of how they live at Tiguex^ and of the province of Tiguex and
its neighborhood.
Tiguex is a province with twelve villages on the banks of a large,
mighty riA^er; some villages on one side and some oh the other. It is a
spacious valley two leagues wide, and a very high, rough, snow-covered
mountain chain lies east of it. There are seven villages in the ridges
—
at the foot of this four on the plain and three situated on the skirts
of the mountain.
There are seven villages 7 leagues to the north, at Quirix, and the
seven villages of the' province of Hemes are 40 leagues northwest. It
is 40 leagues north or east to Acha,^ and. 4 leagues southeast to Tuta-

saya: "All the skeletons, especially of adults [in the intramural burials], were, with but few except ions,
disposed with the heads to the east and slightly elevated as though resting on pillows, so as to face the
west; and the hands were usually placed at the sides or crossed over the breast. With nearly all were
paraphernalia, household utensils, articles of adornment, etc. This ])araphernalia quite invariably
partook of a sacerdotal character." In the pyral mounds outside the communal dwellings, "each burial
consisted of a vessel, large or small, according to the age of the person whose thoroughly cremated
remains it was designed to receive, together, ordinarily, with traces of the more valued and smaller
articles of personal property sacrificed at the time of cremation. Over each such vessel was placed
either an inverted bowl or a cover {roughly rounded by chipping) of potsherds, which latter, in most
cases, showed traces of having been firmly cemented, by means of mud plaster, to the vessels they
covered. Again, around each such burial were found always from two or three to ten or a dozen
broken vessels, often, indeed, a complete set; namely, eating and drinking bowls, water Jar and bottle,
pitcher, spheroidal food receptacle, ladles large and small, and cooking-pot. Sometimes, however,
one or another of these vessels actually designed for sacritice with the dead, was itself used as the
receptacle of his or her remains, in every such case the vessel had been either punctured at the
bottom or on one side, or else violently cracked — from Zuhi customs, in the process of 'killing it." '

The remains of other articles were around, burned in the same fire.
Since the above note was extracted, excavations have been conducted by Dr. J. Walter Fewkes at the
prehistoric Hopi pueblo of Sikyatki, an exhaustive account of which will be published in a forth-
coming report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Sikyatki is located at the base of the First Mesa of
Tusayan, about 3 miles from Uano. The house structures were situated on an elongated elevation,
the western extremity of the village forming a sort of acropolis. On the northern, western, and
southern slopes of the height, outside the \nllage proper, cemeteries were found, and in these most of
the excavations were conducted. Many graves were uncovered at a depth varying from 1 foot to
10 feet, but the skeletons were in such <'ondition as to be practically beyond recovery. Accompany-
ing these remains were hundreds of food and water vessels in great variety of form and decoration,
and in quality of texture far better than any earthenware previously recovered from a pueblo people.
With the remains of the priests there were found in addition to the usual utensils, terra cotta and
stone iiipes. beads, prayer-sticks, quartz crystals, arrowjioints, stone and shell fetiches, sacred paint,
and other paraphernalia similar to that used by the Ilopi of today. The house walls were con-
structetl of small. Mat stones brought from the neighboring mesa, laid in adobe mortar and jilastered
with the same material. The rooms were invariably small, averaging perhaps 8 feet square, and
the walls were quite thin. No human remains were found in the houses nor were any evidences of
cremation observed.
Mota PadiUa, cap. xxxi),5, p 160, describes a funeral which wa« witnessed by the soldiers of Coro-
nado's army *' en una ocasion vieron los espaholes. ({ue habiendo muerto uu itidio. armaron una grande
:

balsa 6 luminaria de leiia, sobre que pusieron el cuerpo cubierto con una mantn, y hiego tod<)s los del
pueblo, hombres y mujeres, fuerou poniendo sobre la cauia de leua, pinole, calabazas, frijoles, atole,
maia tostado, y do lo demasque nsaban comer, y dieron fuego por todas partes, de euerte que en breve
todo 80 convirtio en cenizas con el cuerpo. "
'The pueblo of Picuris.
520 •
THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

haco, a province with eight villages. lu general, these villages all have
the same habits and customs, although some have some thiugs in par-
ticular which the others have not.' They are governed by the opinions
of the elders. They all work together to build the villages, the women
being engaged in making the mixture and the walls, while the men
bring the wood and put it in place.^ They have no lime, but they make
a mixture of ashes, coals, and dirt which is almost as good as mortar,
for when the house is to have four stories, they do not make the walls
more than half a yard thick. They gather a great pile of twigs of
thyme and sedge grass and set it afire, and when it is half coals and
ashes they throw a quantity of dirt and water on it and mix it all
together. They make round balls of this, which they use instead of
stones after they are dry, fixing them with the same mixture, which
comes to be like a stiff clay. Before they are married the young men
serve the whole village in general, and fetch the wood that is needed
for use, putting it in a pile in the courtyard of the villages, from which
the women take it to carry to their houses.
The young men live in the estufas, which are in the yards of the
village.^ They are underground, square or round, with pine pillars.
) liandelier gives a general account of the interualconditionof the Pueblo Indians, with referencee
to
the ohler Spanish writers, in his t'inal Report, pt. i, p. 135.
*Bandeher, Final Report, pt. i, p. 141, quotes from Benavides, Memorial, p. 43, the following account
of how the churches and convents in the pueblo region were built: "los ha hecho tan eolamete las.
mugeres, y loa niuchachos, y muchachas de la dotriua; porqae entre estos naciones se vsa hazer laa
mugeres las paredea, y los hombres hilan y tcxen sus niantas, y A-an & la guerra, y a la caza, y si obli-
gamoa a alga horabre A hazer pared, ae corre dello. y las mugeres se rien."
MotaPadllla, [Link], p. 159: "estos pueblos [de Tigiies y TzibolaJ estaban murados ... si
bien aediferenciaban en que los pueblos de Tzibola sou fabricadoa do pizarras unidaa con argamasade
tierra y los de Tigiies son de una tierra giiijosa, aunque muy fnerte aus fdbricas tienen las puertas para
; ;

adentro del pueblo, y la entrada de eatoa niuros aon puertaa pequenas y se sube por nnas eaoalerillas
angostas, y se entra de ellas & una sala do terraplen, y por otra escalera se baja al plan de la iwblacion.'-
Several days before Friar Marcos reached Chichilticalli, the natives, who were telling him about
Cibola, described the way in which these lofty houses were built : para dilrmelo & entender, tomaban
'
'

tierra y ceuiza, y ech^baule agua, y senaMbanme como ponian la piedra y como subian el edlficio
arriba, poniendo aquello y piedra hasta ponello en lo alto; pregunt^balea tl los bouibres de aqnella
tierra tenian alas para subir aquellos sobrados reianse y seiiaUbanme el escalera. tambien como la
si ;

potlria yo seiiaiar, y tomaban iin pa lo y ponianlo sobre la cabeza y decian que aquel altura hay de
Bobrado A sobrado." Relaciou de Fray Marcos m Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, vol. iii, p. 339.
Lewis H. Morgan, lu his Riiius of a Stone Pueblo, Peabody Museum Reports, vol. xii, p. 541. says:
"Adobe is a kind of pulverized day with a bond of cooslderable strength by mechanical cohesion. In
southern Colorado, in Arizona, and New Mexico there are immense tracts covered with what is called
adobe soil. It varies somewhat in the degree of its excellence. The kind of which they make their
pottery lias the largest per cent of alumina and its presence is lndicate<i by the salt weed which grows
in this particular soil. This kind also makea the best atlobe mortar The Indians use it freely in laying
their walls, as freely as our masons use lime mortar; and although it never acquires the hardness of
cement, it disintegrates slowly . . Thisadobe mortar is adapted only to the dry climate of southern
.

Colorado, Arizona, and New Mexico, where the precipitation is less than 5 inches per annum ... To
the presence of this adobe soil, found in such abundance in the regions named, and to the sandstone
of the bluffs, where masses are often found in fragments, we must attribute the great progress made
by these Indians in house building."
^Bandelierdiscusses the estufas in his Final Report, pt. i, p. 144 ff., givingquotationa from the Spanish
writers, with his usual wealth of footnotes. Dr Fewkes, in his Zufii Summer Ceremoniala, aays:
"[Link] rooms are seraiaubterranean (in Zuiu), situated on the first or ground lioor. never, ao far as
Ihave seen, on the second or higher stories. They are rectangular or s<iuare rooms, built of stone,
with openings just large enough to admit the head serving as windows, and still preserve the old
form of entrance by ladders through a sky hole in the roof. Within, the estufas have bare walla and
are unfurnished, but have a raised ledge about the walls, serving aa seats."
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL LVM

THE BUFFALO OF DE BRY, 1595

W1K8HIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTAXEDA 521

Some were seen witli twelve pillars and with four in tbe center as large
as two men could stretcb around. Tbey usually had three or four pil-
lars. The floor was made of large, smooth stones, like the baths which
they have in Europe. They have a hearth made like the binnacle or
compass box of a shi]),' in which they burn a handful of thyme at a time
to keep up the heat, and they can stay in there just as in a bath. The
top was on a level with the ground. Some that were seen were large
enough for a game of ball. When any man wishes to marry, it has to be
arranged by those who govern. The man has to spin and weave a blanket
and place it before the woman, who covers herself with it and becomes
his wife.^ Tbe houses belong to the women, the estufasto the men. If
a man repudiates his woman, he has to go to the estufa.^ It is forbidden
for women to sleep in the estufas, or to enter these for any purpose
except to give their husbands or sons something to eat. The men spin
and weave. The women bring up the children and prepare the food.
The country is so fertile that they do not have to break up the ground
the year round, but oiily have to sow the seed, which is presently
covered by the fall of snow, and the ears come up under the snow.
In one year they gather enough for seven. A very large number of
cranes and wild geese and crows and starlings live on what is sown,
and for all this, when they come to sow for another year, the fields are
covered with corn which they have not been able to finish gathering.
There are a great many native fowl in these provinces, and cocks
with great hanging chins.* When dead, these keep for sixty days, and
longer in winter, without losing their feathers or opening, and without
any bad smell, and the same is true of dead men.
The villages are free from nuisances, because they go outside to
excrete, and they pass their water into clay vessels, which they empty

'The Spanish is almost illegible. Ternaux (pp. 169-170) merely say 8; "Au milieu est uu foyer allum6."
'Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, p. 160: "En log casamientos [A Tii;ues] bay costumbre, que cuando un
mozo tia en servir A una doncolla. la espera en la parte donde va A acarrear agiia, y coge el cAntaro,
coQ cuya demostracion maniiiesta A los deudos de ella, la voluutad do casarse : no tienen estos indios
mas que una mager."
Villagra, Historia de la Nueva Mexico, canto xv, fol. 135:

Y tienen vna cosa aqaestas gentes.

Que en saliendo las niozas de donzellas,
Son A todos comunes, sin escusa,
Con tal que se lo paguen, y sin paga,
Es vna bageza, tal delito,
vil
Mas que se casan viuen castas,
liiego
Contenta cada qual con su niarido,
Cuia costumbre, con la grande fu6r9a.
Que por naturaleza ya tcnian.
Teniendo per certissiino nosotros,
Seguiamos tanibicn atiucl camino,
luntaron mucbas mantasbien pintadas,
Para alcangar las damas Castellanas,
Que mucho apetecierou y quisieron.

It is hoped that a translation of this poem, valuable to the historian and to the ethnologist, if not
to the student of literature, may be published in tlie not distant future.
*Thi8 appears to be the sense of a sentence which Temaux omits.
^The American turkey cocks.
 522 THE COKONAUO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].u

at a distance from the village.' They keep the separate houses where
they prepare the food for eating and where they grind the meal, very
clean. This is a separate room or closet, where they have a trough with
three stones fixed in stiff clay. Three women go in here, each one hav-
ing a stone, with which one of them breaks the corn, the next grinds
it, and the third grinds it again. ^ They take oil their shoes, do up
their hair, shake their clothes, and cover their heads before they enter
the door. A
man sits at the door i)]aying on a fife while they grind, mov-
ing the stones to the music and singing together. They grind a large
^
quantity at one time, because they make all their bread of meal soaked
in warm water, like wafers. Thej' gather a great quantity of brushwood
and dry it to use for cooking all through the year. There are no fruits
good to eat in the country, except the pine nuts. They have their
preachers. Sodomy is not found among them. They do not eat human
flesh nor make sacrifices of it. The people are not cruel, for they had
Francisco de Ovando in Tiguex about forty days, after he was dead,
and when the village was captured, he was found among their dead, whole
and without any other wound except the one which killed him, white as
snow, without any bad smell. I found out several things about them
from one of our Indians, who had been a captive among them for a
whole year. I asked him especially for the reason why the young
women in that province went entirely naked, however cold it might be,
and he told me that the virgins had to go around this way until they
took a husband, and that they covered themselves after they had known
man. The men here wear little shirts of tanned deerskin and their long
robes over this. In all these provinces they have earthenware glazed
with antimony and jars of extraordinary labor and workmanship, which
were worth seeing.^
' A
custom still common at Zuiii and other pueblos. Before the introdnction of manufactured dyes
the Hopi used urine as a mordant.
* Mr Owens, in the Journal of American Ethnology and Archeeology. vol. ii, p. 1C3 n., describes these

mealing troughs " In every house "will be found a trough about 6 feet long, 2 feet wide, and 8 inches
:

deep, divided into three ormore compartments. In the older houses the sides and partitions are made
of stone slabs, but in some of the newer ones they are made of boards. Within each compartment is
a stone {trap rock preferred) about 18 inches long and a foot wide, set in a bed of adobe and inclined
at an angle of about 35°. This is not quite in the center of the compartment, but is set about 3 inches
nearer the right side than tlie left, and its higher edge is against the edge of the trough. This con-
stitutes the nether stone of the mill. The upper stone is abont 14 inches long, 3 inches wide, and
varies in thickness according to the fineness of the meal desired. The larger stone is called a m^ta
and the smaller one a mat^ki. The woman places the corn in the trough, then kneels behind it and
grasps the mat^ki in both hands. Tliis she slides, by a motion from the back, back and forth over
the mUta. At intervals she releases her hold with her left hand and with it places ihc material to be
ground upon the iipjier end of the mdta. She usually sings in time to her grinding motion."
There is a more extended account of these troughs in Mindeletf's Pueblo Architecture, in the
Eighth Report of the Bureau of Ethnologj-, p. 208. This excellent monograph, with its wealth of illus-
trations, is an invaluable introduction to any study of the southwestern village Indians.
Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii,3, p. 159: "tienen las indias sus cocinas con mucho aseo, y en el molerei
maiz se diferencian de las demas poblaciones [fl Tigiies], porque en una piedra mas ilspera martajan el
maiz, y pasa & la segunda y tercera, de donde le sacan en ])olvo como harina; no nsan tortillas que son
el pan de las indias y to fabrican con primor, porque en unas ollas ponen & darle al maiz un cocimi-
ento con una poca de cal, de donde lo sacan ya con el nombre de mixtamal."
*See W. H. Holmes, I*ottery of the Ancient Pueblos. Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Eth.
nology also his Illustrated Catalogue of a portion of the collections made during the tield season of
;

1881, in the Third Annual Report. See p. 519 n., regarding pottery found at Sikyatki.
wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 523

Chapter 5, of Gicuye and the villages in its neighborhood, and of how

some people came to conquer this country.
We have alreadysaid that the people of Tiguex and of all the prov-
inces on the banks of that river were all alike, having the same ways
of living and the same customs. It will not be necessary to say any-
thing particular about them. I wish merely to give an account of Cicuye
and some depopulated villages which the army saw on the direct road
which it followed thither, and of others that were across the snowy
mountains near Tiguex, which also lay in that region above the river.
Cicuye is a village of nearly live hundred warriors, who are feared
'

throughout that country. It is square, situated on a rock, with a large

court or yard in the middle, containing the estufas. The houses are all
alike, four stories high. One can go over the top of the whole village
without there being a street to hinder. There are corridors going all
around it at the flrst two stories, by which one can go around the whole
village. These are like outside balconies, and they are able to protect
themselves under these.^ The houses do not have doors below, but they
use ladders, which can be lifted up like a drawbridge, and so go up to
the corridors which are on the inside of the village. As the doors of the
houses open on the corridor of that story, the corridor serves as a street.
The houses that open on the plain are right back of those that open
on the court, and in time of war they go through those behind them.
The village is inclosed by a low wall of stone. There is a spring of
water inside, which they are able to divert.' The people of this village
boast that no one has been able to conquer them and that they conquer
whatever villages they wish. The people and their customs are like
those of the other villages. Their virgins also go nude until they take
husbands, because they say that if they do anything wrong then it will
be seen, and so they do not do it. They do not need to be ashamed
because they go around as they were born.
There is a village, small and strong, between Cicuye and the province
of Quirix, which the Spaniards named Ximena,* and another village
almost deserted, only one part of which is inhabited.' This was a large
village, and judging from its condition and newness it appeared to have
been destroyed. They called this the village of the granaries or silos,
because large underground cellars were found here stored with corn.
There was another large village farther on, entirely destroyed and
I
Bandelier, in his Visit to Pecos, p. 114, n., states that the former name of the pueblo was Aquin, and
suggests the possibility ot Castaneda having originally written Acuy6. The Relacion del Suceso,
translated herein, has Acuique. As may be seen by examining the Spanish Lest, the Lenox mana-
script copy of Castaneda spells tlie name of this village sometimes Cicuye and sometimes Cicuye.
Compare Bandolier's translation of this description, from Teruaux's text m
liis Gilded Man, p. 206.

See the accompanying illustrations, especially of Zuiii, which give an excellent idea of these terraces
or "corridors" with their attached balconies.
'The spring was "still trickling out beneath a massive ledge of rocks on the west sill '
when Ban-
delier sketched it in 1880.
<The fonner Tano pueblo of Galisteo, a mile and a half northeast of the jircsent town of the same
name, in Santa Fe county.
^According to Mota Padilla, this was called Coquite.

V
624 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

pulled down, in the yards of wbicb there were many stone balls, as
big as 12-quart bowls, which seemed to have been thrown by engines
or catapults, which had destroyed the village. AH that I was able to
find out about them was that, sixteen years before, some people called
Teyas,' had come to this country in great numbers and had destroyed
these villages. They had besieged Cicuye but had not been able to cap-
ture it, because it was strong, and when they left the region, they had
made jieace with the whole country. It seems as if they must have
been a powerful people, and that they must have had engines to knock
down the villages. The only thing they could tell about the direction
these people came from was by pointing toward the north. They
usually call these people Teyas or brave men, just as the Mexicans say
chichimecas or braves,^ for the Teyas whom the army saw were brave.
These knew the people in the settlements, and were friendly with them,
and they (the Teyas of the plains) went there to spend the winter
under the wings of the settlements. The inhabitants do not dare to
let them come inside, because they can not trust them. Although they
are received as friends, and trade with them, they do not stay in the vil-
lages over night, but outside under the wings. The villages are guarded
by sentinels with trumpets, who call to one another just as in the for-
tresses of Spain.
There are seven other villages along this route, toward the snowy
mountains, one of which has been half destroyed by the people already
referred to. These were under the rule of Cicuye. Cicuye is in a little
valley between mountain chains and mountains covered with large pine
forests. There is a little stream which contains very good trout and
otters, and there are very large bears and good falcons hereabouts.

Chapter 6, which gives the number of villages which were seen in the
country of the terraced houses, and their population.

Before I proceed to speak of the plains, with the cows and settlements
and tribes there, it seems to me that it will be well for the reader to
know how large the settlements were, where the houses with stories,
gathered into villages, were seen, and how great an extent of country
they occupied.' As I say, Cibola is the first:
Cibola, seven villages.
Tusayan, seven villages. ,

The rock of Acuco, one.

'These IndiaDB were seen by Coronado during his Journey across the plains. As Mr Hodge has sug-
gested, tlieymay liave been the Comanches, who on many occasions are known to have made inmads
on the pueblo of Pecos.
'Ternaux"s rendering of the uncertain word teules in the Spanish text. Molina, in the Vocabulario
Mexicano (1555), fol. 36, has "brauo honibre . . .tlauele." Gomara speaks uf the chichimecas ID
the quotation in the footnote on page 529, The term was applied to all wild tribes.
*Bandelier. Final Report, pt. i, p. :14; "With the exception of Acoma, there is not a single pueblo stand-
ing where it was at the time of Coronado, or even sixty years later, when Juan de Ofiate accomplished
the peaceable reduction of the Xew Mexican village Indians." Compare with the discussion in this
part of his Final Report, Mr Baudelier's attempt to identify the various clusters of villages, in Ma
Historical lutroduction, i>p. 22-24.
wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEUA 525
Tiguex, twelve villages.
Tutahaco," eight villages.
These villages were below the river.
Quirix,^ seven villages.
In the snowy mountains, seven villages.
Ximena/ three villages.
Cicuye, one village.
Hemes/ seven villages.
Aguas Calientes,'' or Boiling Springs, three villages.
Yuqueyunque,^ in the mountains, six villages.
Valladolid, called Braba,"^ one village.
Chia,' one village.
In all, there are sixty-six villages.' Tiguex appears to be in the
center of the villages. Valladolid is the farthest up the river toward
the northeast. The four villages down the river are toward the south-
east, because the river turns toward the east.' It is 130 leagues 10 —
—
more or less from the farthest point that was seen down the river to
the farthest point up the river, and all the settlements are within this
region. Including those at a distance, there are sixty-six villages in all,
as I have said, and in all of them there may be some 20,000 men, which
may be taken to be a fair estimate of the population of the villages.
There are no houses or other buildings between one village and another,
but where we went it is entirely uninhabited.'" These people, since they
are few, and their manners, government, and habits are so different from
all the nations that have been seen and discovered in these western
regions, must come from that part of Greater India, the coast of which
lies to the west of this country, for they could have come down from that
country, crossing the mountain chains and following down the river,
settling in what seemed to them the best place." As they multiplied,
they have kept on making settlements until they lost the river when it
buried itself underground, its course being in the direction of Florida.
It comes down from the northeast, where they '^ could certainly have
found signs of villages. He preferred, however, to follow the reports of

'For the location of this gronp of pueblos flee page 492, note.
'Tbe Querea district, now represented by Santo Bomingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana, Sia (Castaiieda's
Chia),audCochiti. Acoma and Laguna, to the wei*tward belong to the same linguistic gronp. Laguna,
however, is a modem jmeblo.
*One of these was the Tano pueblo of G-alisteo, as noted on page 523.
•The Jemea pueblo clusters in San Diego and Guadalupe canyons. See pi. Lxx.
*The Tewa pueblo of Yugeuingge, where the village of Cbamita, above Santa F6, now stands.
'Taos.
'The Keres or Querea pueblo of Sia.
*As Temaux observes, Castafieda mentions seventy-one, Sia may not have been the onl.v village
which he counted twice.
•The trend of the river in the section of the old pueblo settlementa is really westward.
'" Compare the Spanish text.

"The Tusayan Indiana belong to the same linguistic stock as the Ute, Comanche, Shoshoni, Ban-
nock, and othera. The original habitat of the main body of these tribes waa in the far north, although
certain clans of the Tusayan people are of southern origin. See Powell, Indian Linguistic Families,
7th Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnohjgy, p. 108.
" The Spaniards under Coronado. The translation does not pretend to correct the rhetoric or the
grammar of the text.
526 THE COROXADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 (ethannu

the Turk, but would have been better to cross the mountains where
it

this river rises. I believe they would have found traces of riches and
would have reached the lands from whicli these people started, which
from its location is on the edge of Greater India, although the region is
neither known nor understood, because from the trend of the coast it
appears that the land between I^orway and China is very far up.' The
country from sea to sea is very wide, judging from the location of both
coasts, as well as from what Captain Y illalobos discovered when he went
in search of China by the sea to the west,'^ and from what has been dis-
covered on the North sea concerning the trend of the coast of Florida
toward the Bacallaos, up toward Norway.^
To return then to the proposition with which I began, I say that the
settlements and people already named were all that were seen in a
region 70 leagues wide and 130 long, in the settled country along the
river Tiguex.* In New Spain there are not one but many establish-
ments, containing a larger number of people. Silver metals were found
in many of their villages, which they use for glazing and painting their
earthenware.^

Chapter 7, which treats of the plains that were crossed, of the cows,
and of the people who inhabit them.
We have spoken of the settlements of high houses which are situated
in what seems be the most level and open part of the mountains,
to
since it is 150 leagues across before entering the level country between
the two mountain chains which I said were near the North sea and the
South sea, whicli might better be called the Western sea along this coast.
This mountain series is the one which is near the South sea.'' In order
to show that the settlements are in the middle of the mountains, I will
state that it is 80 leagues from Chichilticalli, where we began to cross
this country, to Cibola; from Cibola, which is the first village, to
Cicuye, which is the last on the way across, is 70 leagues; it is 30
leagues from Cicuye to where the plains begin, It may be we went
across in an indirect or roundabout way, which would make it seem as
if there was more country than if it had been crossed in a direct line,
and it may be more difiBcult and rougher. This can not be known cer-
tainly, because the mountains change their direction above the bay at
the mouth of the Firebrand (Tizon) river.

Temanx, p. 184 : " D'apris la route qn'ila ont aaivie, ils ont dft venir de I'extr6mit£ de I'Inde orien-

tale, etd'une partie tr^s-inconnae qui, d'apr^s la configuration dea cdtes, aerait Bitu6e tr^-avant dans
I'int^rieur dea terres, entre la Chine et la Korw^ge."'
*See the Carta escrita por Santisteban A Mendoza, which tells nearly everythino; that la known of the
voyage of Villalobos. We can only surmise what Castaiieda may have known about it.
'The Spanish text fully justifies Castaueda's statement that he was not skilled in the arts of rhet-
oric and geography.
•Compare the Spanish text. I here follow Ternaux's rendering.
'In a note Temaux, p. 185, says " Le [dernier] mot est illisible, raais comme I'auteur parle de certain
:

6mail que lea Espagnols trouvfrent, . . j'ai cru pouvoir hasarder cette interpretation."
. The
word is legible enough, but the letters do not make any word for which I can find a meaning.
'More than once Castaiieda seems Xo be addressingthoae about him where he is writing in Culiacan.
 wjNSHiF] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 527
Now we will speak of the plains. The country is spacious and level,
and more than 400 leagues wide in the part between the two moun-
is

—
tain ranges one, that which Francisco Vazquez Coronado crossed, and
the other that which the force under Don ii'ernando de Soto crossed,
near the North sea, entering the country from Florida. No settlements
were seen anywhere on these i>]ains.
lu traversing 250 leagues, the other mountain range was not seen,
nor a hill nor a hillock which was three times as high as a man. Sev-
eral lakes were found at intervals; they were round as plates, a stone's
throw or more across, some fresh and some salt. The grass grows tall
near these lakes away from them it is very short, a span or less. The
;

country is like a bowl, so that when a man sits down, the horizon sur-
rounds him all around at the distance of a musket shot.' There are no
groves of trees except at the rivers, which flow at the bottom of some
ravines where the trees grow so thick that they were not noticed until
one was right on the edge of them. They are of dead earth.^ There
are paths down into these, made by the cows when they go to the water,
which is essential throughout these i)lains. As I have related in the
first part, people follow the cows, hunting them and tanning the skins

to take to the settlements in the winter to sell, smce they go there to

pass the winter, each company going to those which are nearest, some
to the settlements at Cicuye,^ others toward Quivira, and others to the
settlements which are situated iu the direction of Florida. These people
are called Querechos and Teyas. They described some large settle-
ments, and judging from what was seen of these people and from the
accounts they gave of other places, there are a good many more of
these people than there are of those at the settlements.^ They have
better figures, are better warriors, and are more feared. They travel
like the Arabs, with their tents and troops of dogs loaded with poles'
and having Moorish pack saddles with girths." When the load gets
disarranged, the do'gs howl, calling some one to fix them right. These
])eople eat raw flesh and drink blood. They do not eat human flesh.
They are a kind peoj^le and not cruel. They are faithful friends. They
are able to make themselves very well understood by means of signs.
They dry the flesh in the sun, cutting it thin like a leaf, and when dry
they grind it like meal to keep it and make a sort of sea soup of it to
eat. A handful thrown into a pot swells up so as to increase very
1 Ternaux omita all this, evidently failing completely in the attempt to understand this description

'

of the rolling western prairies.

^Compare the Spanish. This also is omitted by Ternaux.
^Espejo, Relacion, p. 180; "los scrranos acuden & servir ji los de las poblacioues, y los de las pobla-
cioues les llaman A estos, querechos tratan y eontratan con los de las poblacioues. llevandoles sal y
;

caza, venados, conejos y liebres y gamuzas aderezadas y otros generos de cosas, A trueque de mautas
de algodon y otras cosas con que les satisfacen la paga elgobiemo."
* Compare the Spanish.

5 The well known travois of the plains tribes.

" Benavldes Memorial (1630), p. 74 ' T la.s tienda« las lleuan cargadas en requas deiperros apar^ados
: :

CO sus en salinillas, y son los perros medianos, y suele lleuar quinietos perros en vna requa vuo delante
de otro, y la gente Ueua cargada su mercadiiria, que tnieca por ropa de algodon, y por otras cosas de
q careceu."
528 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 ([Link].I*

mucb. They season it with fat, which they always try to secure when
they kill a cow.' They empty a large gut and fill it with blood, and
carry this around the neck to drink when they are thirsty. When
they open the belly of a cow, they squeeze out the chewed grass and
drink the juice that remains behind, because they say that this contains
the essence of the stomach. They cut the hide open at the back and
pull it off at the joints, using a flmt as large as a finger, tied in a little
stick, with as much ease as if working with a good iron tool. They
give it an edge with their own teeth. The quickness with which they
do this is something worth seeing and noting.'
There are very great numbers of wolves on these plains, which go
around with the cows. They have white skins. The deer are pied with
white. Their skin is loose, so that when they are killed it can be pulled
oft' with the hand while warm, coming off like pigskin.^ The rabbits,
which are very numerous, are so foolish that those on horseback killed
them with their lances. This is when they are mounted among the
cows. They fly from a person on foot.

Chapter S, of Quivira, of where it is mid some information about it.

Quivira is to the west of those ravines, in the midst of the country,

somewhat nearer the mountains toward the sea, for the country is level
as far as Quivira, and there they began to see some mountain chains.
The country is well settled. Judging from what was seen on the bor-
ders of it, this country is very similar to that of Spain in the varieties
of vegetation and fruits. There are plums like those of Castile, grapes,
nuts, mulberries, oats, pennyroyal, wild marjoram, and large quantities
of flkx, but this does not do them any good, because they do not know
how to use it." The people are of almost the same sort and appear-
ance as the Teyas. They have villages like those in New Spain. The
houses are round, without a wall, and they have one story like a loft,
under the roof, where they sleep and keep their belongings. The roofa
* Pemmican
2 Mora Padilla, cap. xsxii. 2, p. 165 ;
" Habiendo andado cuatro jornadaa por estos llanos, con granden
nebliuas, advirtierou lo8 soldados [Link] conio de picas de lauzas arrastradas por el sueio. y Uevadoa per
que con bus familia.s. seguian iiiias manadaa
la ciiriosidad, le ftigiiieron hasta dar ecu cincuentn gandiilcs,
de dichas vacan, y en unos perrillos no corpuleutos, cargaban unas varas y pieles, con la.s que forma-
ban BUS tiendas 6 toritoa, en donde se entraban para resistir el sol 6 el agua. Loa indloa son de bnena
estatura, y no se supo si erau baraganes 6 t«nian pueblos presumiose los tendrian. porqr.e ningnna de
:

las indiasllevaba uino pequeno; andaban restidaacon unos faldellines de cuerode venadode lacintura
paraabajo, y del mismo cuero unos capisayos 6 vizcainas, con que ae cubren: traen unas niedias calzas
de cuero adobado y sandalias de cuero crudo; ellos andan desnudos, y cuando mas le^* aflige el frio, se
cubren eon cueros adobados; no usan, ni los honibres iii las mujerea, cabello largo, sino trasquilados,
y de metlia cabeza para la frente rapados & uavaja; uaau i>or armaa las flecba-s, y con los sesos de las
mismas racas benefician y adoban los cueros ll&manse cibolos. y tienen mas Inipetu para embestir que
:

los toroa, aunquenotanta fortaleza; y en las fiestas reales que aecelebraron en laciudadde Mexico por
la juradenuestrorey B. Luis I, hizoel condede San Mateo de Valparaiso se llevase una cibola para que
se torease, y por solo verla se despoblo Mexico, por ballar lugar en la plaza, que le fa6 muy i^til al tabla
jero aquel dia."
" Compare the Spanish. Omitted by Temaux.
* Mr Savage, in the Transactions of
the Nebraska Historical Society, vol. i, p. 198, sliows how closely
the descriptions of Castaueda, Jaramillo, and the others on the expedition, harmonize with the tlora
and fauna of his State.
wiKSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 529

are of straw. There are other thickly settled provinces around it con-
taining large A friar named Juan de Padilla remained
numbers of men.
in this province, together with a Spanish-Portuguese and a negro and
a half-blood and some Indians from the province of Capothan,' in New
Spain. They killed the friar because he wanted to go to the province
of the Guas,^ who were their enemies. The Siianiard escaped by taking
flight on a mare, and afterward reached New Spain, coming out by way
of Panuco. The Indians from New Spain who accompanied the friar
were allowed by the murderers to bury him, and then they followed
the Spaniard and overtook him. This Spaniard was a Portuguese,
named Campo.^
The great river of the Holy Spirit (Espiritu Santo),* which Don Fer-
nando de Soto discovered in the country of Florida, flows through this
country. It passes through a province called Araehe, according to the
reliable accounts which were obtained here. The sources were not
visited, because, according to what they said, it comes from a very
distant country in the mountains of the South sea, from the part that
sheds its waters onto the plains. It flows across all the level country
and breaks through the mountains of the North sea, and comes out
where the people with Don Fernando de Soto navigated it. This is
more than 300 leagues from where it enters the sea. On account of
this, and also because it has large tributaries, it is so mighty when it
enters the sea that they lost sight of the laud before the water ceased
to be fresh.'
This country of Quivira was the last that was seen, of which I am able
to give any description or information. Now it is proper for me to return
and speak of the army, which I left in Tiguex, resting for the winter, so
that it Avould be able to proceed or return m
search of these settle-
ments of Quivira, which was not accomplished after all, because it was
> Ternaux, read this Capetlan.
p. 194,
'Temaux, miscopicd it Guyas.
ibid.,
Herrera, Hiatoria General, dec. vi, lib. ix, cap. xii, vol. iii, p. 207 (ed. 1730) " Toda eata Tierra [Qui-
:

vira] tiene mejor aparencia, que ninguna de las mejorea de Europa, porque no es mni doblaua, eino
de Lomas, Llanos, i Rios de hermosa viata, i buena para Ganados, pues la experiencia lo moatraba.
Hallaronse Ciruelas de Castilla, entro coloradas, i verdea, de mwi gentil sabor; entre las Vacas se hall6
Lino, que produce la Tierra, mui perfecto, que como el Ganado no lo come, se queda por alli con sua
cabe^'uelas, i ilor azul; i en algunos Arroioa, ao ballarou Vbaa de buen gusto. Moras, Nueces, i otras
Frutas las Casas, que eatos Indioa tcnian eran de Paja, muctias de ellas redoudas, que la Paja llegaba
;

basta el auelo, i encima vna como Capilla, 6 Garita, de donde ae asomaban."

Gomara, cap. ccxiiii: "Eata Quiuira en quarenta grades, es tierra templada, de buenaa aguas, de
mucfaas yeruas, ciruelas, moras, nuezea, melonea, y vuaa, que maduran bien: no ay algodon, y viaten
cueroa de vacaa, y veuados. Vieron por la costa naos, que trayan arcatrazea de oro, y de plata en laa
proaa, c6 niercaderias, y pensaron ser del Catayo, y China, porq sefialauan aner navegado treynta dias.
Fray luan de Padilla se quedo en Tiguex, con otro frayle Francisco, y torno a Quiuira, con haata doze
Indies de Mechuacan, y con Andres do Campo Portugues, bortelano de Francisco de Solis. Lleuo
caualgaduras. y azemilas con prouision. Leuo ouejas, y gallinas de Caatilla, y omamentoa para dezir
missa. Los de Quiuira maturon a loa frayles, y eacapose el Portugues, con algunos Mecbuacanea. El
qual, aun que ae libro entonces de la muerte, no ae libro de catiuerio. porque luego le prendieron mas :

de alli a diez meaes, que fue esclauo, buyo con dos perroa. Santiguaua por el camino con vna cruz,
aque le ofrecian mucbo, y do quiera que llegaua, le dauan limosna, aluorgue, y de comer. Vino a tierra
de Cbicbimecas, y aporto a Panuco."
*Tbe Mississippi and Missouri rivers.
>Tbia is probably a reminiscence of Cabeza de Vaca's narrative.
14 ETH 34
530 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1642 [kth. ans.14

God's pleasure that these discoveries should remain for other peoples
and that we who had been there should content ourselves ^\ath saying
that we were the first who discovered it and obtained any information
concerning it, just as Hercules knew the site where Julius Caesar was
to found Seville or Hispales. May the all-powerful Lord grant that
His will be done in everything. It is certain that if this had not been
His will Francisco Vazquez would not have returned to New Spain with-
out cause or reason, as he did, and that it would not have been left for
those with Bon Fernando de Soto to settle such a good country, as they
have done, and besides settling it to increase its extent, after obtaining,
as they did, information from our army.'

Third Part, which describes what happened to Francisco

Vazquez Coronado during the winter, and how he gave
UP THE expedition AND RETURNED TO NEW SPAIN.
Laus Deo.
Chapter 1, of hoic Bon Pedro de Tovar came from Senora with some
men, and Don Garcia. Lopez de Cardenas started bach to Xew Spain.

At the end of the first part of this book, we told how Francisco
Vazquez Coronado, when he got back from Qviivira, gave orders to
winter at Tiguex, in order to return, when the winter was over, with his
whole army to discover all the settlements in those regions. Don Pedro
de Tovar, who had gone, as we related, to conduct a force from the city
of Saint Jerome (San Hieronimo), arrived in the meantime with the men
whom he had brought. He had not selected the rebels and seditious
men there, but the most experienced ones and the best soldiers men —
—
whom lie could trust wisely considering that he ought to have good
men order to go in search of his general in the country of the Indian
in
called Turk. Although they found the army at Tiguex when they arrived
there, this did not please them much, because they had come with great
expectations, believing that they would find their general in the rich
country of the Indian called Turk. They consoled themselves with the
hope of going back there, and lived in anticipation of the pleasure of
undertaking this return expedition, which the army would soon make to
Quivira. Don Pedro de Tovar brought letters from New Spain, both
from the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, and from individuals.
Among these was one for Don CJarcia Lopez de Cardenas, which
informed him of the death of his brother, the heir, and summoned
him to Spain to receive the inheritance. On this account he was
given permission, and left Tiguex with several other persons who

>Mota Padilla, cap. xxxlii. 4, p. 166, gives his reasons for the failure of the expedition "It was most
:

likelj'the chastisement of God that riches were not found on this expedition, because, when thla
ought to have been the secondarj' object of the expedition, and the conversion of all those heathen
their first aim, they bartered with fat© and struggled after the secondary; and thus the misfortune is
not so much that all those labors were without fruit, bat the worst is that such a number of soula
have remained in their blindness."
WIN8HIPJ TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 531

received permission to go and settle their affairs. There were many

others who would have liked to go, but did not, in order not to appear
faint-hearted. During this time the general endeavored to pacify sev-
eral villages in the neighborhood which were not well disposed, and to
make peace with the people at Tiguex. He tried also to procure some of
the cloth of the country, because the soldiers were almost naked and
poorly clothed, full of lice, which they were unable to get rid of or avoid.
The general, Francisco Vazquez Coronado, had been beloved and
obeyed by his captains and soldiers as heartily as any of those who
have ever started out in the Indies. Necessity knows no law, and the
captains who collected the cloth divided it badly, taking the best for
themselves and their friends and soldiers, and leaving the rest for the
soldiers, so there began to be some angry murmuring on account
and
of this. Others also complained because they noticed that some
favored ones were spared in the work and in the watches and received
better portions of wJiat was divided, both of cloth and food. On this
account it is thought that they began to say that there was nothing
in the country of Quivira which was worth returning for, which was
no slight cause of what afterward happened, as will be seen.

Chapter 2, of the general's fall, and of how the return to New Spain was
ordered.

After the winter was over, the return to Quivira was announced, and
the men began to prepare the things needed. Since nothing in this life
is at the disposition of men, but all is under the ordination of Almighty

God, it was His will that we should not accomplish this, and so it hap-
pened that one feast day the general went out on horseback to amuse
himself, as usual,' riding with the captain Don Rodrigo Maldonado.
He was on a powerful horse, and his servants had put on a new girth,
which must have been rotten at the time, for it broke during the race
and he fell over on the side where Don Rodrigo was, and as his horse
passed over him it hit his head with its hoof, which laid him at the
point of death, and his recovery was slow and doubtful.^
During this time, while he was in his bed,^ Don Garcia Lopez de Car-
denas, who had started to go to New Spain, came back in flight from
Suya, because he had found that town deserted and the people and horses
and cattle all dead. When he reached Tiguex and learned the sad news
'Or perhaps aa Temaux, p. 202, reDdered it, *'conrir la bagiie."
'Mota Pa<lilla, cap. xixiii, 6. p. 166: como loa demas capitanes del ej6rcito, debian
"aalel [gobernador]
estar tan ciegos de la pasion de la codicia de riquezaa, que no trataban de radicarse poblando en aquel
paraje que voian tan abastecido, nl de reducir & los indios 6 instruirlos en algo de la fo, que es la que
debian propagar; solo trataron de engordar sub caballos para lo que se ofreciese pasado el invierno; y
audando adiestrando el gobernador uno que tenia muy brioso, se le fu6 la silla, y daudo la boca en el
suelo, qued6 sin sentidu, y aunque deapues se recobr6, el juicio le qued6 diminuto, con lo cual trataron
tmloa de desiatir de la eiupresa." Gomara, cap. ccxiiii *'Cayo en Tiguex'del cauallo Francisco Vaz-
:

quez, y con el golpe salio de aentido, y deuaneaua lo qual vnos tuuiero por dolor, y otroa por fingido, ca
:

eatauan nial con el, porque no poblaua."

* Or, During the time that lie was confined to his bed, ....
532 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth. ann. u

that the general was near his end, as already related, they did not dare to
tell him until he had recovered, and when he finally got up and learned
of it, it affected him so much that he had to go back to bed again. He
may have done this in order to bring about what he afterward accom-
plished, as was believed later. It was while he was in this condition
that ho recollected what a scientific friend of his in Salamanca had
told him, that he would become a powerful lord in distant lands, and
that he would have a fall from which he would never be able to recover.
This expectation of death made him desire to return and die where he
had a wife and children. As the physician and surgeon who waa doc-
toring him, and also acted as a talebearer,' suppressed the murmurings
that were going about among the soldiers, he treated secretly and under-
handedly with several gentlemen who agreed with him. They set the
soldiers to talking about going back to New Spain, in little knots and
gatherings, and induced them to hold consultations about it, and had
them send papers to the general, signed by all the soldiers, through
their ensigns, asking for this. They all entered into it readily, and not
much time needed to be spent, since many desired it already. When
they asked him, the general acted as if he did not want to do it, but all
the gentlemen and captains supported them, giving him their signed
opinions, and as some were in this, they could give it at once, and they
even persuaded others to do the same.'' Thus they made it seem as
if they ought to return to New Spain, because they had not found any
riches, nor had they discovered any settled country out of which estates
could be formed for all the army. When he had obtained their signa-
tures, the return to New Spain was at once announced, and since noth-
ing can ever be concealed, the double dealing began to be understood,
and many of the gentlemen found that they had been deceived and had
made a mistake. They tried in every way to get their signatures back
again from the general, who guarded them so carefully that he did not
go out of one room, making his sickness seem very much worse, and
putting guards about his person and room, and at night about the tloor
on which he slept. In spite of all this, they stole his chest, and it is
said that tliey did not find their signatures in it, because he kept them
in his mattress; on the other hand, it is said that they did recover them.
They asked the general to give them GO picked men, with whom they
would remain and hold the country until the viceroy could send them
support, or recall them, or else that the general would leave them the
army and pick out GO men to go back with him. But the soldiers did
not want to remain either way, some because they had turned their prow
toward New Spain, and others because they saw clearly the trouble
that would arise over who should have the command. The gentlemen,
I do not know whether because they had sworn fidelity or because they

'Compare the Spanish. Ternaiix, p. 2U3; " Le chirurgien qui lo paxiaait et qui lui aerrait en m6me
temps d'eapioD, I'avait avert! du meoontentement ded soldata.''
^Compare the SpaniRh.
WIS8HIP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 533

feared that tbe soldiers would not support tliem, did what had been
decided on,' although with an ill-will, and from this time on they did
not obey the general as readily as formerly, and they did not show any
attection for him. He made much of the soldiers and humored them,
with the result that he did wliat he desired and secured the return of
the whole army.

Chapter 3, of the rebellion at Suya and the reasons the settlers gave for it.
We iiave already stated in the last ciiapter that Don
Lopez (larcia
de Cardenas came back from Suya in flight, having found that country
risen in rebellion. He told how and why that town was deserted, which
occurred as I will relate. The entirely worthless fellows were all who
had been left in that town, the mutinous and seditious men, besides a
few who were honored with the charge of i)ublic affairs and who were
left to govern the others. Thus the bad dispositions of the worthless
secured the power, and they held daily meetings and councils and
declared that they had been betrayed and were not going to be rescued,
since tlie others had been directed to go through another part of the
country, where there was a more convenient route to New Spain, which
was not so, because they were still almost on the direct road. This talk
led some of them to revolt, and they cliose one Pedro de Avila as their
captain. They went back to Culiacan, leaving the captain, Diego de
Alcaraz, sick in the town of San Hieronimo, with only a small force.
He did not have anyone whom he could send after them to compel them
to return. They killed a number of people at several villages along
tlie way. Finally they reached Culiacan, where Hernando Arias de
Saabedra, who was waiting for Juan Gallego to come back from New
Spain with a force, detained them by means of promises, so that Gallego
could take them back. Some who feared what might happen to them
ran away one night to New Spain. Diego de Alcaraz, who had remained
at Suya with a small force, sick, was not able to hold his position,
although he would have liked to, on account of the poisonous herb
which the natives use. When these noticed how weak the Spaniards
were, they did not continue to trade with them as they formerly had
done. Veins of gold had already been discovered before this, but they
were unable to work these, because the country was at war. The dis-
turbance was so great that they did not cease to keep watch and to be
more than usually careful.
The town was situated on a little river. One night all of a sudden''
they saw fires which they were not accustomed to, and on this account
they doubled the watclies, but not having noticed anything during the
whole night, they grew careless along toward morning, and the enemy
entered tlie village so silently that they were not seen until they began
to kill and plunder. A number of men reached the plain as well as

' Compare tbe Spanish text.

* Ternaux, p. 209: '*k une heure tre9-avanc6e."
534 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].u

they could, but while they were getting out the captain was mortally
wounded. Several Spaniards came back on some liorses after they
bad recovered themselves and attacked the enemy, rescuing some,
though only a few. The enemy went off with the booty, leaving three
Spaniards killed, besides many of the servants and more than twenty
horses.
The Spaniards who survived started off the same day on foot, not
having any liorses. They went toward Culiacan, keeping away from
the roads, and did not find any food until they reached Corazones,
where the Indians, like the good friends they have always been, pro-
vided them with food. From here they continued to Culiacan, under-
going great hardships. Hernandarias de Saabedra,' the mayor, received
them and entertained them as well as he could until Juan Gallego
arrived with the reinforcements which he was conducting, on his way
to find the army. He was not a little troubled at finding that post
deserted, when he expected that the army would be in the rich country
which had been described by the Indian called Turk, because he looked
like one.

Chapter 4, of hoic Friar Juan de Padilla and Friar Luis remained in

the country and the army prepared to return to Mexico.

When the general, Francisco Vazquez, saw that everything was now
quiet, his schemes had gone as he wished, he ordered that
and that
everything should be ready to start on the return to New Spain by the
beginning of the month of April, in the year 1543.^
Seeing tliis, Friar Juan de Padilla, a regular brother of the lesser
order,' and another. Friar Luis, a lay brotlier, told the general that
—
they wanted to remain in that country Friar Juan de Padilla in Qui-
vira, because his teachings seemed to promise fruit there, and Friar
Luis at Cicuye. On this account, as it was Lent at the time, the father
made this tlie subject of his sermon to the companies one Sunday,
establishing his proposition on the authority of the Holy Scriptures.
He declared his zeal for the conversion of these peoples and his desire
to draw them to the faith, and stated that he had received permission
to do it, although this was not necessary. The general sent a company
to escort them as far as Cicuye, where Friar Luis stopped, while Friar
Juan went on back to Quivira with tlie guides who had conducted the
general, taking with him the Portuguese, as we related, and the half-
blood, and the Indians from New Spain. He was martyied a short
time alter he arrived there, as we related in the second part, chapter 8.
Thus we may be sure that he died a martyr, because his zeal was holy
and earnest.
Friar Luis remained at Cicuye. Nothing more has been heard about
him since, but before the army left Tiguex some men who went to take

' Compare the spelling of this name on page 460 of the Spanish text.
* The correct date is, of course, 1542.
'A Franciscan. He was a 'fravl'^ de misa."
BUREAU OF ETHN0LOG1 FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXU

ZUNIS IN TYPICAL MODERN COSTUME

 —

wiNSHiP] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 535

him a number of sheep that were left for him to keep, met him as he
was on his way to visit some other villages, which were 15 or 20 leagues
from Cicuye, accompanied by some followers. He felt very hopeful
that he was liked at the village and that his teaching would bear
fruit, although he complained that the old men were falling away from
him. I, for my part, believe that they finally killed him. He was a
man of good and holy life, and may Our Lord protect him and grant
that he may convert many of those peoples, and end his days in guid-
ing them in the faith. We do not need to believe otherwise, for the
people in those parts are pious and not at all cruel. They are friends?
or rather, enemies of cruelty, and they remained faithful and loyal
friends.'

'General W. W. H. Davis, in Spanish Conquest of New Mexico, p. 231, gives the following
liia

extract, translated from an old Spanish MS. at Santa F6: " When Coronado returned to Mexico,
he left behind him. among the Indians of Cibola, the father fray Francisco .luau de Padilla, the
father fray Juan de la Cruz, and a Portuguese named Andres del Campo. Soon after the Spaniards
departed, Padilla and the Portuguese set ofl" in search of the country of the Grand Quivira, where the
former understood there were innumerable souls to be saved. After traveling several days, they
reached a large settlement in the Quivira country. The Indians came out to receive them in battle
array, when the friar, knowing their int*mtions, told the Portuguese and his attendants to take to
flight, while he would await their coming, in order that they uiiglit vent their fury on him as they
ran. The former took to flight, and, placing themselves on a height within view, saw wliat happened
to the friar. Padilla awaited their coming upon his knees, and when they arrived where he was they
immediately put him to death. Tlie same hapi)ened to Juan de la Cruz, who was left behind at
Cibola, which people killed him. The Portuguese and his attendants made their escape, and ulti-
mately arrived safely in Mexico, where he told wliat had occurred." In reply to a request for further
information regarding this manuscript. General Davis stated that when he revisited Santa F6, a
few years ago, he learned that one of his successors in the iiost of governor of the territory, having
despaired of disposing of the immense mass of old documents and records deposited in his othce, by
—
the slow process of using them to kindle fires, had sold the entire lot an invaluable collection of
material bearing on the history of the southwest and its early European and native inhabitants
as junk.
MotaPadilla, cap. xxxiii, 7, p. 167, gives an extended account of the friars: "Peroporque el padre Fr.
Juan de Padilla cuando acompand & D. Francisco Vazquez Coronado hasta el pueblo de Quivira, puso
en 61 una cruz, protestando no desampararla aunque le costaso la vida, por tener entendido hacer
fmto en aquellos indios y en los comarcanos, determind volverse, y no bastaron las instancias del
gobernador y demascapitaneapara que desistiese por enttinces del pensumieuto. El padre Fr. Luisde
Ubeda rog6 tambien lo dejasen volver eqn el padre Fr. Juan de Padilla hasta el pueblo de Coquite, en
donde le parecia podrian servir de domesticar algo A aquellos indios por parecerle se hallaban con
alguna disposicion y que pues 61 era viejo, emplearia la corta vida que le quedase en procurar la
;

salvacion de las almas de aquellos miserables. A su imitacion tambien el padre Fr. Juan de la Cruz,
religiose lego (como lo era Fr. Luis de Ubeda) pretendi6 (juedarse en aquellas provincias do Tigiies, y
porque se discurrio que con el tiempo se conseguiria la poblacion de aquellas tierras, condescendio el
gobernador A los deseos de aquellos apost61icos varones, y les dejaron proveidos de lo quo por entonces
parecio necesario; y tambien quiso quedarse un soldado, de nacion portugues, llamado Andres del
Carapo, con finimo de servir al padre Padilla, y tambien dos indizuelos donados nombrados Lucas y
Sebastian, naturales de Michoacan; y otros dos indizuelos que en el ej6rcito hacian oficios de sacri-
stanes, yotro muchacho mestizo: dejdronle a dicho padre Padilla ornamentos y provision para que
celebrase el santo sacrificio de la misa. y algunos bienecillos que pudiese dar A los indios para
atraerlos A su voluntad.
"8.. . Quedaron estos benditos religiosos como corderos entre lobos; y vi^ndose solos, trat^^el
.

padre Fr. Juan de Padilla. con los de Tigues, el fin que le mo via A quedarse entro ellos, que no era otro que
el detratarde la salvacion de sns almas queyalossoldadossehabian ido, quenolcsserianmolestos, que
;

61 pasaba Aotraspoblacionesy les dejaba al padre Fr. Juan delaCruzparaquelesfueseinstruyendoen

loque debian saber para ser cristianos6 hijos de la Santa Iglesia, como necesario para salvar sus almas,
que les tratasen bien,y que 61 procurana volver A consolarles; despidese con gran t«rnura, dejando,
como prelado, Ueno de bendiciones. & Fr. Juan de la Cruz, y los indios de Tigiies seualaron una
escuadrade sus soldados queguiasena diclios padres Fr. Juan de Padilla y Fr. Luis de Ubeda hastael
pueblo de Coquite, en donde les recibieron con demostracioues de alegria, y baciendo la mismareco-
mendacion por el padre Fr. Luis de Ubeda, le dejo, y guiado de otros naturales del mismo pueblo, sali6
 '

536 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [kth-anw-M

After the friars had gone, the general, fearing that they might be
injured if people were carried away from that country to New Spain,
ordered the soldiers to let any of the natives who were held as servants
go free to their villages whenever they might wish. lu my opinion,
though I am not sure, it would have been better if they had been kept
and taught among Christians,
The general was very happy and contented when the time arrived
and everything needed for the journey was ready, and the army started
from Tiguex on its way back to Cibola. One thing of no small note
happened during this part of the trip. The horses were in good con-
dition for their work when they started, fat and sleek, but more than
thirty died during the ten days which it took to reach Cibola, and there
was not a day in which two or three or more did not die. A large number
of them also died afterward before reaching Culiacan, a thing that
did not happen during all the rest of the journey.
After the army reached Cibola, it rested before starting across tlie
wilderness, because this was the last of the settlements in that country.
The whole country was left well disposed and at peace, and several of
our Indian allies remained there.

para Quivira con Audres del Campo, douados indizuelos y el muchaclio mestizo: Ucgfi & Quivira y
se pOf>tr6 al pie de Iacruz,que hallo en donde la Labia colocado; y con lirapieza, toda la circuufe-
rencia, corao lo babia encargado, de que se alegro, y liiego comenzO & bacer los oficios de padre maes-
tro y ap^stol de aquellas gentes; y hallAndolas docilca y con buen iinimo, se iutlam<5 su corazon, y le
parecirt corto m'lmero do almas para Bios las de aqnel pueblo, y trat6 de ensancbar loa senos de nuestra
madre la Sauta Iglesia, para que acogiese & cnantos se le decia baber en mayores distancias.
"9. Sali6 de Quivira, acompauado de su corta comitiva, contra la volnntad de los indios de aqnel
pueblo, que le amaban como & su padre, mas A, una Jornada le salieron indios do guerra, y conociendo
mal Animo de aqnellos bArbaros, le rogd al ]>ortugue8, que pues iba A caballo buyese, y que en su
conserva llevase aquellos donados y muchacbos, que como tales podrian correr y escaparse litci^ronlo
:

asi por no hallarse capaces de otro modo para ladefensa, y el bendito i)adre, bincadoderwlillasofrecid
la vida, que por reducir almas A Dios tenia sacrificada. logrando los ardientes deseos de en corazon,
la felicidad de ser muerto flecbado jjor aquellos indios btirbaroa, quienes le arrojaron en un hoyo,
cubriendo cl cuerpo con innumerables piedras. T vuelto el jiortugues con los indizuelos A Quivira,
dieron la uoticia, la que sintieron mucbo aquellos naturales, por el amor que tenian A diclio padre, y
mas lo sintieran si bubieran tenido pleno conociniiento do la falta que lea bacia; no sabe el dia de
su muerte, aunque si se tiene por cierto baber sido en el afio de 542: y en algunos papeles que dej6
escritos D. Pedro de Tovar eii la villa de Culiacan, se dice que los indios babian salido & niatar & este
bendito padre, por robar los ornamentos, y que habia meraoria de que en su muerte se vierou grandea
prodigios, como fiid intindarse la tlerra, verso globes de fuego, cometas y oscurecerse el sol.
"10.. . .Del padre Fr. Juan de la Cruz, la notlcia que se tiene es, qnedespuea de baber trabajadoen
lainstruccion de los indios en Tigiies y en Coquite, murio tlechado de indios, porque no todos abrazaron
su doctrinay consejos. con los que trataba detestasen sus bdrbaras costumbres, aunque por lo general
era muy estimado do los caciques y demas naturales, que babian visto la veneracion con que el general,
capitanee y soldados le tratabau. El padre Fr. Luis de Ubeda se niantenia en una cboza por celda 6
cnera, en donde le ministraban los [Link] un poco de atole. tortillas y fryoles, el limitado sust«nto,
y no 80 8upo de su muerte si qtiedo entre cuantos le conocieron la memoria de su pefecta vida."
;

When tbe reports of these martyrdoms reached New Spain, a number of Franciscans were fired
with tbe zeal of entering tbe country and carrying on tbe work thus begun. Several received otlicial
permission, and went to the pueblo country. One of them was killed at Tiguex, wb ere most of them
settled. A few went on to Cicuye or Pecos, where they found a cross wliicb Padilla had set up.
Proceeding to Quivira, the natives there counseled them not to proceed farther. The Indians gave
them au account of the death of Fray Padilla, and said that if he had taken their advice he would
not have been killed.
'Antonio de [Link], in the Kelacion of bis visit to New Mexico in 1582 (Pachoco y Cardenas, Docu-
mentos de ludias, vol. xv, p. 180j, states that at Zuiii-Cibola, *'hallamos tres indios cristianos que se
digeron llamar Andrt'S de Cuyacan y Caspar de M6xico y Anton de Guadalnjara, que digeron baber
entrado con Francisco Vazquez, y reformdndolos en la lengua mexicana que ya casi la tenian olvi-
dada; destos supimos que babia llegado all! el dicbo Francisco Vazquez Coronado."
Bureau of EthnOlogv FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXIII

HOPt MAIDENS, SHOWING PRIMITIVE PUEBLO HAIRDRESSING

wiNSHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 537

Chapter of hotc th&army left the settlements and marcned to CuUacan,

5,

and of what happened on the way.

Leaving astern, as we might say, the settlements that had been dis-
covered in the new land, of which, as I have said, the seven villages of
Cibola were the first to be seen and the last that were left, the army
started oft", marching across the wilderness. The natives kept following
the rear of the army two or three days, to pick up any baggage or
for
servants, for although they were still at peace and had always been

loyal friends, when they saw that we were going to leave the country
entirely, they were glad to get some of our people in their power,
although I do not think that they wanted to injure them, from what I
was told by some who were not willing to go back with them when they
teased and asked them to. Altogether, they carried off several people
besides those who had remained of their own accord, among whom good
interpreters could be found today. The wilderness was crossed without
opposition, and on the second day before reaching Chichilticalli Juan
Gallego met the army, as he was coming from New Spain with reenforce-
ments of men and necessary supplies for the army, expecting that he
would find the army in the country of the Indian called Turk. When
Juan Gallego saw that the army was returning, the first thing he said
was not, "I am glad you are coming back," and he did not like it any
better after he had talked with the general. After he had reached the
army, or rather the quarters, there was quite a little movement among
the gentlemen toward going back with the new force which had made
no slight exertions in coming thus far, having encounters every day
with the Indians of these regions who had risen in revolt, as will be
related. There was talk of making a settlement somewhere in that
region until the viceroy could receive an account of what had occurred.
Those soldiers who had come from the new lauds would not agree to
anything except the return to New Spain, so that nothing came of the
proposals made at the consultations, and although there was some
opposition, they were finally quieted. Several of the mutineers who
had deserted the town of Corazones came with Juan Gallego, who had
given them his word as surety for their safety, and even if the general
had wanted to punisli them, his power was slight, for he had been dis-
obeyed already and was not much respected. He began to be afraid
again after this, and made himself sick, and kept a guard. In several
jjlaees yells were heard and Indians seen, and some of the horses were
wounded and killed, before Batu<'o' was reached, where the friendly
Indians from Corazones came to meet the army and see the general.
They were always friendly and had treated all the Spaniards who passed
through their country well, furnishing them with what food they needed,
and men, if they needed these. Our men had always treated them well
and repaid them for these things. During this journey tlie juice of the
quince was proved to be a good protection against the poison of the
'There were two settlements in Sonora bearing this name, one occupied by the Eudeve and the
Other by the Tegui dlTision of the Opata. The former village is the one referred to by Castaiieda.
538 THE CORONAUO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth. anx. u

uatives, because at one place, several days before reaching Sefiora,' the
hostile Indians wounded a Spaniard called Mesa, and he did not die,
although the wound of the fresh poison is fatal, and there was a delay
of over two hours before curing him with the juice. The poison, how-
ever, had left its mark upon him. The skin rotted and fell ofi" until it
left the bones and sinews bare, with a horrible smell. The wound was
in the wrist, and the poison had reached as far as the shoulder when
he was cured. The skin on all this fell off.'
The army proceeded without taking any rest, because the provisions
had begun to fail by this time. These districts were in rebellion, and
so there were not any victuals where the soldiers could get them until
they reached Petlatlan, although they made several forays into the cross
country in search of provisions. Petlatlan is in the province of Culiacan,
and on this account was at peace, although they had several surprises
after this.^ The army rested here several days to get provisions. After
leaving here they were able to travel more quickly than before, for the
30 leagues of the valley of Culiacan, where they were welcomed back
again as people who came with their governor, who had suflered ill
treatment.

Chapter (i, of hotc the general started from Culiacan to give the viceroy
an account of the army tcith which he had been intrusted.

It seemed, indeed, as if the arrival in the valley of Culiacan had ended

the labors of this journey, partly because the general was governor
there and partly because it was inhabited by Christians. On this
account some began to disregard tlieir superiors and the authority which
their captains had over them, and some captains even forgot the obedi-
ence due to their general. Each one played his own game, so that while
the general was marching toward the town, which was still 10 leagues
away, many of the men, or most of them, left him in order to rest in the
valley, and some even proposed not to follow him. The general under-
stood that he was not strong enough to compel them, although his
position as governor gave him fresh authority. He determined to accom-
plish it by a better method, which was to order all the captains to pro-
vide food and meat from the stores of several villages that were under
his control as governor. He pretended to be sick, keeping his bed, so
that those who had any business with him could speak to him or he with

'MotaPadilla, cap. xxxiii, 5, p. 166. sayathatatSonora

. . '*mnri6unfulanoTeraino, hermanode
.

Baltaaar Baunelos, ano de loe qaatro niineros de Zacatecaa; Luia Hernandez, Domingo Fernandez y
otros."
^Rudo Ensayo, p. 64: "Ma^ro, en lengua Opata [of Sonera], ea nn arbol pequeHo, mni lozano de
verde, y hermoso Ala vista ;pero contiene nna leche mortal que A corta incision dean corteza brota,
con la que los Naturales snelen untar bus flechas y per esto la llaman hierba de la flecha, pero ya
;

pocoB lo usan. Sirbe tambien dicba leclie para abrir tumores rebeldes, aunque no lo aconsejara, por
8u calidad venenoso." This indicates a euphorbiacea. IJandelier (Final Report, pt. i. p. 77) believea
that no credit is to be given to the notion that the poison used by the Indians may have been snake
poison. The Seri are the only IndiAns of northern Mexico who in recent times have been reporMd
to use poisoned arrows.
'Temaux, p. 223; "On parvint ainsi JL Petatlan, qui depend de la province de Culiacan. A cette
6poque, ce village ^tait soumis. Mais quoique depuis il y ait en plusieurs soul^vements, on y restft
quelques jours pour se refaire." Compare the Spanish.
< s
5 n

a
z
 "

WDiBHip] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 539

them more freely, without hindrance or observation, and he kept send-

ing for his particular friends in order to ask them to be sure to speak
to the soldiers and encourage them to accompany him back to New
Spain, and to them that he would request the viceroy, Don Antonio
tell
de Mendoza, to show tliem especial favor, and that he would do so him-
self for those who might wish to remain in his government. After tliis
had been done, he started with his army at a very bad time, when the rains
were beginning, for it was about Saint John's day, at which season it rains
continuously. In the uninhabited country which they passed through
as far as Compostela there are numerous very dangerous rivers, full of
large and fierce alligators. While tlie army was halting at one of these
rivers, a soldier who was crossing from one side to the other was seized,
in sight of everybody, and carried off by an alligator without it being
possible to help him. The general proceeded, leaving the men who did
not want to follow him all along the way, and reached Mexico with less
than 100 men. He made his report to the viceroy, Don Antonio de
Mendoza, who did not receive him very graciously, although he gave
him his discharge. His reputation was gone from this time on. He
kept the government of New Galicia, which had been entrusted to him,
for only a short time, when the viceroy took it himself, until the arrival
of the court, or audiencia, which governs it. And this was the end
still

of those discoveries and of the expedition which was made to these

new lands.^
It now remains for us to describe the way in which to enter the
country by a more direct route, although there is never a short cut
without hard work. It is always best to tind out what those know
who have prepared the way, who know what will be needed.^ This
can be found elsewhere, and I will now tell where Quivira lies, what
direction the army took, and the direction in which Greater India
lies, which was what they pretended to be in search of, when the

army started thither. Today, since Villalobos has discovered that this
part of the coast of the South sea trends toward the west, it is clearly
seen and acknowledged that, since we were in the north, we ought to
have turned to the west instead of toward the east, as we did. With
this, we will leave this subject and will proceed to finish this treatise,
since there are several noteworthy things of which I must give an
account, which I have left to be treated more extensively in the two
following chapters.

'Goniara, cap. ccxiiii " QnandoUego aMexico traya el cabellomuy largo, y la barua tren^ada, y con-
:

taua estranezas de las tierras, rios, y luontaDas, q a traueaao. Mucho peso a don Antonio de Mendoza,
que se boluiesaen, porque aula gastado maa de sesenta mil pesos de ore en la empresa, y aun deuia
mucbos dellos, y no trayan cosa ninguna de alia, ni muestra de plata, ni de oro, ni de otra riqueza.
Muchos quisieron quedarse alia, mas Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, que rico, y rezien casado era con
hermosa muger, no quiso, diziendo, que no se podrian sustentar, ni defender, en tan pobre tierra, y
tan lexos del socorro. Caminaron mas de nonecientas leguaa de largo esta jomada.
^Ternanx, p. 228: "il n'y ait pas de succ^s k esp^rersans peine; mais 11 vaut mienx qne oftnz qni
Toudront tenter Tentreprise, soient inform6s d'avance des peines et dea fatigues qa'ont 6proaT6e8
leurs pr6d6ces8eurfl."
540 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].14

Chapter 7, of the adventures of Captain Juan Oallegb while he was

bringing reenforcements through the revolted country.

One might well have complained when in the last chapter I passed
in silence over the exploits of Captain Jnan Gallego with his 20 com-
panions. I will relate them in the present chapter, so that in times to
come those who read about it or tell of it may have a reliable authority
on whom to rely. I am not writing fables, like some of the things
which we read about nowadays in the books of chivalry. If it were
not that those stories contained enchantments, there are some things
which our Spaniards have done in our own day in these parts, in their
conquests and encounters with the Indians, which, for deeds worthy
of admiration, surpass not only the books already mentioned, but also
those which have been written about the twelve peers of France,
because, if the deadly strength which the authors of those times
attributed to their heroes and the brilliant and resplendent arms with
which they adorned them, are fully considered, and compared with
the small stature of the men of our time and the few and poor weapons
which they have in these parts,' the remarkable things which our people
have undertaken and accomplished with such weapons are more to be
wondered at today than those of which the ancients write, and just
because, too, they fought with barbarous naked people, as ours have with
Indians, among whom there are always men who are brave and valiant
and very sure bowmen, for we have seen them pierce the wings while
flying, and hit hares while lunning after them. I have said all this in
order to show that some things which we consider fables may be true,
because we see greater things every day in our own times, just as in
future times people will greatly wonder at the deeds of Don Fernando
Cortez, who dared to go into the midst of New Spain with 300 men
against the vast number of people in Mexico, and who with 500
Spaniards succeeded in subduing it, and made himself lord over it in
two years.
The deeds of Don Pedro de Alvarado in the conquest of Guatemala,
and those of Montejo in Tabasco, the conquests of the mainland and
of Peru, were all such as to make me remain silent concerning what
I now wish to relate; but since I have promised to give an account of
what happened on this journey, I want the things I am now going to
relate to be known as well as those others of which I have spoken.
The captain Juan Gallego, then, reached the town of Culiacan with
a very small force. There he collected as many as he could of those
who had escaped from the town of Hearts, or, more correctly, from
Suya, which made in all 22 men, and with these he marched through
all of the settled country, across which he traveled 200 leagues with the

country in a state of war and the people in rebellion, although they had
formerly been friendly toward the Spaniards, having encounters with

'The letters of Mendoza during the early part of his administration in Mexico repeatedly call
attention to the lack of arms and ammunition among the Spaniards in the New World.
wiNSBipJ TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 541

the enemy almost every day. He always marched with the advance
guard, leaving two-thirds of his force behind with the baggage. With
six or seven Spaniards, and without any of the Indian allies whom he
had with him, he forced his way into their villages, killing and destroy-
ing and setting them on fire, coming upon the enemy so suddenly and
with such quickness and boldness that they did not have a chance to
collect or even to do anything at all, until they became so afraid of him
that there was not a town which dared wait for him, but they fled
before him as from a powerful army; so much so, that for ten days, while
he was passing through the settlements, they did not have an hour's
rest. He all this with his seven companions, so that when the rest
did
of the force came up with the baggage there was nothing for them to do
except to pillage, since the others had already killed and captured all
the people they could lay their hands on and the rest had fled. They
did not pause anywhere, so that although the villages ahead of him
received some warning, they were upon them so quickly that they did
not have a chance to collect. Especially in the region where the town of
Hearts had been, he killed and hung a large number of people to punish
them for their rebellion. He did not lose a companion during all this, nor
was anyone wounded, except one soldier, who was wounded in the eyelid
by an Indian who was almost dead, whom he was stripping. The
weapon broke the skin and, as it was poisoned, he would have had to
die if he had not been saved by the quince juice; he lost his eye as it
Wiis. These deeds of theirs were such that I know those people will
remember them as long as they live, and esi)ecially four or five friendly
Indians who went with them from Cbrazones, who thought that they
were so wonderful that they held them to be something divine rather
than human. If he had not fallen in with our army as he did, they
would have reached the country of the Indian called Turk, which they
expected to march to, and they would have arrived there without dan-
ger on account of their good order and the skill with which he was
leading them, and their knowledge and ample practice in war. Several
of these men are still in this town of Culiacan, where I am now writing
this account and narrative, where they, as well as I and the others who
have remained in this province, have never lacked for labor in keeping
this country quiet, in capturing rebels, and increasing in poverty and
need, and more than ever at the present hour, because the couutry is
poorer and more in debt than ever before.

Chapter 8, which describes some remarkable things that icere seen on the
plains, with a description of the bulls.

My silence was not without mystery and dissimulation when, in chap-

ter 7 of the second part of this book, I spoke of the plains and of
the things of which [Link] give a detailed account in this chapter,
where all these things may be found together; for these things were
remarkable and something not seen in other j)arts. I dare to write
542 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [Link].U

of them because I am writing at a time when many men are still

living who saw them and who vouch for my account. Who could
will
believe that 1,000 horses and 500 of our cows and more than 5,000
rams and ewes and more than 1,500 friendly Indians and servants, in
traveling over those plains, would leave no more trace where they had
—
passed than if nothing had been there nothing so that it was neces- —
sary to make piles of bones and cow dung now and then, so that the
rear guard could follow the army. The grass never failed to become
erect after it had been trodden down, and, although it was short, it was
as fresh and straight as before.
Another thing was a heap of cow bones, a crossbow shot long, or a very
little less, almost twice a man's height in places, and some 18 feet or more
wide, which was found on the edge of a salt lake in the southern part,'
and this in a region where there are no people who could have made it.
The only explanation of this which could be suggested was that the
waves which the north winds must make in the lake had piled up the
bones of the cattle which had died in the lake, when the old and weak
ones who went into the water were unable to get out. The noticeable
thing is the number of cattle that would be necessary to make such a
pile of bones.
Now that I wish to describe the appearance of the bulls, it is to be
noticed first that there was not one of the horses that did not take flight

when he saw them first, for they have a narrow, short face, the brow
two palms across from eye to eye, the eyes sticking out at the side, so
that, when they are running, they can see who is following them. They
have very long beards, like goats, and when they are running they throw
their heads back with the beard dragging on the ground. There is a
sort of girdle round the middle of the body.^ The hair is very woolly,
like a sheep's, very fine, and in front of the girdle the hair is very long
and rough like a lion's. They have a great hump, larger than a camel's.
The horns are short and thick, so that they are not seen much above
the hair. In May they change the hair in the middle of the body for a
down, which makes perfect lions of them. They rub against the small
trees in the little ravines to shed their hair, and they continue this
until only the down is left, as a snake changes his skin. They have a
short tail, with a bunch of hair at the end. When they run, they carry
it erect like a scorpion. It is worth noticing that the little calves are
red and just like ours, but they change their color and appearance with
time and age.
Another strange thing was that all the bulls that were killed had
their left ears slit, although these were whole when young. The reason
for this was a puzzle that could not be guessed. The wool ought to
^Ternaux, p. 236: "I'on trouva sur le bord oriental d'un des lacs saUa qui sont vers le sud, un
endroit qui avait environ une demi-port^e de mouaqnet do longueur, et qui 6tait enti6rement couvert
d'oa de bisons jusqu'ii la hauteur de deux toises sur trois de large, ce qui eat surprenant dans un
pays desert, et oh personne n'aurait pu rassembler ces os."
^Compare the Spanish. Ternaux, p. 237: " lis out sur la partie ant^rieiire du corps un poil fri86
semblable k la laine de luoutons, il est tr^s-fin sur la croupe, et lisse coinme la crinidre du lion."
< E
 y

WIN8H1P] TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 543

make good cloth ou account of its fineness, although the color is not
good, because it is the color of buriel,'
Another thing worth noticing is that the bulls traveled without cows
in such large numbers that nobody could have counted them, and so far
away from the cows that it was more than 40 leagues from where we
began to see the bulls to the place where we began to see the cows.
The country they traveled over was so level and smooth that if
one looked at them the sky could be seen between their legs, so that if
some of them were at a distance they looked like smooth-trunked pines
whose tops joined, and if there was only one bull it looked as if there
were four pines. When one was near them, it was impossible to see
the ground on the other side of them. The reason for all this was that
the country seemed as round as if a man should imagine himself in a
three-pint measure, and could see the sky at the edge of it, about a
crossbow shot from him, and even if a man only lay down on his back
he lost sight of the ground.^

'The keraey, or coarse vroolen cloth out of which the habits of the Franciscan Mars were made.
Hence the name, grey friars.
^The earliest description of the American buffalo by a European is in Cabeza de Vaca's Naufragios,
[Link] verso (ed 1555); "Alcanna aqui vacas y yo las be visto treavezes, ycomidodellasiyparesceme
que seran del taraaiio de las de Espafia tiene los cuernos pequefioa como moriacaa, y el i)elo niuy largo
:

merino como vna hernia, vnas son pardillas y otras negraa y a mi parescer tienen mejor y mas gruos-
:

sa came que de las de aca. De las que no son grandes bazeu los indios matas para cubrirse, y de
las mayores hazeu ^apatos y rodelas: estas vienen de hazia el uorte . . .mas de quatrocietas
leguas y on todo este camino por los valles per donde ellaa viene baxan las gentes que por alii babi-
tan y se mantienen dellas, y meten en la tierra grande contidad de cueros. "

Fray Marcos beard about these animals when he was in southern Arizona, on his way toward Cibola-
Zufli ''Aqui
: . . me truxeron un cuero, tanto y medio mayor que do una gran vaca, y me dixeroa
.

ques de un animal, que tiene solo nn cuemo en la freut« y queste cuerno es corbo hiicia los pechos,
y que de alll sale una punta derecha, en la cual dicen que tiene tanta fuerza, que ninguna cosa, por recia
que sea, dexa de romper, si topa con ella; y dicen quehay muchos animales deatos enaquella tierra; la
color del cuero es & manera de cabron y el pelo tan largo como el dedo."— Pacheco y Cardenas, Docu-
mentos de Indias, vol. iii, p. 341.
Gomara, cap. ccxv, gives the following description to accompany bis picture of these cows (plate lv,
berein) :"Son aquellos bueyes del tamano, y color, que nueatroa toros, pero no de tan grandes cuemos,
Tienen vna gran giba sobre la cruz, y mas pelo de medio adelante, que de medio atraa, y ea lana.
Tienen conioclinea sobre el espinazo, y mucho pelo, y muy largo de lasrodillaaabaxo. Cuelganes por
la frcute grandes guedejas, y parece que tienen baruas, segun los muchoa pelos del garguero, y varrillas.
Tienen la cola muy larga los machos, y con vn flueco grande al cabo assi que algo tienen de Icon, y algo
:

de camello. Hicren con los cuemos, corren, alcan^an, y matan vn cauallo, quando ellos se embraueceu,
y enojan finalmente ea animal feo y fiero de rostro, y cuerpo. Huye de los cauallos por au mala cata-
:

dura, o por nunca los auer visto. No tienen sus ducuos otra riqueza, ni bazienda, delloa comen, beuen,
viaten, cal(;an, y liazen muchas cosas de los cueros, casas, calgado, vestido y sogas: deloa [Link],
pun^ones: de los neruioa, y pelos. hilo: do los cuemos, buches, y bexigas, vasos: de las bouigas,
lumbre: y do las terneras, odres, en que traen y tienen agua: hazen en fin tantas cosaa delloa quantas
ban menester, o quantas las bastan para su biuienda. Ay tambien otros animales, tan grandea como
cauallos, que jmr tener cuernos, y lana fina, los Uaman carneros, y dizen, que catla cuerno peaa dos
arrouas. Ay tambien grandes perroa, que lidian con vn tore, y que lleaan dos arrouas de carga sobre
salmaa. quando va a ca^a, o quando se mudan con el ganado, y hato. "
Mota Padilla, cap. xxxiii, p. 164, says "son eatas vacas meuores que las nuestras su lana menuda
: ;

maa fina que la merina por encima im poco morena, y entre si un pardillo agraciado, & la parte de atraa
;

es la lana mas menuda; y do alii para la cabeza, crian unoaguedejones grandes no tan finos; tienen cuer-
nos pequeuos, y en todo lo demas son de la bechura de las nuestras, aunque mas cencefias los toros eon
:

mayoros, y bus pieles se curteu dej^ndoles la lana, y sirven, por su suavidad, de mullidas camas; no
ae vi6 becerrilla alguna, y puede atribuirse, 6 A los muchoa lobos que bay entre ellaa, 6 4 tener otros
parajes mas aeguros en que queden las vacas con aus crias, y dcben de mudarae por teraporadas. 6
porque falten las aguas de aquellaa lagunas, 6 porque conforme el sol se retira, les dafio la mutacion
del temperament©, y por eso se advierten en aquelloa llanos, trillados caminos 6 veredas por donde
entran y salen, y al miamo movimiento de laa vacua, se mueven cuadrillas de indios, . . y se
.

dijo ser deaabrida la carne de la bembra, y es providencia del Altisimo, para que los indios maten los
machos y reserven las liembras para el multiplico."
544 THE COKONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].14

I have not written about other things which were seen nor made any
mention of them, because they were not of so mucli impoitan<re,
although it does not seem right for me to remain silent concerning the
fact that they venerate the sign of the cross lu the region where the
settlements have high houses. For at a spring which was in the plain
near Acuco they had a cross two palms high and as thick as a finger,
made of wood with a square twig for its crosspiece, and many little
sticks decorated with feathers around it, and numerous withered flow-
ers, which were the offerings.' In a graveyard outside the village at
Tutahaco there appeared to have been a recent burial. Near the head
there was another cross made of two little sticks tied with cottou
thread, and dry withered flowers. It certainly seems to me that in
some way they must have received some light from the cross of Our
Kedeeiuer, Christ, and it may have come by way of India, from whence
they proceeded.

Chapter .9, which treats of the direction ichich the army took, and of
how another more direct way might be found, if anyone w<is to return to
that country.

I very much wish possessed some knowledge of cosmography

that 1

or geography, so as to renderwhat I wish to say intelligible, and so that

I could reckon up or measure the advantage those people who might go
in search of that country would have if they went directly through the
center of the country, instead of following the road the army took.
However, with the help of the favor of the Lord, I will state it as well
as I can, making it as plain as possible.
already understood that the Portuguese, Campo, was
It is, I think,
the soldier who escaped when Friar Juan de Padilla was killed at Qui-
vira, and that he finally reached IJew Spain from Panuco,^ having trav-
eled across the plains country until he came to cross the North Sea
mountain chain, keeping the country that Don Hernando de Soto dis-
covered all the time on his left hand, since he did not see the river
of the Holy Spirit (Espiritu Santo) at all.' After he had crossed the
North Sea mountains, he found that he was in Panuco, so that if he
had not tried to go to the North sea, he would have come out the m
* Scattered through the papers of Dr J. Walter Fewkes on the Ztiiii and Tusayan Indians will be
found many descriptions of the pdhos or prayer sticks and otlier forms used as offerings at the
shrines, together with exact accounts of the manner of making tlie offerings.
^ The northeastern province of New Spain.

*Tlie conception of the great inland plain stretching between the great lakes at the head of the St
Lawrence and the Gulf of Mexico came to cosmographers very slowly- Almost all of the early maps
show a disposition to carry the mountains which follow the Atlantic coast along the Gulf coast as far
as Texas, a result, doubtless, of the fact that all the expeditions which started inland from Florida
found mountains, Coronado's journey toQuivira added but little to the detailed geographical knowl-
edge of America. The name reached Europe, and it is found ou the maps, along the fortieth parallel,
aln»o3t everywhere from the Pacilic coast to the neighborhood of a western tributarj- to the St Law-
rence system. See the maps reproduced herein. Castaiieda could have aided them considerably, but
the map makers did not know of his book.
wiKSHip) TRANSLATION OF CASTANEDA 645

neighborhood of the border land, or the country of the Sacatecas,' of

which we now have some knowledge.
This way would be somewhat better and more direct for anyone
going back there in search of Quivira, since some of those who came
with the Portuguese are still in New Spain to serve as guides. Nev-
ertlieless, I think it would be best to go through the country of the
Guachichules,^ keeping near the Soutli Sea mountains all the time, for
there are more settlements and a food sujiply, for it would be suicide
to launch out on to the plains country, because it is so vast and is bar-
ren of anything to eat, although, it is true, there would not be much
need of this after coming to the cows. This is only when one goes in
search of Quivira, and of the villages which were described by the
Indian called Turk, for the army of Francisco Vazquez Coronado went
the very farthest way round to get there, since they started from Mexico
and went 110 leagues to the west, and then 100 leagues to the northeast,
and 250 to the north, ^ and all this brought them as far as the ravines
where the cows were, and after traveling 850 leagues they were not more
than 400 leagues distant from Mexico by a direct route. If one desires to
go to the country of Tiguex, so as to turn from there toward the west in
search of the country of India, he ought to follow the road taken by the
army, for there is no-other, even if one wished to go by a different way,
because the arm of the sea which reaches into this coast toward the north
does not leave room for any. But what might be done is to have a fleet
and cross this gulf and disembark in the neighborhood of the Island of
Negroes^ and enter the country from there, crossing the mountain chains
in search of the country from which the people at Tiguex came, or other
peoples of the same sort. As for entering from the country of Florida
and from the North sea, it has already been observed that the many
expeditions which have been undertaken from that side have been
unfortunate and not very successful, because that part of the country
is full of bogs and poisonous fruits, barren, and the very worst country
that is warmed by the sun. But they might disembark after passing
the river of the Holy Spirit, as Don Hernando de Soto did. Neverthe-
less, despite the fact that I underwent much labor, I still think that the
way I went to that country is the best. There ought to be river courses,
because the necessary supplies can be carried on these more easily in

'Captain John Stevens' Dictionary aays that this ia " a northern province of North America, rich in
silver mines,but ill provided with water, grain, and other substances yet by reason of the mines there
;

are seven or eight Spanish towns ih it." Zacatecas is now one of the central states of the Mexican
confederation, being south of Coahuila and southeast of Durango.
^Ternaux, p. 242, raiscopied it Quachicliilea.
^Ternaux, p. 243, reads: "puis pendant six cent cinquante vers le nord, . . De sorte qu'apr^a
.

avoir fait plus de huit cent ciuquante lieues." . . The substitution of six for two may possibly
.

give a number which is nearer the actual distance traversed, but the fact is quite unimportant. The
impression which the trip left on Castaneda is what should interest the historian or the reader.
*Ttie dictionary of Dominguez says "Isla de negros 6 isla del Almirantazgo, en el grande Oc6ano
: ;

equinoccial; grande isia do la America del Norte, sobre la costa oeste," Apparently the location of
this island gradually drifted westward with the increase of geographical knowledge, until it was iiually
located in the Philippine group.
14 ETH 35
546 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].M

large quantities. Horses are the most necessary things in the new
countries, and they frighten the enemy most. . . Artillery is also
.

much feared by those who do not know how to use it. A piece of heavy
artillery would be very good for settlements like those which Francisco
Vazquez Corouado discovered, in order to knock them down, because
he had nothing but some small machines for slinging and nobody skill-
ful enough to make a catapult or some other machine which would
frighten them, which is very necessary.
I say, then, that with what we now know about the trend of the
coast of the South sea, which has been followed by the ships which
explored the western part, and what is known of the North sea toward
Norway, the coast of which extends up from Florida, those who now
go to discover the country which Francisco Vazquez entered, and reach
the country of Cibola or of Tiguex, will know the direction in which
they ought to go in order to discover the true direction of the country
which the Marquis of the Valley, Don Hernando Cortes, tried to find,
following the direction of the gulf of the Firebrand (Tizon) river. This
will suffice for the conclusion of our narrative. Everything else rests
on the powerful Lord of all things, God Omnipotent, who knows how
and when these lands will be discovered and for whom He has guarded
this good fortune.

Laus Deo.
Finished copying, Saturday the 26th of October, 1596, in Seville.
TKANSLATION OF THE LETTER FROM ME:N^D0ZA TO THE
KING, APRIL 17, 1540, ^

S.C.C.M.:
I vrrote to Your Majesty from Compostela the last of February,
giving you an account of my arrival there and of the departure of
Francisco Vazquez with the force which I sent to pacify and settle in
the newly discovered country, and of how the warden, Lope de Sam-
aniego, was going as army-master, both because he was a responsible
person and a very good Christian, and because he has had experience in
matters of this sort; as Your Majesty had desired to kuow. And the
news which I have received since theu is to the effect that after they
had passed the uninhabited region of Culuacan and were approaching
Chiametla, the warden went off with some horsemen to find provisions,
and one of the soldiers who was with him, who had strayed from the
force, called out that they were killing him. The warden hastened
to his assistance, and they wounded him in the eye with an arrow, from
which he died. In regard to the fortress,^ besides the fact that it is
badly built and going to pieces, it seems to me that the cost of it is
excessive, and that Your Majesty could do without the most of it,
because there is one man who takes charge of the munitions and artil-
lery, and an armorer to repair it, and a gunner, and as this is the way it
was under the audiencia, before the fortresses were made conformable
to what I have written to Your Majesty, we can get along without the
rest, because that fortress was built on account of the brigantines, and
not for any other purpose.^ And as the lagoon is so dry that it can do
no good in this way for the present, I think that, for this reason, the
cost is superfluous. I believe that it will have fallen in before a reply
can come from Your Majesty.
Some days ago I wrote to Your Majesty that I had ordered Melchior
Diaz, who was in the town of San Miguel de Culuacan, to take some
horsemen and see if the account given by the father. Friar Marcos,
agreed with what he could discover. He set out from Culuacan with
fifteen horsemen, the 17th of N^ovember last. The 20th of this present
'From the Spanish text in Pachero y Cardenas, Documentos de Indlas. vol. ii, p. 356. The letter
mentioned m the opening sentence in nut known to exist.
'Presumably the fortress of which Samaniego was warden.
'[Link] Smith s Florida gives many documents relating to the damage done by French
brigantines to the Spanish West Indies during 1540-41.
547
548 THE COUONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1543 tETHAXN. U

March I received a letter from bun, which he sent me by Juan de Zal-

dyvar and three other horsemen. In this he says that after he left
Culiiacau and crossed the river of Petatlan he was everywhere very
well received by^the Indians. The way he did was to send a cross to
the place where he was going to stop, because this was a sign which the
Indians received with deep veneration, making a house out of mats in
which to place it, and somewhat away from this they made a lodging
for the Spaniards, and drove stakes where they could tie the horses,
and supplied fodder for them, and abundance of corn wherever they had
it. They say that they suffered from hunger in many places, because
it had been a bad year. After going 100 leagues from Culuacan, he
began to find the country cold, with severe frosts, and the farther he
went on the colder it became, until he reached a point where some
Indians whom he had with him were frozen, and two Spaniards were in
great danger. Seeing this, he decided not to go any farther until the
winter was over, and to send back, by those whom I mentioned, an
account of what he had learned concerning Cibola and the country
beyond, which is as follows, taken literally from his letter:
"I have given Your Lordship an account of what happened to me
along the way; and seeing that it is impossible to cross the uninhabited
region which stretches from here to Cibola, on account of the heavy
snows and the cold, I will give Your Lordship an account of what I have
learned about Cibola, which I have ascertained by asking many persons
who have been there fifteen and twenty years; and I have secured this
in many different ways, taking some Indians together and others sep-
arately, and on comparison they all seem to agree in what they say.
After crossing this large wilderness, there are seven places, being a
short day's march from one to another, all of which are together called
Cibola. The houses are of stone and mud, coarsely worked. They are
made in this way: One large wall, and at each end of this wall some
rooms are built, partitioned off 20 feet square, according to the descrip-
tion they give, which are planked with square beams. Most of the
houses are reached from the flat roofs, using their ladders to go to tlie
streets. The houses have three and four stories. They declare that
there are few having two stories. The stories are mostly half as high
again as a man, except the first one, which is low, and only a little
more than a man's height. One ladder is used to communicate with
ten or twelve houses together. They make use of the low ones and
live in the highest ones. In the lowest ones of all they have some
loopholes made sideways, as in the fortresses of Spain. The Indians
say that when these people are attacked, they station themselves in
their houses and fight from there; and that when they go to make
war, they carry shields and wear leather jackets, which are made of
cows' hide, colored, and that they fight with arrows and with a sort of
stone maul and with some other weapons made of sticks, which I have
not been able to make out. They eat human flesh, and they keep those
whom they capture in war as slaves. There are many fowls in the
wLNSHip] MENDOZA'S letter, APRIL 17, 1540 549

country, tame. They have much corn and beans and melons [squashes].
In their houses they keep some hairy animals, like the large Spanish
hounds, which they shear, and they make long colored wigs from the
hair, like thisone which I send to Your Lordship, which they wear, and
they also put this same stuff in the cloth which they make.' The men
are of small stature [plate lxii]; the women are light colored and of
good appearance, and they wear shirts or chemises which reach down
to their feet. They wear their hair on each side done ux> in a sort of
twist [plate LXiii], which leaves the ears outside, in which they hang
many turquoises, as well as on their necks and on the wrists of their
arms. The clothing of the men is a cloak, and over this the skin of
a cow, like the one which Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes brought,
which Your Lordship saw; they wear caps^ on their heads; in summer
they wear shoes made of painted or colored skin, and high buskins in
winter,'
They were me of any metal, nor did they say that
also unable to tell
they had They have turquoises in quantity, although not so many
it.

as the father provincial said. They have some little stone crystals,
like this which I send to Your Lordship, of which Your Lordship has
seen many here in Xew Spain. They cultivate the ground in tlie same
way as in l^ew Spain. They carry things on their heads, as in Mexico.
1 In his paper on the Hnmau Bones of the Hemenway Collection (Memoirs of the National Academy
of Sciences, vi, p. 156 et seq.), Dr Washington Matthews discusses the possible former existence of a
variety of the Uant.i in certain parts of the southwest.
The headbands aro doubtleaa here referred to.
-The Spanish text for the foregoing paragraph is as follows; "Salidos deste despoblado grande,
estAu siete liigares y habnl una Jornada peqaeDa del nno al otro, A los quales todos juntos llaman
Civola tienen las caaaa do picdra y barro, toacamente labradas, son desta manera liechas una pared
; ;

larga y deata pared A un caho y A otro salen unaa cdmaras atajadas de veinte pies en cuadra, segund
senalau, las cuales estAn niaderadas do vigas por labrar; las niAs casas se mandan por las azoteas
census escaleras A lascalles; son las caaas de tres y de cuatro altos; afirman liaber pocas de dos
altoH, los altos son demAs do eatado y medio en alto, ecebto el primero ques bajo, que no temA sine
algo rada quo un eatado; mandAnse diez 6 doce caaas juntas por iina escalera, de loa b£yos se
eirven y en los niAs altos hahitan; eu el mAs bajo de todos tienen unas aaeteraa hechas al|80slayo
como en fortalezaa en Espafia. nicen los indios quo cuando les vienen A dar guerra, que se meten
en eiis caaas todos y de alii peleau, y quo cuando [Link] A hacer guerra, que llevan rodelaa y
unaa cueras vestidas que son do vacas de coloros, y que pelean con flechas y con unas raacetas
de piedra y con otras arnias de i)alo que no he podido entender. Cornea carne humana y los que
prenden en la guerra ti6nenloa por esclavos. Uay muchas gallinas on la tiorra, mausaa, tienen
mucho maiz y friaoles y melones, tienen en sua caaas unos animales bodijudos como grandcs poden-
cos do Castilla, los quales tresquilan, y del pelo hacen cabelleras de colores quo so ponen, como esa
que envio A V, S., y tambien en la ropa (^ue hacen echan de lo mismo. Los hombrea son de pequena
ostatura; laa mujcres son blancas y de bueubs geatos, andau vestidas con unas camisaa que lea
llegan haata loa pies, y los cabelloa partfinselos A manera de ladoa con ciertas vueltas, quo lea quedan
las orejaa dn fuera. en la.s cuales se cuelgaii muchas turquesas y al cuello y en las muQocas de los
brazos. El vcstido de los hombrea son mantas y encima cueroa de vaca, como el que V. S. veria que
llev6 Cabeza do Vaca y Dorantes en las cabezas se ponen unas tocas traen en verano zapatos de
; ;

cuero pintados 6 de color, y en el invierno borceguies altos.

" De la misma manera, no me saben dar razon de metal ninguno, ni dicen quo lo tengan turqneaas ;

tienen en cautldad, aunque no tantas como el padre provincial dice tienen unas pedrezuelas do christal
;

como esa que envio A V. S.,de las cuales V. S. habia \isto hartaa en esa Kueva Espafia; labran las
tierras A uso de la Nueva Espafia; cArganse en la cabeza como en M6xico; los hombre.s tejen la ropa
6 hilan el algodon; comen sal de una laguna questA A dos jornailas do laprovincia do Civola. Loa
indios hacen sus bailes y cantos con unas flautas quo tienen sua puntos do ponen los dedos, hacen
muchos Bonea, cantan juntamente con los que tafien, y los que cantan dan palmaa A nueatro modo.
Artn indio de los que llev6 Eat^^ban el Negro, questuvo allA cautivo, hi vi taner, que selo mostrarou
allA, y otros cantaban como digo, aunquo no muy desenvueltos dicen que se juntan ciuco 6 seisA
;

tafier, y que son las iluutas unas mayores que otras.**

550 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].u

The men weave clotli and spin cotton. They have salt from a marshy-
lake, which two days from the province of Cibola.' The Indians
is
have their dances and songs, with some flutes which have holes on
which to put the fingers. They make much noise. They sing in unison
with those who play, and those who sing clap their hands in our fash-
ion. One of the Indians that accompanied the negro Esteban, who
had been a captive there, saw the playing as thej^ practiced it, and
others singing as I have said, although not very vigorously. They
say that five or six play together, and that some of the flutes are
better than others.'* They say the country is good for corn and beans,
and that they do not have any fruit trees, nor do they know what
such a thing is.' They have very good mountains. The country lacks
water. They do not raise cotton, but bring it from Totonteac.^ They
eat out of flat bowls, like the Mexicans. They raise considerable corn
and beans and other similar things.' They do not know what sea fish
is, nor have they ever heard of it. I have not obtained any information
about the cows, except that these are found beyond the province of
Cibola. There is a great abundance of wild goats, of the color of bay
horses; there are many of these here where I am, and although I have
asked the Indians if those are like these, they tell me no. Of the
seven settlements, they describe three of them as very large; four not
so big. They describe them, as I understand, to be about three cross-
bow shots square for each place, and from what the Indians say, and
their descriptions of the houses and their size, and as these are close
together, and considering that there are people in each house, it ought to
make a large multitude. Totonteac is declared to be seven short days
from the province of Cibola, and of the same sort of houses and people,
and they say that cotton grows there. I doubt this, because they tell
me that it is a cold country. They say that there are twelve villages,
every one of which is larger than the largest at Cibola. They also tell
me that there is a village which is one day from Cibola, and that the
two are at war.^ They have the same sort of houses and people and
customs. They declare this to be greater than any of those described;
I take it that there is a great multitude of people there. They are very
well known, on account of having these houses and abundance of food
and turquoises. I have not been able to learn more than what I have
'The same salt lake from -which the Znfiis obtain their salt supply today.
'Compare with this hearsay description of something almost unknown to the Spaniards, the thor-
onghly scientific descriptions of the Hopi dances and ceremonials recorded by Dr J. Walter Fewkes,
^The peaches, watermelons, cantaloopes, and grapes, now so extensively cultivated by the Pneblos,
were introduced early in the seventeenth century by the Spanish missionaries.
^At first glance it seems somewhat strange that although ZuSi is considerably more than 100 miles
south of Totont«ac, or Tusayan, the people of the former villages did not cultivate cotton, but in this
I am reminde«l by Mr Hodge that part of the Tusayan people are undoubtedly of southern origin and
that in all probability they intro<lnced cotton into that group of villages. The Pimaa raised cotton
as late as 1850. None of the Pueblos now cultivate the plant, the introduction of cheap fabrics by
traders having doubtless brought the industry to an end. See page 574.
^*'Y otras simillas como chia" is the Spanish text.
^Ooubtless the pueblo of Marata (Makyata) mentioned by Marcos de Niza. This village was situ-
ated near the salt lake and had been destroyed by the Znfiis some years before Kiza visited New Mexico.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL- LXVIt

PUEBLO SPINNING AND WEAVING

(From photograph of a model in the National Museum)
wiNBHip] MENDOZA's letter, APRIL 17, 1540 551

related, although, as I have said, I have had with me Indians who

have lived there fifteen and twenty years.
"The death of Esteban the negro took place in the way the father,
Friar Marcos, described it to your lordship, and so I do not make a
report of it here, except that the people at Cibola sent word to those of
this village and in its neighborhood that if any Christians should come,
they ought not to consider them as anything peculiar, and ought to kill
—
them, because they were mortal saying that they had learned this
because they kept the bones of the one who had come there; and that,
if they did not dare to do this, they should send word so that those (at
Cibola) could come and do it. I can very easily believe that all this has
taken place, and that there has been some communication between
these places, because of the coolness with which they received us and
the sour faces they have shown us."
Melchior Diaz says that the people whom he found along the way do
not have any settlements at all, except iu one valley which is 150
leagues from Culuacau, which is well settled and has houses with
lofts, and that there are many people along the way, but that they are
not good for anything except to make them Christians, as if this was
of small account. May Your Majesty remember to provide for the
service of God, and keep in mind the deaths and the loss of life and of
provinces which has taken place in these Indies. And, moreover, up
to this present day none of the things Your Majesty has commanded,
which have been very holy and good, have been attended to, nor priests
provided, either for that country or for this. For I assure Your Maj-
esty that there is no trace of Christianity where they have not yet
arrived, neither little nor much, and that the poor people are ready to
receive the priests and come to them even when they flee from us like
deer in the mountains. And I state this because I am an eyewitness,
and I have seen it clearly during this trip. I have importuned Your
Majesty for friars, and yet again I can not cease doing it much more,
because unless this be done I cau not accomplish that which I am bound
to do.
After I reach Mexico, I will give Your Majesty an account of every-
thing concerning these provinces, for while 1 should like to do it today,
I can not, because I am very weak from a slow fever which I caught in
Colima, which attacked me very severely, although it did not last more
than six days. It has pleased Our Lord to make me well already, and
I have traveled here to Jacona, where I am.
May Our Lord protect the Holy Catholic Caesarian person of Your
Majesty and aggrandize it with increase of better kingdoms and lord-
ships, as we your servants desire.
From Jacona, April 17, 1540.
S. C. O. M.
Your Holy Majesty's humble servant, who salutes your royal feet
and hands,
D. Antonio db Mendoza.
TRANSLATION OF THE LETTER FROM OORONADO TO
MENDOZA, AUGUST 3, 1540.'
The Account given by Francisco Vazquez de Cobonado,
Captain-General of the forck which was sent in the name
OF His Majesty to the newly discovered country, of what
happened to the expedition after April 22 of the year
MDXL, WHEN HE started FORWARD PROM CULIACAN, AND OP
WHAT HE FOUND IN THE COUNTRY THROUGH WHICH HE PASSED.
Francisco Vazquez starts from Guliacan with his army, and after suffer-
ing various inconveniences on a^ccount of the badness of the icay, reaches
the Valley of Hearts, where he failed to find any corn, to procure which
he sends to the valley called Senora. He receives an account of the
important Valley of Hearts and of the people there, and of some lands
lying along that coast.

On the 22d of the month of April last, I set out from the province of
Culiacau with a part of the army, having made the arrangements of
which I wrote to Your Lordship. Judging by the outcome, I feel sure
that it was fortunate that I did not start the whole of the army on this
undertaking, because the labors have been so very great and the la«k
of food such that I do not believe this undertaking could have been
completed before the end of this year, and that there would be a great
loss of life if it should be accomplished. For, as I wrote to Your Lord-
ship, I spent eighty days in traveling to Culiacan,^ during which time I
and the gentlemen of my company, who were horsemen, carried on our
backs and on our horses a little food, in such wise that after leaving this
place none of us carried any necessary effects weighing more than a
pound. For all this, and although we took all possible care and fore-
thought of the small supply of provisions which we carried, it gave out.
And this is not to be wondered at, because the road is rough and long,
and what with our harquebuses, which had to be carried up the moun-
tains and hills and in the passage of the rivers, the greater part of the

1 Translated from the Italian version, in Kamusio's Viaggl,Tol. Hi, fol. 359 (ed. 1556)
. There is another
English translation in Haklnyt's Voyatres, vol. iii, p. 373 (ed. 1600)
. Hakluy t's translation is reprinted
in Old South Leaflet, general series, No. 20. Mr Irving Babbitt, of the French department in Harvard
University, has aaaist^'d in correcting some of the errors and omissions in Hakluyt's version. The
proper names, excepting such as are properly translated, are spelled as in the Italian text.
^This statement is probably not correct. It may be dne to a blunder by Kamnsio in translating
from the original text. See note on page 382. Eighty days (see pp. 564, 572) would be nearly the time
ivhich Coronado probably spent on the journey from Culiacan to Cibola, and this interpretation would
render the rest of the sentence much more intelligible.
552
wiNsHiPl CORONADO TO MENDOZA, AUGUST 3, 1540 553

corn was lost. And since I send Your Lordship a drawing of this route,
I will say no more about it here.
Thirty leagues before reaching the place which the father provincial
spoke so well of in his report,' I sent Melchior Diaz forward with fifteen
horsemen, ordering him to make but one day's journey out of two, so
that he could examine everything there before I arrived. He traveled
through some very rough mountains for four days, and did not find any-
thing to live on, nor people, nor information about anything, except that
he found two or three poor villages, with twenty or thirty huts apiece.
From the people here he learned that there was nothing to be found in
the country beyond except the mountains, which continued very rough,
entirely uninhabited by people. And, because this was labor lost, I did
not want to send Your Lordship an account of it. The whole company
felt disturbed at this, that a thing so much praised, and about which
the father had said so many things, should be found so very different;
and they began to think that all the rest would be of the same sort.
When I noticed this, I tried to encourage them as well as I could, tell-
ing them that Your Lordship had always thought that this part of the
trip would be a waste of effort, and that we ought to devote our atten-
tion to those Seven Cities and the other provinces about which we had
—
information that these sliould be the end of our enterprise. With this
resolution and purpose, we all marched cheerfully along a very bad way,
where it was impossible to pass without making a new road or repair-
ing the one that was there, which troubled the soldiers not a little, con-
sidering that everything which the friar had said was found to be quite
the reverse; because, among other things which the father had said and
declared, he said that the way would be plain and good, and that there
would be only one small hill of about lialf a league. And tlie truth is,
that there are mountains where, however well the path might be fixed,
they could not be crossed without there being great danger of the horses
falling over them. And it was so bad that a large number of the ani-
mals which Your Lordship sent as provision for the army were lost along
this part of the way, on account of the roughness of the rocks. The
lambs and wethers lost their hoofs along the way, and I left the greater
part of those which I brought from Ouliacan at the river of Lachimi,^
because they were unable to travel, and so that they might proceed more
slowly. Four horsemen remained with them, who have just arrived.
They have not brought more than 24 lambs and 4 wethers; the rest died
from the toil, although they did not travel more than two leagues daily.
I reached the Valley of Hearts at last, on the 26th day of tlie month of
May, and rested there a number of days. Between Culiacau and this
place 1 could sustain myself only by means of a large supply of corn
bread, because I had to leave all the corn, as it was not yet ripe. In this
Valley of Hearts we found more people than in any part of the country

'The valley into which Friar Marcos did not dare to enter. See the Historical Introduction, p. 362.
^Doubtless the Ya<iuimi or Yaqui river.
554 THE COKONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].u

which we had left behind, and a large extent of tilled ground. There
was no corn for food among them, but as I heard that there was some in
another valley called Seiiora, which I did not wish to disturb by force,
I sent Melchior Diaz with goods to exchange for it, so as to give this to
the friendly Indians whom we brought with us, and to some who had
lost their animals along the way and had not been able to carry the food
which they had taken from Ouliacan. By the favor of Our Lord, some
little corn was obtained by this trading, which relieved the friendly

Indians and some Spaniards. Ten or twelve of the horses had died of
overwork by the time that we reached this Valley of Hearts, because
they were unable to stand the strain of carrying heavy burdens and
eating little. Some of our negroes and some of the Indians also died
here, which was not a slight loss for the rest of the expedition. They
told me that the Valley of Hearts is a long five-days' journey from the
western sea. I sent to summon Indians from the coast in order to learn
about their condition, and while I was waiting for these the horses
rested. I stayed there four days, during which the Indians came from
the sea, who told me that there were seven or eight islands two days'
journey from that seacoast, directly opposite, well populated with peo-
ple, but poorly supplied with food, and the people were savages.' They
told me they had seen a shii) pass not very far from the land. 1 do not

know whether to think that it was the one which was sent to discover
the country, or perhaps some Portuguese.''

They come to Chichilticale; after having taken two a days'' rest, they enter

country containing very little food and hard

for 30 leagues, to travel

beyond tchich the country becomes pleasant, and there is a river called
the River of the Flax {del Lino); they fight against the Indians, being
attached by these; and having by their victory secured the city, they
relieve themselves of the pangs of their hunger.

I set out from the Hearts and kept near the seacoast as well as I
could judge, but in fact I found myself continually farther off, so that
when I reached Ohichilticale I found that I was fifteen days' journey
distant from the sea,^ although the father provincial had said that it
was only 5 leagues distant and that he had seen it. all became very We
distrustful, and felt great anxiety and dismay to see that everything
was the reverse of what he had told Your Lordship. The Indians of
Ohichilticale say that when they go to the sea for fish, or for anything
else that they need, they go across the country, and that it takes them

* These were doubUess the Seri, of Yuman stock, who occupied a atrip of the Gulf coast between
latitude 28° and 29° and the islands Angel do la Guardia and Tiburon. The latter island, as well as
the coast of the adjacent mainland, is still inhabited by this tribe.
^As Indian news goes, there is no reason why this may not have been one of IJlloa's ships, which
Bailed along this coast during the previous summer. It can hardly have been a ship of Alarcon's
fleet.
'Ramusio: "mi ritronauolungedalmarequindicigiornate.'' Haklnyt (ed. 1600) :
"I found my selfe
tenne dayes iourney from the Sea.'^
wiMSHip] CORONADO TO MENDOZA, AUGUST 3, 1540 565
ten days; and this information which I liave received from the Indians
appears to me to be true. The sea turns toward the west directly oppo-
site the Hearts for 10 or 12 leagues, where I learned that the ships of
Your Lordship had been seen, wliich had gone in search of the port of
which the father said was on the thirty fifth degree. God
Chichilticale,
knows what I have suffered, because I fear that they may have met with
some mishap. If they follow the coast, as they said they would, as long
as the food lasts which they took with them, of which I left them a
supply in Culiacan, and if they have not been overtaken by some mis-
fortune, I maintain my trust in (^lod that they have already discovered
something good, for which the delay which they have made may be
pardoned. I rested for two days at Chichilticale, and there was good
reason for staying longer, because we found that the horses were becom-
ing so tired but there was no chance to rest longer, because the food
;

was giving out. I entered the borders of the wilderness region on Saint
John's eve, and, for a change from our past labors, we found no gi-ass
during the first days, but a worse way through mountains and more
dangerous passages than we had experienced previously. The horses
were so tired that they were not equal to it, so that in this last desert
we lost more horses than before; and some Indian allies and a Span-
iard called Spinosa, besides two negroes, died from eating some herbs
because the food had given out. I sent the army-master, Don Garcia
Lopez de Cardenas, with 15 horsemen, a day's march ahead of me, in
order to explore the country and prepare the way, which he accom-
plished like the man that he is, and' agreeably to the confidence which
Tour Lordship has had in him. I am the more certain that he did so,
because, as I have said, the way is very bad for at least 30 leagues and
more, through impassable mountains. But when we had passed these
30 leagues, we found fresh rivers and grass like that of Castile, and
especially one sort like what we call Scaramoio; many nut and mul-
berry trees, but the leaves of the nut trees are different from those of
Spain. There was a considerable amount of flax near the banks of one
river, which was called on this account El Rio del Lino. No Indians
were seen during the first day's inarch, after which four Indians came
out with signs of peace, saying that they had been sent to that desert
place to say that we were welcome, and that on the next day the tribe
would provide the whole force with food. The army-master gave them
a cross, telling them to say to the people in their city that they need
not fear, and that they should have their people stay in their own houses,
because I was coming in the name of His Majesty to defend and help
them. After this was done, Ferrando Alvarado came back to tell me
that some Indians had met him peaceably, and that two of them were
with the army-master waiting for me. I went to them forthwith, and
gave them some paternosters and some little cloaks, telling them to
return to their city and say to the people there that they could stay
quietly in their houses and that they need not fear. After this I ordered
556 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-i542 [eth asn.U

the army master to go and see if there were any bad passages which
the Indians might be able to defend, and to seize and hold any such
until the next day, when I would come up. He went, and found a very
bad place in our way where we might have received much harm.
He immediately established himself there with the force which he was
conducting. The Indians came that very night to occupy that place so
as to defend it, and finding it taken, they assaulted our men. Accord-
ing to what I have been told, they attacked like valiant men, although
in the end tliey had to retreat in flight, because the army-master was
on the watch and kept his men in good order. The Indians sounded a
little trumpet as a sign of retreat, and did not do any injury to the
Spaniards. The army-master sent me notice of this the same night, so
that on the next day I started with as good order as I could, for we
were in such great need of food that I thought we should all die of hun-
ger if we continued to be without provisions for another day, especially
the Indians, since altogether we did not have two bushels of coi n, and
so I was obliged to hasten forward without delay. The Indians lighted
their fires from point to point, and these were answered from a distance
with as good understanding as we could have shown. Thus notice was
given concerning how we went and where we had arrived. As soon
as I came within sight of this city, I sent the army-master, Don Garcia
Lopez, Friar Daniel and Friar Luis, and Ferrando Vermizzo, with
some horsemen, a little way ahead, so that they might find the Indians
and tell them that we were not coining to do them any harm, but to
defend them in the name of our lord the Emi)eror. The summons, in
the form which His Majesty commanded in his instructions, was made
intelligible to the people of the country by an interpreter. But they,
being a proud people, were little aft'ected, because it seemed to them
that we were few in number, and that they would not have any diflflculty
in conquering us. They pierced the gown of Friar Luis with an arrow,
which, blessed be God, did him no harm. Meanwhile I arrived with
all the rest of the horse and the footmen, and found a large body of
the Indians on the plain, who began to shoot with heir arrows. In 1

obedience to the orders of Your Lordship and of the [Link],' I did not
wish my company, who were begging me for permission, to attack them,
telling them that they ought not to offend them, and that what the enemy
was doing was nothing, and that so few people ought not to be insulted.
On the other hand, when the Indians saw that we did not move, they
took greater courage, and grew so bold that they came up almost to the
heeis of our horses to shoot their arrows. On this account I saw that it
was no longer time to hesitate, and as the priests approved the action,
I charged them. There was little to do, because they suddenly took to
flight, part running toward the city, which was near and well fortified,
and others toward the plain, wherever chance led them. Some Indians
litis possible that this is a blunder, in Kamnsio's text, for "His Miyesty." The Marquis, in New
Spain, is always Cortes, forwliom neither Mendoza nor Coronado had any especial regard.
wtNSHip] CORONADO TO MENDOZA, AUGUST 3, 1540 557
were killed,and others might have been slain if I coald have allowed
them to be pursued. But I saw that there would be little advantage
in this, because the, Indians who were outside were few, and those who
had retired to the city were numerous, besides many who had remained
there in the first place. As that was where the food was, of which we
stood in such great need, I assembled my whole force and divided them
as seemed to me best for the attack on the city, and surrounded it.
The hunger which we suffered would not permit of any delay, and so I
dismounted with some of these gentlemen and soldiers. I ordered the
musketeers and crossbowmen to begin the attack and drive back the
enemy from the defenses, so that they could not do us any injury. I
assaulted the wall on one side, where I was told that there was a scal-
ing ladder and that there was also a gate. But the crossbowmen broke
all the strings of their crossbows and the musketeers could do nothing,
because they had arrived so weak and feeble that they could scarcely
stand on their feet. On this account the people who were on top were
not prevented at all from defending themselves and doing us whatever
injury they were able. Thus, for myself, they knocked me down to the
ground twice with countless great stones which they threw down from
above, and if I had not been protected by the very good headpiece which
I wore, I think that the outcome would have been bad for me. They
picked me up from the ground, however, with two small wounds in my face
and an arrow in my foot, and with many bruises on my arms and legs,
and in this condition I retired from the battle, very weak. I think that
if Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas had not come to my help, like a good
cavalier, the second time that they knocked me to the ground, by placing
his own body above mine, I should have been in much greater danger
than I was. But, by the pleasure of God, these Indians surrendered, and
their city was taken with the help of Our Lord, and a sufQcient supply
of corn was found there to relieve our necessities. The army-master
and Don Pedro de Tovar and Ferrando de Alvarado and Paulo de
Melgosa, the infantry captain, sustained some bruises, although none
of them were wounded. Agoiuez Quarez was hit in the arm by an
arrow, and one Torres, who lived in Panuco, in the face by another, and
two other footmen received slight arrow wounds. They all directed their
attack against me because my armor was gilded and glittered, and on
this account I was hurt more than the rest, and not because I had done
more or was farther in advance than the others; for all these gentlemen
and soldiers bore themselves well, as was expected of them. I praise
God that I am now well, although somewhat sore from the stones. Two
or three other soldiers were hurt in the battle which we had on the
—
plain, and three horses were killed one that of Don Lopez and another
—
that of Vigliega and the third that of Don Alfonso Manrich and seven
or eight other horses were wounded; but the men, as well as the horses,
have now recovered and are well.

V
558 THE COKONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth,ak.n.14

Of the situationand condition of the Seven Cities called the kingdom of

Gevola, and the sort of people and their customs, and of the animals
which are found there.
It now remains for me to tell about tbis city and kingdom and prov-
ince, of wbich tlie Fatber Provincial gave Your Lordsbip an account.
In brief, I can assure you tbat in reality be bas not told tbe trutb in a
single tiling tbat be said, but everytbing is tbe reverse of wbat be said,
except tbe name of tbe city and tbe large stone bouses. For, altbougb
tbey are not decorated witb turquoises, nor made of lime nor of good
bricks, nevertbeless they are very good bouses, with three and four
aud Ave stories, where there are very good apartments and good rooms
witb corridors,' and some very good rooms under ground and paved,
which are made for winter, and are something like a sort of hot baths.'
The ladders which they have for their houses are all movable and port-
able, which are taken up and placed wherever they please. Tbey are
made of two pieces of wocid, witb rounds like ours. [See jilates lviii,
LVix.] The Seven Cities are seven little villages, all having the kind
of houses I have described. Tbey are all within a radius of 5 leagues.
Tbey are all called tbe kingdom of Cevola, and each has its own name
and no single one is called Cevola, but all together are called Cevola.
This one which I have called a city I have named Granada, partly
because it has some similarity to it,^ as well as out of regard for Your
Lordsbip. In this place where I am now lodged there are perhaps 200
houses, all surrounded by a wall, and it seems to me tbat with the other
bouses, which are not so surrounded, there might be altogether 500
families. There is another town near by, which is one of the seven, but
somewhat larger than this, and another of tbe same size as this, and
tbe other four are somewhat smaller. I send them all to Your Lord-
ship, painted with tbe route. The skin on which tbe painting is made
was found here witb other skins. Tbe people of the towns seem to me
to be of ordinary size and intelligent, although I do not think that tbey
have the judgment and intelligence which tbey ought to have to
build these bouses in tbe way in which they have, for most of them are
entirely naked except tbe covering of their privy parts, and they have
painted mantles like the one which I send to Your Lordship. They do
not raise cotton, because the country is very cold, but they wear
mantles, as may be seen by tbe exhibit which I send. It is also true
that some cotton thread was found in their houses. Tbey wear tbe
hair on their beads like the Mexicans. They all have good figures,
and are well bred. I think that they have a quantity of turquoises,
which tbey bad removed with the rest of their goods, except the corn,
when I arrived, because I did not find any women here nor any men
'Hakluyt: . . ."very excellent good liouaes of three or foure or fine lofts high, wherein are
good lodgings and faire chambers with lathers in stead of staires."
2The kivas or ceremonial chambers.
*See the footnote on page 564 in regard to the similarity of names. The note was written without
reference to the above passage.
t}',...,, mm

Vr. ''y^.-i<^hl:r\

\/

,»
wiNSHip) CORONADO TO MENDOZA, AUGUST 3, 1540 559

under 15 years or over 60, except two or three old men who remained
in command of the other men and the warriors. Two points of
all
emerald and some little broken stones which approach the color of
rather poor garnets were found in a paper, besides other stone crystals,
'

which I gave to one of my servants to keep until they could be sent to

Your Lordship. He has lost them, as they tell me. found fowls, We
but only a few, and yet there are some. The Indians tell me that they
do not eat these in any of the seven villages, but that they keep them
merely for the sake of procuring the feathers.^ I do not believe this,
because they are very good, and better than those of Mexico. The
climate of this country and the temperature of the air is almost like
that of Mexico, because it is sometimes hot and sometimes it rains. I
have not yet seen it rain, however, except once when there fell a little
shower with wind, such as often falls in Spain. The snow and the
cold are usually very great, according to what the natives of the country
all say. This may very probably be so, both because of the nature
of the country and the sort of houses they build and the skins and
other things which these people have to protect them from the cold.
There are no kinds of fruit or fruit trees. The country is all level, and
is nowhere shut in by high mountains, although there are some hills
and rough passages.^ There are not many birds, i^robably because of
the cold, and because there are no mountains near. There are no trees
fit for firewood here, because they can bring enough for their needs from

a clump of very small cedars 4 leagues distant.'' Very good grass is

found a quarter of a league away, where there is pasturage for our horses
as well as mowing for hay, of which we had great need, because our
horses were so weak and feeble when they arrived. The food which
they eat in this country is corn, of which they have a great abundance,
and beans and venison, which they probably eat (although they say
that they do not), because we found many skins of deer and hares and
rabbits. They make the best corn cakes I have ever seen anywhere,
and this is what everybody ordinarily eats. They have the vei-y best
arrangement and machinery for grinding that was ever seen [plate lxiv].
One of these Indian women here will grind as much as four of the Mexi-
cans. They have very good salt in crystals, which they bring from a
lake a day's journey distant from here. No information can be obtained
among them about the North sea or that on the west, nor do I know
how to tell Your Lordship which we are iiearest to. I should judge that
it is nearer to the western, and 150 leagues is the nearest that it seems

to me it can be thither. The North sea ought to be much farther away.

Your Lordship may thus see how very wide the country is. They have
•Many garnets are found on the ant-hills throughout the region, especially in the Navajo country.
'The natives doubtless told the truth. Eagle and turkey feathers are still highly priied by them
for use in their ceremonies.
'Itshould be noted that Coronado clearly distingnishes between hills or mesas and mountains.
hemmed in by heights varying from 500 to 1,000 feet.
Zufii valley is
This accords perfectly with the condition of the vegetation in Zufii valley at the present time.
 —

560 THE COKONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

many animals—bears, tigers, lions, porcupines, and some sheep as big

as a horse, with very large horns and little tails. I have seen some of
their horns the size of which was something to marvel at.' There are
also wild goats, have seen, and the paws of the bears and
whose heads I
the skins of the wild boars. For game they have deer, leopards, and
very large deer,- and every one thinks that some of them are larger
than that animal which Your Lordshij) favored me with, which belonged
to Juan Melaz. They inhabit some plains eight days' journey toward
the north. Tliey have some of their skins here very well dressed, and
they prepare and paint them where they kill the cows, according to
what they tell me.

Of the nature and situation of the kingdoms of Totonteac, Marata, and

Acus, u-hoUy different from the account of Friar Marcos. The confer-
ence which they had icith the Indians of the city of Granada, which
they had captured, who had been forewarned of the coming of Christians
into their country fifty years before. The account which was obtained
from them concerning seven other cities, of tohich Tucano is the chief,
and hotc he sent to discover them. A present sent to Mendoza of various
things found in this country by Vazquez Coronado.

These Indians say that the kingdom of Totonteac, which the father
provincial praised so much, saying that it was something marvelous,

and of such a very great size, and tliat cloth was made there, is a
hot Jake, on the edge of which there are five or six houses.' There
used to be some others, but these have been destroyed by war. The
kingdom of Marata can not be found, nor do these Indians know any-
thing about it. The kingdom of Acus is a single small city, where they
raise cotton, and this is called Acucu.'' I say that this is the country,
because Acus, with or without the aspiration, is not a word in this
region and because it seems to me that Acucu may be derived from
;

Acus, I say that it is this town which has been converted into the
kingdom of Acus. They tell me that there are some other small ones
not far from this settlement, which are situated on a river which I have
seen and of which the Indians have told me. God knows that I wish
I had better news to write to Your Lordship, but I must give you the
truth, and, as I wrote you from Culiacan, I must advise you of the
good as well as of the bad. But you may be assured that if there had
been all the riches and treasures of the world, I could not have done
more in His Majesty's service and in that of Your Lordship than I have
done, in coming here where you commanded me to go, carrying, both
my companions and myself, our food on our backs for 300 leagues, and
'See the trauslatiou of Caatnfieda's narrative, p. 487.
'Doubtless a Blip of Kamusio's pen for cows, i. e., buffalos.
^Coronado doubtless misinterpreted what the natives intended to comniunicato. The " hot lake'*
was in all probability the salt lake alluded to on page 550, near which Marata was situated. Toton-
teac was of course Tusayan, or " Tucano."
^This is a f^m of the Zu&i name for Acoma Hakukla.
wiKs^Hip] COKONADO TO MENDOZA, AUGUST 3, 1540 661
traveling on foot many days, making our way over hills and rough
mountains, besides other labors which I refrain from mentioning. Nor
do I think of stopping until my death, if it serves His Majesty or Your
Lordship to have it so.
Three days after I captured this city, some of the Indians who lived
here came to offer to make peace. They brought me some turquoises
and poor mantles, and I received them in His Majesty's name with as
good a speech as I could, making them understand the purpose of my
coming to this country, which is, in the name of His Majesty and by
the commands of Your Lordship, that they and all others in this prov-
ince should become Christians and should know the true God for
their Lord, and His Majesty for their king and earthly lord. After
this they returned to their houses and suddenly, the next day, they
packed up their goods and property, their women and children, and fled
to the hills, leaving their towns deserted, with only some few remaining
in them. Seeing this, I went to the town which I said was larger than
this, eight or ten days later, when 1 had recovered from my wounds. I
found a few of them there, whom I told that they ought not to feel any
fear, and I asked them to summon their lord to me. By what I can
find out or observe, however, none of these towns have any, since I
have not seen any principal house by which any superiority over others
could be shown.' Afterward, an old man, who said he was their
lord, came with a mantle made of many pieces, Avith whom I argued
as long as he stayed with me. He said that he would come to see me
with the rest of the chiefs of the country, three days later, in order to
arrange the relations which should exist between us. He did so, and
they brought me some little ragged mantles and some turquoises. I
said that they ought to come down from their strongholds and return
to their houses with their wives and children, and that they should
become Christians, and recognize His Majesty as their king and lord.
But they still remain in their strongholds, witli their wives and all
their property, I commanded them to have a cloth painted for me,
with all the animals that they know in that country, and although they
are poor painters, they quickly painted two for me, one of the animals
and the other of the birds and fishes. They say that they will bring
their children so that our priests may instruct them, and that they
desire to know our law. They declare that it was foretold among them
more than fifty years ago that a people such as we are should come,
and the direction they should come from, and that the whole country
would be conquered. So far as I can find out, the water is what these
Indians worship, because they say that it makes the corn grow and
sustains their life, and that the only other reason they know is because
their ancestors did so,^ I have tried in every way to find out from the
natives of these settlements whether they know of any other peoples

'As clear a description of the form of tribal government among the Pueblo Indians as is anywhere
to be found ia in Bandelier's story, The Delight Makers. Mr Bandelier has been most successful in
his effort to picture the actions and spirit of Indian life.
'Dr J. Walter Fewkes has conclusively shown that the snake dance, probably the most dramatic
of Indian ceremonials, is essentially a prayer for rain. Coming as it does just as the natural rainy
Beaaon approaches, the prayer is almost invariably answered.
14 ETH 36
562 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 ([Link] ann.u

or provinces or cities. They tell me about seven cities which are at a

considerable distance, which are like these, except that the houses
there are not like these, but are made of earth [adobe],, and small,
and that they raise much cotton there. The first of these four places
about which they know is called, they say, Tucano. They could not
tell me much about the others. I do not believe that they tell me the
truth, because they think that 1 shall soon have to depart from them
and return home. But they will quickly find that they are deceived
in this. I sent Don Pedro de Tobar there, with his companj' and some
other horsemen,- to see it. I would not have dispatched this packet to
Your Lordship until I had learned what he found there, if I thought that
I should have any news from him within twelve or fifteen days. How-
ever, as he will remain away at least thirty, and, considering that this
information is of little importance and that the cold and the rams are
approaching, it seemed to me that I ought to do as Your Lordship com-
manded me in your instructions, which is, that as soon as I arrived
here, I should advise you thereof, and this I do, by sending you the
plain narrative of what I have seen, which is bad enough, as you may
perceive. I have determined to seud throughout all the surrounding
regions, in order to find out whether there is anything, and to suffer
every extremity before I give up this enterprise, and to serve His
Majesty, if I can find any way in which to do it, and not to lack in
diligence until Your Lordship directs nie as to what I ought to do. We
have great need of pasture, and you should know, also, that among all
those who are here there is not one pound of raisins, nor sugar, nor
oil, nor wine, except barely half a quart, which is saved to say mass,

since everything is consumed, and part was lost on the way. Now, you
can provide us with what appears best; but if you are thinking of
sending us cattle, you should know that it will be necessary for them to
spend at least a year on the road, because they can not come in any other
way, nor any quicker. I would have liked to send to Your Lordship,
with this dispatch, many samples of the things which they have in this
country, but the trip is so long and rough that it is difiBcult for me to
do so. However, I send you twelve small mantles, such as the people
of this country ordinarily wear, and a garment which seems to me to be
very well made. I kept it because it seemed to me to be of very good
workmanship, and because I do not think that anyone has ever seen in
these Indies any work done with a needle, unless it were done since the
Spaniards settled here. And I also send two cloths i)ainted with the
animals which they have in this country, although, as I said, the painting
is very poorly done, because the artist did not spend more than one day
in painting it. I have seen other paintings on the walls of these houses
which have much better proportion and are done much better.
I send you a cow skin, some turquoises, and two earrings of the
same, and fifteen of the Indian combs,' and some plates decorated with
these turquoises, and two baskets made of wicker, of which the Indians
have a large supply. 1 also send two rolls, such as the women usually
wear on their heads when they bring water from the spring, the
1 Possibly those used in weaving.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLi FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXX

RUINS OF SPANISH CHURCH ABOVE JEMEZ

^
wiNSHip] CORONADO TO MENDOZA, AUGUST 3, 1540 563
same way that they do in Spain. One of these Indian women, with one
of these rolls on her head, will carry a jar of water uji a ladder without
touching it with her hands. And, lastly, I send you samples of the
weapons with which the natives of this country fight, a shield, a ham-
mer, and a bow with some arrows, among which there are two with
bone ijoints, the like of which have never been seen, according to what
these conquerors say. As far as I can judge, it does not appear to me
tliat there is any hope of getting gold or silver, but I trust in God that,
if there is any, we shall get our share of it, and it shall not escajie us
through any lack of diligence in the search.' I am unable to give Your
LordshiiJ any certain information about the dress of the women, because
the Indians keep them guarded so carefully that I have not seen any,
except two old women. These had on two long skirts reaching down
to their feet and open in front, and a girdle, and they are tied together
with some cotton strings. I asked the Indians to give me one of those
which they wore, to send to you, since they were not willing to show
me the women. They brought me two mantle^?, which are these that I
send, almost iiainted over. They have two tassels, like the women of
Spain, which hang somewhat over their shoulders. The death of the
negro is perfectly certain, because many of the things which he wore
have been found, and the Indians say that they killed him here because
the Indians of Chichilticale said that he was a bad man, and not like
the Christians, because the Christians never kill women, and he killed
them, and because he assaulted their women, whom the Indians love
better than themselves. Therefore they determined to kill him, but
they did not do it in the way that was reported, because they did not
kill any of the others who came with him, nor did they kill the lad from
the province of Petatlan, who was with him, but they took him and
kept him in safe custody until now. When I tried to secure him, they
made excuses for not giving him to me, for two or three days, saying
that he was dead, and at other times that the Indians of Acucu had
taken him away. But when I finally told them that I should be very
angry if they did not give him to me, they gave him to me. He is an
interpreter; for although he can not talk much, he understands very
well. Some gold and silver has been found in this place, which those
who know about minerals say is not bad. I have not yet been able to
learn from these people where they got it. I perceive that they refuse
to tell me the truth in everything, because they think that I shall have
to depart from here in a short time, as I have said. But I trust in God
that they will not be able to avoid answering much longer. I beg Your
Lordship to make a report of the success of this expedition to His
Majesty, because there is nothing more than what I have already said.
I shall not do so until it shall please God to grant that we find what
we desire. Our Lord God protect and keep your most illustrious
Lordship. From the province of Cevola, and this city of Granada,
the 3d of August, 1540. Francisco Vazquez de Coronado kisses the
hand of your most illustrious Lordship.
*Thi8 wbolo sentence is omitted by Hakluyt. The conquerors, in tlie literature of New Spain, are
almost always those who shared with Cortes in the labors and the glory of the Spanish conquest of
Mexico.
 TllANSLATION OF THE TEASLADO DE LAS XCEVAS
Copy of the reports and descriptions that have been
received regarding the discoatery of a city which is
CALLED Cibola, situated in the new country.
His grace left the larger part of his army in the valley of Culiacan,
and with only 75 companions on horseback and 30 footmen, he set out
for here Thursday, April 22. The army which remained there was to
start about the end of the month of May, because they could not find
any sort of sustenance for the whole of the way that they had to go,
as far as this province of Cibola, which is 350 long leagues, and on
this account he did not dare to put the whole army on the road. As
for the men he took with him, he ordered them to make provision
for eighty days, which was carried on horses, each having one for him-
self and his followers. With very great danger of suffering hunger,
and not less labor, since they had to open the way, and every day dis-
covered waterways and rivers with bad crossings, they stood it after a
fashion, and on the whole journey as far as this province there was not a
peck of corn.'' He reached this province on Wednesday, the 7th of July
last, with all the men whom he led from the valley very well, praise be
to Our Lord, except one Spaniard who died of hunger four days from
here and some negroes and Indians who also died of hunger and thirst.
The Spaniard was one of those on foot, and was named Esjiinosa. In
this way his grace spent seventy seven days on the road before reach-
ing here, during which God knows in what sort of a way we lived, and
whether we could have eaten much more than we ate the day that his
grace reached this city of Granada, for so it has been named out of
regard for the viceroy, and because they say it resembles the Albaicin.'
The force he led was not received the way it should have been, because
they arrived very tired from the great labor of the journey. This,
all
and the loading and unloading like so many muleteers, and not eating
as much as they should have, left them more in need of resting several
days than of fighting, although there was not a man in the army who
would not have done his best in everything if the horses, who suffered
the same as their masters, could have helped them.
The city was deserted by men over sixty years and under twenty,
and by women and children. All who were there were the fighting
'Translated from Pacheco y Cardenas, Docnmeutos de ludias, vol. xix, p. 529. This docnment is
anonymous, but it is evidently a copy of a letter from some trusted comi>anioD, written from Granada-
Hawikuh, about Iho time of Coronado's letter of August 3, 1540. In the title to the document as
printe<l, the date is given as 1531, but there can be no doubt that it is an account of Coronado's .journey.
^The printed Spanish test rea<ls; " que como venian abriendo y descobriendo, cada dia, camino, loa
arcabucos y rios, y males pasos, se llevaban en parte." . . .

'A part of Grana<la, near the Alharabra. There is a curious similarity in the names Albaicin and
Hawikub, the latter being the native name of Coronado's Granada.
564
wiNSHip] TRASLADO DE LAS NUEVAS 565
men who remained to defeud the city, and many of them came out,
about a crossbow shot, uttering loud threats. The general himself went
forward with two priests and the army-master, to urge them to sur-
render, as is the custom in new countries. The reply that he received
was from many arrows which t]ie3'let fly, and they wounded Hernando
Bermejo's horse and jjierced the loose flap of the frock of father Friar
Luis, the former companion of the Lord Bishop of Mexico. When this
was seen, taking as their advocate the Holy Saint James,' he rushed
upon them with all his force, which he had kept in very good order, and
although the Indians turned their backs and tried to reach the city, they
were overtaken and many of them killed before they could reach it.
They killed three horses and wounded seven or eight.
When my lord the general reached the city, he saw that it was sur-
rounded by stone walls, and the houses very high, four and five and
even six stories apiece, with their flat roofs and balconies. As the
Indians had made themselves secure within it, and would not let anyone
come near without shooting arrows at him, and as we could not obtain
anything to eat unless we captared it, his grace decided to enter the
city on foot and to surround it by men on horseback, so that the Indians
who were inside could not get away. As he was distinguished among
them all by his gilt arms and a plume on his headpiece, all the Indians
aimed at him, because he was noticeable among all, and they knocked
him down to the ground twice by chance stones thrown from the flat
roofs, and stunned him in spite of his headpiece, and if this had not
been so good, I doubt if he would have come out alive from that enter-
prise, and besides all this —
praised be Our Lord that he came out on
—
his own feet they hit him many times with stones on his head and
shoulders and legs, and he received two small wounds on his face and
an arrow wound in the right foot; but despite all this his grace is as
sound and well as the day he left that city. And you^ may assure my
lord of all this, and also that on the 19th of July last he went 4 leagues
from this city to see a rock where they told him that the Indians of this
province had fortified themselves,^ and he returned the same day, so
that he went 8 leagues in going and returning. I think I have given
you an account of everything, for it is right that I should be the author-
ity for you and his lordship, to assure you that everything is going well
with the general my lord, and without any hesitation I can assure you
that he is as well and sound as the day he left the city. He is located
within the city, for when the Indians saw that his grace was deter-
mined to enter the city, then they abandoned it, since they let them go
with their lives. We found in it what we needed more than gold and
silver, and that was much corn and beans aiid fowls, better than those
ofXew Spain, and salt, the best and whitest that I have seen in all
my life.
' Uttering the war cry of Santiago.
''
The printed manuscript ia V. M.. which signifies Year Miyesty.
* Doubtless Thunder mountain.
 EELACIOX POSTRERA DE SIVOLA'
ESTA ES LA BELACION POSTRERA DE SiVOLA, Y UE MAS DE CUATBO-
CIENTAS LEGUAS ADELANTE.
Desde (i Sivola hay mas de trescieutas leguas; poco del
Oulhuaci'in
camino poblado bay muy poca gente es tierra esteril Lay muy iiialos
: : :

camiiios la gente aiida del todo desniida, salvo las uiu jeres, que de la
:

ciutura abajo traen cueros de venados adobados, blancos, & manera de

faldillas liasta los pies. Las casas que tienen son de petlatles becbos
de canas: son las casas redondas y pequefias, que apenas cabe un
hombre en pie dentro. Donde estan congregados y donde siembran
es tierra areuosa cogeu maiz, aunque poco, y frisoles y calabazas, y
:

tambi^n se mautienen de caza, conejos, liebres y venados. No tienen

sacriflcios. Esto es desde Culhiiacau 4 Sibola.
Sivola es un pueblo de liasta ducientas casas son d dos y tres y :

cuatro y ciiico sobrados: tienen las paredes de un palmo de anclio: los

palos de la maderacion son tan gruesos como por la muiieca, y redondos;
por tablazon tienen canas muy menudas con sus bojas, y encima tierra
presada: las paredes sou de tierra y barro: las puertas de las casas son
de la manera de escotillones de navios: estdu las casas juntas, asidas
unas con otras tienen delante de las casas unas estufas de barro de
:

tierra donde se guarecen en el invierno del frio, porque le liace muy

grande, que nieva seis meses del afio. De esta gente algunos traen
mautas de algodou y de maguey, y cueros de venados adobados, y traen
zapatos de los mismos cueros, basta encima de las rodillas. Tambien
hacen mantas de pellejos de liebres y de conejos, con que se cubren.
Andan las mujeres vestidas de mantas de maguey liasta los pies andau :

cenidas: traen los cabellos cogidos encima de las orejas, como rodajas:
cogeu maiz y frisoles y calabazas, lo que les basta para su mantenimiento,
porque es poca gente. La tierra donde siembran es toda arena; son las
aguas salobres: es tierra muy seca: tienen algunas gallinas, aunque
pocas; no saben (jue cosa es pescado. Son siete iiueblos en esta pro-
vincia de Sivola en espacio decinco leguas: el mayor sera de ducientas
casas, y otros dos, de 4 ducientas, y los otros a sesenta y 4 cincuenta
y ft treinta casas.
Desde Sivola al rio y provincia de Tibex hay sesenta leguas el primer :

pueblo es cuarenta leguas de Sivola: Ihimase Acuco. Este pueblo est4

encima de un pefiol muy fuerte: sera de duzientas casas, asentado a la
'The source of this document is stated in the bibliographic note, p. 413. This appears to be a tran-
script from letters written, probably at Tiguex «n the Rio Grande, during the late summer or early
fall of 1541.
566
 :

wmsHip] RELACION POSTREEA DE Sl'vOLA 567

manera de Sivola que es otra lengua. Desde alli al rio de Tiguex hay
veinte legiias. El rio es cuasi tan ancbo como el de Sevilla, aunque no
estanbondo: va per tierra liana: esbuenagua: tienealgun pescado:
nace al norte. El que esto dice vio doce pueblos en cierto compos del
rio: otros vieron niAs: dicen eJ rio arriba: abajo todos son pueblos
pequefios, salvo dos que terniin a ducientas casas: estas casas con las
paredes como A manera de tapias de tierra 6 arena, muy recias sou tan :

anclias como un palmo de una mano. Son las casas de A dos y treste-
rrados tieneu la maderacion como en Sivola. Es tierra muy fria tiene
: :

sus estufas como en Sivola; y blcHase tan to el rio, que pasan bestias
cargadas por ^1, y pndieran pasar carretas. Cogen maiz lo que ban
menester, y frisoles y calabazas: tienen algunas gallinas, las cuales
guardau iiara hacer mantas de la pluma. Cogen algodon, aunque poco
traen mantas de ello, y zapatos de cuero como en Sivola. Es gente que
defiende bien su capa, y desde sus casas, que no curan de salir fuera.
Es tierra toda arenosa.
Desde la provincia y rio de Tiguex, & cuatro jornadas topaion cuatro
pueblos. El primero tern4 treinta casas. El segundo es pueblo- grande
destruido de sus guerras tenia liasta treinta y cinco casas pobladas:
:

el tercero [sic] hasta Estos tres son de la manera de los del rio en todo.
El cuarto es un pueblo grande, el cual est4 entre unos montes lldmase
:

Cicuic: tenia hasta cincuenta casas con tantos terrados como los de
Sivola: son las paredes de tierra y barro como las de Sivola. Tienen
harto maiz y frisoles y calabazas y algunas gallinas. A cuatro jorna-
diis de este pueblo toparon una tierra liana como la mar, en los cuales
llanos hay tanta multitud de vacas, que no tienen niimero. Estas
vacas son como las de Castilla, y algunas mayores que tienen en la
cruz una corva pequeiia, y son nnls bermejas, que tiran a negro cuel- :

gales una lana mas larga que un palmo entre los cuernos y orejas y
barba, y por la papada abajo y por las espaldas, como crines, y de las
rodillas abajo todo lo mas es de lana muy pe<iuenita, A manera de
merino: tienen muy buena came y tierna, y mucho sebo. Andando
muchos dias por estos llanos, toparon con una rancheria de hasta
duzientas casas con gente: eran las casas de los cueros de las vacas
adobados, blancas, d manera de pabellones 6 tiendas de campo. El
mantenimiento 6 sustentamiento de estos indios es todo de las vacas,
porque ni siembrau ni cogen maiz de los cueros hacen sus casas, de
:

los cueros visten y calzan, de los cueros hacen sogas y tambien de la

lana: de los niervos hacen hilo con que cosen sus vestiduras y tanibi(5n
las casas: de los Imesos hacen alesnas: las bonigas les sirven de lena;
porque no hay otra en aquella tierra: los buches les sirven de jarros y
vasijas con que beben de la came se mantienen comenla medio asada
: :

6 un poco caliente encima de las bonigas, la otra cruda, y tomandola

con los dientes, tiran con la una mano, y en la otra tienen un navajon
de pedernal y cortan el bocado; ansi lo tragan como aves medio nias-
cado: comen el sebo crudo, sin calentallo: beben la sangre, ansi como
568 THE COEONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].u

sale de las vacas, y otras despu^s de salida, fria y cruda uo

A'^eces :

tienen otro luaiitenimiento. Esta gente tiene perros conio los de esta
tierra, salvo que son algo mayores, los cuales perros cargan coino A
bestias, y las Iiacen sus eiijalmas como albardillas, y las cincliau cou sus
correas, y andan matados como bestias, eii las cruces. Cuando van <1
caza cArgaulos de mauteuimientos; y cuando se mueven estos indios,
porque no estan de asiento en una parte, que se andan donde andan las
vacas para se mantener, estos perros les llevan las casas, y llevan los
palos de las casas arrastrando, atados si las albardillas, allende de la
carga que Uevaii encima podra ser la carga, segiin el perro, arroba y
:

media y dos. Hay de este Sibola il estos llanos adonde llegaron, treinta
leguas, y auu mds. Los llanos proceden adelante, ni se sabe que tauto.
El capitau Francisco Vdzquez fue por los llanos adelante con treinta
de a caballo, y Fr. Juan de Padilla con el: toda la demas gente se vol-
vieron a la iioblacion del rio, para esperar a Francisco VAzquez, porque
an si se lo mando: no se sabe si es vuelto &c.
Es la tierra tan liana, que se pierden los hombres apartiindose media
legua, como se perdi6 uno caballo, que nunca miis parecio, y dos caba-
.'i

Uos ensillados y enfrenados que nunca mils parecieron. No queda rastro

ninguno por donde van, y (i esta causa tenian necesidad de amqjonar
el camino por donde iban, para volver, cou bofiigas de vacas, que uo
Labia piedras ni otra cosa.
Marco Polo, veneciano, en su tratado, en el cap. xv, trata y dice que
[ha visto?] las mesmas vacas, ydelamesma manei-aen lacorcova; yen
el mesmo capitulo dice que tambi^n hay carneros tamaiios como caballos.
Nicolas, veneciano, dio relacion A Micer Pogio, florentino, en el libro
segundo, cerca del tin, dice como en la Etiopia hay bueyes con corcova,
como camellos, y tienen los cuernos largos de tres codos, y echan los
cuernos encima sobre el espinazo, y hace un cuerno de estos un cantaro
de vino.
Marco Polo, en el capitulo ciento y treinta y cuatro dice que en la
tierra de los tArtaros, hAcia el uorte, se hallan canes tan graudes 6 poco
menos que asnos & los cuales echan uno como carro y entran con ellos
;

en una tierra muy lodosa, toda cenagales, que otros auimales no podrian
entrar ni salir sin se anegar, y por eso Uevau perros.
ISeripsi et contuli, Mexico, Marzo 11, 189S.
Joaq". Garcia Icazbalceta.]

translation
This is the latest account of Cibola, and of more than
FOUR HUNDREB leagues BEYOND.
It is more than 300 leagues from Gnliacan to Cibola, uninhabited
most of the way. There are very few people there the country is ;

sterile; the roads are very bad. The people go around entirely naked,
 —

wrasHip] relaci6n postrera de sivola 569

except tlie women, who wear white tanned deer skins from the waist

down, something like little skirts, reaching to the feet. Their houses
are of mats made of reeds; the houses are round and small, so that
there is hardly room inside for a man ou his feet. The country is sandy
where they live near together and where they plant. They raise corn,
but not very much, and beans and melons, and they also live on game
rabbits, hares, and deer. They do not have sacrifices. This is between
Culiacan and Cibola.
Oibola is a village of about 200 houses. They have two and three and
four and five stories. The walls are about a handbreadth thick; the
sticks of timber are as large as the wrist, and round; for boards, they
have very small bushes, with their leaves on, covered with a sort of
greenish-colored mud the walls are of dirt and mud, the doors of the
;

houses are like the hatchways of ships. The houses are close together,
each joined to the others. Outside of the houses they have some hot-
houses (or estufas) of dirt mud, where they take refuge from the cold in
—
the winter because' this is very great, since it snows six months in the
year. Some of these people wear cloaks of cotton and of the maguey
(or Mexican aloe) and of tanned deer skin, and they wear shoes made
of these skins, reaching up to the knees. They also make cloaks of the
skins of hares and rabbits, with which they cover themselves. The
women wear cloaks of the maguey, reaching down to the feet, with
girdles; they wear their hair gathered about the ears like little wheels.
They raise corn and beans and melons, which is all they need to live on,
because it is a small tribe. The laud where they plant is entirely sandy;
the water is brackish the country is very dry. They have some fowls,
;

although not many. They do not know what sort of a thing flsh is.
There are seven villages in this province of Cibola within a space of 5
leagues; the largest may have about 200 houses and two others about
200, and the others somewhere between 60 or 50 and 30 houses.
It is 60 leagues from Cibola to the river and province of Tibex
[Tiguex]. The first village is 40 leagues from Cibola, and is called
Acuco. This village is on top of a very strong rock; it has about 200
bouses, built iu the same way as at Cibola, where they speak another
language. It is 20 leagues from here to the river of Tiguex. The river
is almost as wide as that of Seville, although not so deep; it flows
through a level country; the water is good; it contains some fish; it
rises iu the north. He who relates this, saw twelve villages within a
certain distance of the river ; others saw more, they say, up the river.
Below, all the villages are small, except two that have about 200 houses.
The walls of these houses are something like mud walls of dirt and
sand, very rough; they are as thick as the breadth of a hand. The
houses have two and three stories; the construction is like those at
Cibola. The country is very cold. They have hot-houses, as in Cibola,
and the river freezes so thick that loaded animals cross it, and it would
be possible for carts to do so. They raise as much corn as they need,
570 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 ([Link].u

and beans and melons. They have some fowls, which they keep so as to
make cloaks of their feathers. They raise cotton, although not much;
they wear cloaks made of this, and shoes of hide, as at Cibola. These
people defend themselves very well, and from within their houses, since
they do not care to come out. The country is all sandy.
Four days' journey from the province and river of Tiguex four villages
are found. The first has 30 houses; the second is a large village
destroyed in their wars, and has about So houses occupied; the third
about These three are like those at the river in every way. The
fourth is a large village which is among some mountains. It is called
Cicuic, and has about 50 houses, with as many stories as those at Cibola.
The walls are of dirt and mud like those at Cibola. It has plenty of
corn, beans and melons, and some fowls. Four days from this village
they came to a country as level as the sea, and in these plains there was
such a multitude of cows that they are numberless. These cows are
like those of Castile, and somewhat larger, as they have a little hump
on the withers, and they are more reddish, approaching black; their
hair, more than a span long, hangs down around their horns and ears
and chin, and along the neck and shoulders like manes, and down from
the knees; all the rest is a very fine wool, like merino; they have very
good, tender meat, and much fat. Having proceeded many days
through these plains, they came to a settlement of about 200 inhab-
ited houses. The houses were made of the skins of the cows, tanned
white, like pavilions or army tents. The maintenance or sustenance of
these Indians comes entirely from the cows, because they neither sow
nor reap corn. With the skins they make their houses, with the skins
they clothe and shoe themselves, of the skins they make rope, and also
of the wool; from the sinews they make thread, with which they sew
their clothes and also their houses; from the bones they make awls; the
dung serves them for wood, because there is nothing else in that coun-
try the stomachs serve them for pitchers and vessels from which tiiey
;

drink; they live on the flesh; they sometimes eat it half roasted and
warmed over the dung, at other times raw; seizing it with their fingers,
they pull it out with one hand aiid with a flint knife in the other they
cut off mouthfuls, and thus swallow it half chewed; they eat the fat
raw, without warming it; they drink the blood just as it leaves the
cows, and at other times after it has run out, cold and raw; they have
no other means of livelihood. These people have dogs like those in
this country, except that they are somewhat larger, and they load these
dogs like beasts of burden, and make saddles for them like our pack
saddles, and they fasten them with their leather thongs, and these make
their backs sore on the withers like pack animals. When they go
—
hunting, they load these with their necessities, and when they move for
these Indians are not settled in one place, since they travel wherever
—
the cows move, to support themselves these dogs carry their houses,
and they have the sticks of their houses dragging along tied on to the
WDJSHiP] RELACION POSTREBA DE SIVOLA 571
pack-saddles, besides the load which they carry on top, and the load
may be, according to the dog, from 35 to 50 pounds. It is 30 leagues,
or even more, from Oibola to these plains where they went. The plains
stretch away beyond, nobody knows how far. The captain, Francisco
Vazquez, went farther across the plains, with 30 horsemen, and Friar
Juan de Padilla with him; all the rest of the force returned to the set-
tlement at the river to wait for Francisco Vazquez, because this was his
command. It is not known whether he has returned.
The country is so level that men became lost wheii they went off half
a league. One horseman was lost, who never reappeared, and two
horses, all saddled and bridled, which they never saw again. Xo track
was left of where they went, and on this account it was necessary to
mark the road by which they went with cow dung, so as to return,
since there were no stones or anything else.
Mar(!0 Polo, the Venetian, in his treatise, in chapter 15, relates and
says that (he saw) the same cows, with the same sort of hump; and in
the same chapter he isays that there are sheep as big as horses.
Nicholas, the Venetian, gave an account to Micer Pogio, the Floren-
tine, in his second book, toward the end, which says that in Ethiopia
there are oxen with a hump, like camels, and they have horns 3 cubits
long, and they carry their horns up over their backs, and one of these
horns makes a wine pitcher.
Marco Polo, in chapter 134, says that in the country of the Tartars,
toward the north, they have dogs as large or little smaller than asses.
They harness these into a sort of cart and with these enter a very miry
country, all a quagmire, where other animals can not enter and come
out without getting submerged, and- on this account they take dogs.
 TRANSLATION OF THE RELACION DEL SUCESO"
Account of what Happened on the Journey which Fkancisco
Vazquez made to Discover Cibola.
When the army reached the valley of Culiacan, Francisco Vazquez
divided the army ou account of the bad news which was received
regarding Cibola, and because the food supply along the way was small,
according to the report of Melchor Diaz, who had Just come back from
seeing it. He himself took 80 horsemen and 25 foot soldiers, and a small
part of the artillery, and set out from Culiacan, leaving Don Tristan de
Arellano with the rest of the force, with orders to set out twenty days
later, and when he reached the Valley of Hearts (Corazones) to wait
there for a letter from him, which would be sent after he had reached
Cibola, and had seen what was there; and this was done. The Valley
of Hearts is 150 leagues from the valley of Culiacan, and the same
distance from Cibola.^
This whole distance, up to about 50 leagues before reaching Cibola,
is inhabited, although it is away from the road in some places. The
population is all of the same sort of iieople, since the houses are all of
palm mats, and some of them have low lofts. They all have corn,
although not much, and in some places very little. They have melons
and beaus. The best settlement of all is a valley called Senora, which
is 10 leagues beyond the Hearts, where a town was afterward settled.
There is some cotton among these, but deer skins are what most of
them use for clothes.
Francisco Vazquez passed by all these on account of the small crops.
There was no corn the whole way, except at this valley of Senora, where
they collected a little, and besides this he had what he took from Culi-
acau, where he ])rovided himself for eighty days. In seveTity-three
days we reached Cibola, although after hard labor and the loss of many
horses and the death of several Indians, and after we saw it these were
all doubled, although we did find corn enough. We found the natives
peaceful for the whole way.

The Spanish text of this document is printed in Buckingham Smith's Florida,

1 p. 147, from a copy
made by Mufiuz, and also in Pacheco y Cardenas. Documentoa do Indias, vol. xiv, p. 318, from a ropy
found in the Archives of the Indies at Seville. The important variations in the texts are noted in the
footnotes. See page 398 in regard to the value of this anonymous document. No date is given in the
document, but there can be no doubt that it refers to Coronado's expedition. In the heading to the
document in the Pacheco y Cardenas Coleccion, the date is given as 1531, and it is placed under that
year in the chronologic index of the Coleccion. This transtation. as well as that of the letter to
Charles V, which follows, has already been printed in American History Leatlet, No. 13.
^ The spelling of Cibola and Culiacan is that of the Pacheco y Cardenas copy. Buckingham Smith
prints Civola and Cnluacan.
572
wiNSHip] RELACION DEL SUCESO 573

The day we reached the first village part of them came out to fight
us, and the rest stayed in the village and fortified themselves. It was
not possible to make peace with these, although we tried hard enough,
so it was necessary to attack then^ and kill some of them. The rest
then drew back to the village, which was then surrounded and attacked.
We had to withdraw, on account of the great damage they did us from
the flat roofs, and we began to assault them from a distance with the
artillery and muskets, and that afternoon they surrendered. Francisco
Vazquez came out of it badly hurt by some stones, and I am certain,
indeed, that he would have been there yet if it had not been for the
army-master, D. Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, who rescued him. Wlien
the Indians surrendered, they abandoned the village and went to the
other villages, and as they left the houses we made ourselves at home
in them.
Father Friar Marcos understood, or gave to understand, that the
region and neighborhood in which there are seven villages was a single
village which he called Cibola, but the whole of this settled region
is called Cibola. The villages have from 150 to 200 and 300 houses;
some have the houses of the village all together, although in some vil-
lages they are divided into two or three sections, but for the most part
they are all together, and their courtyards are within, and in these are
their hot rooms for winter, and they have their summer ones outside
the villages. The houses have two or three stories, the walls of stone
and nuxd, and some have nuid walls. The villages have for the most
part the walls of the houses; the houses are too good for Indians, espe-
cially for these, since they are brutish and have no decency in anything
except in their houses.
For food they have much corn and beans and melons, and some fowls,
like those of Mexico, and they keep these more for their feathers than
to eat, because they make long robes of them, since they do not have
any cotton; and they wear cloaks of heniquen (a fibrous plant), and of
the skins of deer, and sometimes of cows.
Their rites and sacrifices are somewhat idolatrous, but water is what
they worship most, to which they offer small painted sticks and feathers
and yellow powder made of flowers, and usually this offering is made
to springs. Sometimes, also, they offer such turquoises as they have,
although poor ones.
From the valley of Culiacan to Cibola it is 240 leagues in two direc-
tions. It is north to about the thirty-fourth-and-a-half degree, and
from there to Cibola, which is nearly the thirty-seventh degree, toward
the northeast.
Having talked with the natives of Cibola about what was beyond,
they said that there were settlements toward the west. Francisco
Vazquez then sent Don Pedro de Tobar to investigate, who found seven
other villages, which were called the province of Tuzan;* this is 35

* Buckiugham Smith prints Tovar and Tu^an.

574 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ethaxkU

leagues to the west. The villages are somewhat larger thau those of
Cibola, and in other respects, in food and everything, they are of the
same sort, except that these raise cotton. While Don Pedro de Tobar
had gone to see these, Francisco Vazquez dispatched messengers to
the viceroy, with an account of what had happened up to this jwiut.'
He also x^repared instructions for these to take to Don Tristan, who as
I have said, was at Hearts, for him to proceed to Cibola, and to leave
a town established in the valley of Sefiora, which he did, and in it he
left 80 horsemen of the men who had but one horse and the weakest
men, and Melchor Diaz with them as captain and leader, because
Francisco Vazquez had so arranged for it. He ordered him to go from
there with half the force to explore toward the west; and he did so, and
traveled 150 leagues, to the river which Hernando de Alarcon entered
from the sea, which he called the Buenaguia. The settlements and
people that are in this direction are mostly like those at the Hearts,
except at the river and around it, where the people have much better
figures and have more corn, although the houses in which they live
are hovels, like pig pens, almost under ground, with a covering of
straw, and made without any skill whatever. This river is reported
to be large. They reached it 30 leagues from the coast, where, and as
far again above, Alarcon had come up with his boats two months before
they reached it. This river runs north and south there. Melchor Diaz
passed on toward the west five or six days, from which he returned for
the reason that he did not lind any water or vegetation, but only many
stretches of sand; and he had some fighting on his return to the river
and its vicinity, because they wanted to take advantage of hiih while
crossing the river. While returning Melchor Diaz died from an acci-
dent, by which he killed himself, throwing a lance at a dog.
After Don Pedro de Tobar returned and had given an account of
those villages, he then dispatched Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, the
army-master, by the same road Don Pedro had followed, to go beyond
that province of Tuzan to the west, and he allowed him eighty days in
which to go and return, for the journey and to make the discoveries.
He was conducted beyond Tuzan by native guides, who said there were
settlements beyond, although at a distance. Having gone 50 leagues
west of Tuzan, and 80 from Cibola, he found the edge of a river down
which it was impossible to find a path for a horse in any direction, or
even for a man on foot, except in one very difiicult place, where there
was a descent for almost 2 leagues. The sides were such a steep rocky
precipice that it was scarcely possible to see the river, which looks like
a brook from above, although it is half as large again as that of Seville,
according to what they say, so that although they sought for a passage
with great diligence, none was found for a long distance, during which
they were for several days in great need of water, which could not be
found, and they could not approach that of the river, although they

> See the letter of August 3, 1540, p. 562.

wiNsHip] EELACION DEL SUCESO 575

could see and on this account Don Garcia Lopez was forced to return.
it,

comes from the northeast and turns toward the south-south-

Tliis river
west at the place where they found it, so that it is without any doubt
the one that Melchor Diaz reached. ,

Four days after Francisco Vazquez had dispatched Don Garcia

Lopez to make this discovery, he dispatched Hernando de Alvarado to
explore the route toward the east. He started off, and 30 leagues
from Cibola found a rock with a village on top, the strongest position
that ever was seen in the world, which was called Acuco' in their
language, and father Friar Marcos called it the kingdom of Hacus.
They came out to meet us peacefully, although it would have beeu easy to
decline to do this and to have stayed on their rock, where we would not
have been able to trouble them. They gave us cloaks of cotton, skins
of deer and of cows, and turquoises, and fowls and other food which
they had, which is the same as in Cibola.
Twenty leagues to the east of this rock we found a river which
runs north and south,^ well settled; there are in all, small and large,
70 villages near it, a few more or less, the same sort as those at Cibola,
except that they are almost all of well-made mud walls. The food is
—
neither more nor less. They raise cotton I mean those who live near
—
the river the others not. There is much corn here. These people do
not have markets. They are settled for 50 leagues along this river,
north and south, and some villages are 15 or 20 leagues distant, in one
direction and the other. This river rises where these settlements end
at the north, on the slope of the mountains there, where there is a larger
village difterent from the others, called Yuraba.^ It is settled in this
fashion: It has 18 divisions; each one has a situation as if for two
ground plots;* the houses are very close together, and have five or six
stories, three of them with mud walls and two or three with thin wooden
walls, which become smaller as they go up, and each one has its little
balcony outside of the mud walls, one above the other, all around, of
wood. In this village, as it is in the mountains, they do not raise cotton
nor breed fowls; they wear the skiiis of deer and cows entirely. It is
the most populous village of all that country; we estimated there were
15,000 souls in it. There is one of the other kind of villages larger
than all the rest, and very sti'oug, which is called Cicuique.^ It has four
and five stories, has eight large courtyards, each one with its balcony,
and there are flue houses in it. They do not raise cotton nor keep fowls,
because it is 15 leagues away from the river to the east, toward the
plains where the cows are. After Alvarado had sent an account of this

iThe Acoma people call tbeir pueblo Ako, while the name for theniselveB is Ak6me, sigDifying
"people of the white rock." TheZiifii name of Acoma, aa previously stated, is Ilakukia; of the Acoma
people, H^ku-kwe. Hacua was applied by Niza to nawikuii, not to Atoma—Hodffe.
'TheEio Grande.
•Evidently Taos, the native name of which is Tflatd, the Picuris name bein;i Tuopii, according to
Hodge.
*The Spanish text (p. 323) is: " Tiene diez 6 ocho barrios; cada uno tiene tanto sitio como doa
solarea, laa caaas nuiy .juntas."
'Identical with Caataneda's Cicuyc or Cicuye — the pueblo of Pecoa.
576 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 ([Link].u

river to Francisco Vazquez, he proceeded forward to these plains, and

at the borders of these he found a little river which flows to the south-
west, and after four days' march he found the cows, which are the most
monstrous thing in the way of animals which has ever been seen or read
about. He followed this river for 100 leajj;ues, finding more cows every
day. We provided ourselves with some of these, althougli at first, until
we had had There is such a quan-
experience, at the risk of the horses.
tity of them that do not know what to compare them with, except with
I
the fish in the sea, because on this journey, as also on that which the
whole army afterward made when it was going to Quivira, there were so
many that many times when we started to pass through the midst of
them and wanted to go through to the other side of them, we were
not able to, because the country was covered with them. The flesh of
these is as good as that of Castile, and some said it was even better.
The bulls are large and brave, although they do not attack very
much; but they have wicked horns, and in a fight use them well,
attacking fiercely; they killed several of our horses and wounded
many. We found the pike to be the best weapon to use against them,
and the musket for use when this misses.
When Hernando de Alvarado returned from these plains to the river
which was called Tiguex, he found the army-master Don Garcia Lopez
de Cardenas getting ready for the whole army, which was coming there.
When it arrived, although all these people had met Hernando de Alva-
rado peacefully, part of them rebelled when all the force came. There
were 12 villages near together, and one night they killed 40 of our
horses and mules which were loose in the camp. They fortified them-
selves in their villages, and war was then declared against them. Don
Garcia Lopez went to the first and took it and executed justice on many
of them. When the rest saw this, they abandoned all except two of the
villages, one of these the strongest one of all, around which the army was
kept for two months. And although after we invested it, we entered
it one day and occupied a part of the flat roof, we were forced to abandon

this on account of the many wounds that were received and because it
was so dangerous to maintain ourselves there, and although we again
entered it soon afterward, in the end it was not possible to get it all,
and so it was surrounded all this time. We finally captured it because
of their thirst, and they held out so long because it snowed twice when
they were just about to give themselves up. In the end we captured it,
and many of them were killed because they tried to get away at night.
Francisco Vazquez obtained an account from some Indians who were
found in this village of Cicuique, which, if it had been true, was of the
richest thing that has been found in the Indies. The Indian who gave
the news and the account came from a village called Harale, 300 leagues
east of this river. He gave such a clear account of what he told, as if
it was true and he had seen it, that it seemed plain afterward that it

was the devil who was speaking in him. Francisco Vazquez and all of
Bureau of fthnoiMy FdURTEENTH ANNuAL REPORT PL. LXXlV

A NAMBE INDIAN IN WAR COSTUME

wixsHip] RELACION DEL SUCESO 577
US placed much confidence in him, although he was advised by several
gentlemen not to move the whole array, but rather to send a captain to
find out what was there. He did not wish to do this, but wanted to take
every one, and even to send Don Ped^-o de Tobar to the Hearts for
half the men who were in that village. So he started with the whole
army, and proceeded 150 leagues, 100 to the east and 50 to the south,'
and the Indian failing to make good what he had said about there being
a settlement there, and corn, with which to proceed farther, the other
two guides were asked how that was, and one confessed that what the
Indian said was a lie, except that there was a province which was called
Quivira, and that there was corn and houses of straw there, but that
they were very far off, because we had been led astray a distance from
the road. Considering this, and the small supi)ly of food that was left,
Francisco Vazquez, after consulting with the captains, determined to
proceed with 30 of the best men who were well equipped, and that the
army should return to the river and this was done at once. Two days
;

before this, Don Garcia Lopez' horse had happened to fall with him,
and he threw his arm out of joint, from which he sufl'ered much, and
so Don Tristan de Arellano returned to the river with the army. On
this journey they had a very hard time, because almost all of them had
nothing to eat excejtt meat, and many sufl'ered on this account. They
killed a world of bulls and cows, for there were days when they brought
liO and 70 head into camp, and it was necessary to go hunting every day,

and on this account, and from not eating any corn during all this time,
the horses suffered much.
Francisco Vazquez set out across these plains in search of Quivira,
more on account of the story which had been told us at the river than
from the confidence which was placed in the guide here, and after pro-
ceeding many days by the needle (i. e., to the north) it pleased Godthat
after thirty days' march we found the river Quivira, which is 30 leagues
below the settlement. While going up the valley, we found people
who were going hunting, who were natives of Quivira.
All that there is at Quivira is a very brutish people, without any
decency whatever in their houses nor in anything. These are of straw,
like the Tarascan settlements; in some villages there are as many as
200 houses; they have corn and beans and melons; they do not have
cotton nor fowls, nor do they make bread which is cooked, except
under the ashes. Francisco Vazquez went 25 leagues through these
settlements, to where he obtained an account of what was beyond, and
they said that the plains come to an end, and that down the river there
are people who do not plant, but live wholly by hunting.
They also gave an account of -two other large villages, one of which
was called Tareque^ and the other Arae, with straw houses at Tareque,
and at Arae some of straw and some of skins. Copper was found here,
'
Southeast, in Buckiiigbani Smith's MuQoz copy,
^Tuxeque, in the Muuoz copy.
14 ETH 37
578 THE COROXADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].u

came from a distanee. From what the Indian had said,

aiul tliey said it
it is Arac i-ontains more,' from the clear
possible that this village of
description of it which he gave. We did not find any trace or news of
it here. Francisco Vazquez returned from here to the river of Tiguex,
where he found the army. We went back by a more direct route,
because in going by the way we went we traveled 330 leagues, and it
is not more than 200 by that by which we returned. Quivira is in the
fortieth degree and the river in the thirty-sixth. It was so daugerous
to travel or to go away from the camp in these plains, that it is as if
one was traveling on the sea, since the only roads are those of the
cows, and they are so level and have no mountain or prominent land-
mark, that if one went out of sight of it, he was lost, and in this way we
lost one man, and others who went hunting wandered around two or
three days, lost. Two kinds of people travel around these plains with
the cows one is called Querechos and the others Teyas they are very
; ;

well built, and painted, and are enemies of each other. They have no
other settlement or location than comes from traveling around with the
cows. They kill all of these they wish, and tan the hides, with which
they clothe themselves and make their tents, and they eat the flesh,
sometimes even raw, and they also even drink the blood when thirsty.
The tents they make are like field tents, and they set them up over
some poles they have made for this purpose, which come together and
are tied at the top, and when they go from one place to another they
carry them on some dogs they have, of which they have many, and
they load them with the tents and poles and other things, for the
country is so level, as I said, that they can make use of these, because
they carry the poles dragging along on the ground. The sun is what
they M'orship most. The skin for the tents is cured on both sides,
without the hair, and they have the skins of deer and cows left over.*
They exchange some cloaks with the natives of the river for corn.
After Francisco Vazquez reached the river, where he found the army,
Don Pedro de Tobar came with half the people from the Hearts, and
Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas started off for Mexico, who, besides the
fact that his arm was very bad, had permission from the viceroj' on
account of the death of his brother. Ten or twelve who were sick went
with him, and not a man among them all who could fight. He reached
the town of the Spaniards and found it burned and two Spaniards and
many Indians and horses dead, and he returned to the river on this
account, escaping from them by good fortune and great exertions. The
cause of this misfortune was that after Don Pedro started and left 40
men there, half of these raised a mutiny and fled, and the Indians, who
remembered the bad treatment they had received, attacked them one
night and overpowered them because of their carelessness and weak
ness, and they fled to Culiacan. Francisco Vazquez fell while running

1 Or mines, as Mufioz guesses.

' Aiul Jerked beef dried iu the .sun. in [Link] ^lanoz cojiy only.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURrtENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXV

A NAMBE WATER CARRIER

wiNsiiii.) RELACION DEL SUCESO 579

a horse about this time and was sick a long time, and after the winter
was over he determined to conu' bacik, and althougli tbey may say some-
thing diflerent, he did so, because he wanted to do this more thau any-
thing, and so we all came together as far as Ouliacan, and each one went
where he pleased from there, and Francisco Vazquez came here to Mexico
to make his report to tlie inceroy, who was not at all pleased with his
coming, although lie pretended so at lirst. He was pleased that Father
Friar Juan de Padilla had stayed tliere, who went to Quivira, and a
Sjianiard and a negro with him, and Friar Luis, a very holy lay brother,
stayed in Cicuique. We spent two very cold winters at this river, with
much snow and thick ice. The river froze one night and remained so
for more than a month, so that loaded horses crossed on the ice. The
reason these villages are settled in this fashion is supposed to be the
great cold, although it is also partly tlie wars which they have with one
another. And this is all that was seen and found out about all that
country, which is very barren of fruits and groves. Quivira is a better
country, having many "huts and not being so cold, although it is more
to the north.
TRANSLATION OF A LETTER FROM CORONADO TO THE
KING, OCTOBER 20, 1541'
Letter from Francisco Vazquez Coronado to His Majesty,
in which he gives an account of the discovery of the
Province of Tiguex.
Holy Catholic C^sarian Majesty Ou April 20 of this year I :

wrote to Your Majesty from this province of Tiguex, in reply to a let-

ter from Your Majesty dated in Madrid, June 11 a year ago. I gave

a detailed account of this expedition, which the viceroy of New Spain

ordered me to undertake in Your Majesty's name to this country which
was discovered by Friar Marcos of Nice, the provincial of the order of
Holy Saint Francis. I described it all, and the sort of force I have, as
Your Majesty had ordered me to relate in my letters; and stated that
while I was engaged in the conquest and pacification of the natives
of this province, some Indians who were natives of other provinces
beyond these had told me that in their country there were much larger
villages and better houses than those of the natives of this country,
and that they had lords who ruled them, who were served with dishes
of gold, and other very magnificent things; and although, as I wrote
Your Majesty, I did not believe it before I had set eyes on it, because
it was the report of Indians and given for the most i)art by means of

signs, yet as the report appeared to me to be very fine and that it was
important that it should be investigated for Your Majesty's service, I
determined to go and see it with the men I have here. I started from
this province on the 23d of last April, for the place where the Indians
wanted to guide me. After nine days' march I reached some plains, so
vast that I did not find their limit anywhere that I went, although I
traveled over them for more than 300 leagues. And I found such a quan-
tity of cows in these, of the kind that I wrote Your Majesty about,
which they have in this country, that it is impossible to number them,
for while I was journeying through these plains, until I returned to
where I first found them, there was not a day that I lost sight of them.
And after seventeen days' march I came to a settlement of Indians
who are called Querechos, who travel around with these cows, who do
not plant, and who eat the raw tlesh and drink the blood of the cows
they kill, and they tan the skins of the cows, with which all the people
' The text of this letter is printed iu Pacheco
y Cardenas, Documentos de ludia-s, vol. iii, p. 363, from
a copy made by Mufioz, and also in the same collection, vol. xiii, p. 261, from a copy in the Archives
of the Indies at Seville. There is a French translation in Ternanx, Cibola volume, p. 355. See the
footnote to the preceding document.
580
wuNSHip] CORONADO TO THE KING, OCTOBER 20, 1541 581

of this country dress themselves here. They have little field tents made
of the hides of the cows, tanned and greased, very well made, in which
they live while they travel around near the cows, moving with these.
They have dogs which they load, which carry their tents and poles and
belongings. These people have the best figures of any that I have seen
iu the Indies. They could not give me any account of the country
wliere the guides were taking me. I traveled five days more as the
guides wished to lead me, until I reached some plains, with no more
landmarks than as if we had been swallowed up in the sea, where they

strayed about, because there was not a stone, nor a bit of rising ground,
nor a tree, nor a shrub, nor anything to go by. There is much very fine
pasture land, with good grass. And while we were lost iu these plains,
some horsemen who went off to hunt cows fell in with some Indians who
also were out hunting, who are enemies of those that I had seen in
the last settlement, and of another sort of people who are called Teyas;
they have their bodies and faces all painted, are a large people like the
others, of a very good build they eat the raw flesli just like the Quere-
;

chos, and live and travel round with the cows in the same way as these.
I obtained from these an account of the country where the guides were
taking me, which was not like what they had told me, because these made
out that the houses there were not built of stones, with stories, as my
guides had described it, but of straw and skins, and a small supply of
corn there. This news troubled me greatly, to find myself on these lim-
itless plains, where I was in great need of water, and often had to drink
'it so poor that it was more mud than water. Here the guides confessed
to me that they had not told the truth in regard to the size of the houses,
because these were of straw, but that they had done so regarding the
large number of inhabitants and the other things about their habits.
The Teyas disagreed with this, and on account of this division between
some of the Indians and the others, and also because many of the men
I had with me had not eaten anything except meat for some daj's,

because we had reached the eud of the corn which we carried from this
province, and because they made it out more than forty days' journey
from where I fell in with the Teyas to the country where the guides were
taking me, although I appreciated the trouble and danger there would
be in the journey owing to the lack of water and corn, it seemed to me
best, in order to see if there was anything there of service to Your Maj-
esty, to go forward with only 30 horsemen until I should be able to see
the country, so as to give Your Majesty a true account of what was to
be found in it. I sent all the rest of tlie force I had with me to this
province, with Don Tristan de Arellano in command, because it would
have been impossible to prevent the loss of many men, if all had gone
on, owing to the lack of water and because they also had to kill bulls
and cows on which to sustain themselves. And with only the 30 horse-
men whom I took for my escort, I traveled forty-two days after I left
the force, living all this while solely on the Hesh of the bulls and cows
which we killed, at the cost of several of our horses which they killed,
582 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].14

because, as I wrote Your Majesty, tbey are very brave and fierce ani-
mals: aud going many days without water, and cooking the food with
cow dung, because there is not any kind of wood in all these jjlains,
away from the gullies and rivers, which are very few.
It was the Lord's pleasure that, after having journeyed across these
deserts seventy-seven days, I arrived at the province they call Quivira,

to which the guides were conducting me, and where they had described
to me houses of stone, with many stories; and not only are they not of
stone, but of straw, but the people in them are as barbarous as all those
whom I have seen and passed before this; they do not have cloaks, nor
cotton of which to make these, but use the skins of the cattle they kill,
which they tan, because they are settled among these on a very large
river. Thej' eat the raw flesh like the Querechos and Teyas; they are
enemies of one another, but are all of the same sort of people, and these
at Quivira have the advantage in the houses they build and in planting
corn. In this province of which the guides who brought me are natives,
they received me peaceably, and although they told me when I set out
for it that I could not succeed in seeing it all m two months, there are
not more than 25 villages of straw houses there and in all the rest of the
country that I saw and learned about, which gave their obedience to Your
Majesty and placed themselves under your royal overlordship. The peo-
ple here are large. I had several Indians measured, and found that they
were 10 palms in height; the women are well proportioned and their fea-
tures are more like Moorish women than Indians. The natives here gave
me a piece of copper which a chief Indian wore hung around his neck;
I sent it to the viceroy of New Spain, because I have not seen any other
metal in these parts except this and some little copper bells which I
sent him, and a bit of metal which looks like gold. I do not know
where this came from, although I believe that the Indians who gave it
to me obtained it from those whom I brought here in my service, because
I can not find any other origin for it nor where it came from. The
diversity of languages which exists in this country and my not having
anyone who understood them, because they speak their own language in
each village, has hindered me, because I have been forced to send cap-
tains and men in many directions to find out whether there was any-
thing in this country which could be of service to Your Majesty. Aud
although I have searched with all diligence I have not found or heard
of anything, unless it be these provinces, which are a very small affair.
The province of Quivira is 950 leagues from Mexico. Where I reached
it, it is in the fortieth degree. The country itself is the best I have ever
seen for producing all the jiroducts of Spain, for besides the land itself
being very fat and black and being very well watered by the rivulets
and springs and rivers, I found prunes like those of Spain [or I found
everything tliey-have in Spain] and nuts and very good sweet grapes
and mulberries. I have treated the natives of this province, and all
the others whom I found wherever I went, as well as was possible,
r..> ffl'1
 :

wiNsHip] CORONADO TO THE KING, OCTOBER 20, 15H 583

agreeably to what Your Majesty had coiniuanded, and they have received
no liarm in anj- way from me or from those wlio went in my company.' I
remained twenty-five days in this province of Quivira, so as to see and
explore the countrj' and also to find out whether there was anything
beyond which could be of service to Your Majesty, because the guides
who had brought me had given me an account of other provinces beyond
this. And what 1 am sure of is that tiiere is not any gold nor any other
metal in all that country, and the other things of which they had told
me are nothing but little villages, and in many of these they do not
plant anything and do not have any houses except of skins and sticks,
and they wander around with the cows so that the account they gave me
;

was false, because they wanted to persuade nie to go therewith the whole
force, believing that as the way was through such uninhabited deserts,
and from the lack of water, they would get us where we and our horses
would die of hunger. And the guides confessed this, and said they had
done it by the advice and orders of the natives of these provinces. At
this, after having heard the account of what was beyond, whicli I have
given above, I returned to these iirovinces to provide for the force I
had sent back here and to give Your Majesty an account of what this
country amounts to, because I wrote Your Majesty that I would do so
when 1 went there. I have done all that I possibly could to serve
Your Majesty and to discover a country where God Our Lord might be
served and the royal patrimony of Your ^Majesty increased, as your
loyal servant and vassal. For since I reached the province of Cibola,
to which the viceroy of New Spain sent nie in the name of Your Majesty,
seeing that there were none of the things there of which Friar Marcos
had told, 1 have managed to exjilore this country for 200 leagues and
more around Cibola, and the best iilace I have found is this river of
Tiguex where I am now, and the settlements here. It would not be
possible to establish a settlement liei-e, for besides being 400 leagues

from the North sea and more than 200 from the South sea, \<^ith which
it is impossible to have any sort of communication, the country is so

cold, as I have written to Your Majesty, that apparently the winter

could not possibly be spent here, because there is no wood, nor cloth
with which to i)rotect the men, except the skins whicli the natives wear
and some small amount of cotton cloaks. 1 send the viceroy of New
Spain an account of everything I have seen in the countries whei-e I
have been, and as Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas is going to kiss Your
Majesty's hands, who has done much and has served Your Majesty very
well on this expedition, and he will give Your Majesty an account of
everything here, as one who has seen it himself, I give M'ay to him.
And may Our Lord protect the Holy Imperial Catholic person of Your
Majesty, with increase of greater kingdoms and powers, as your loyal
servants and vassals desire. From this province of Tiguex, Octo-
ber 20, in the year 1541. Your jSIajesty's humble servant and vassal,
who would kiss the royal feet and hands
Prancisoo Vazquez Coronado.
' Coronado liad ajjpareutly forgotten the atrocities committed by the Spaniards at Tiguex.
 TRANSLATION OF THE NARRATIVE OF JARAMILLO
Account given by Captain Juan Jabamillo of the Journey
WHICH HE MADE TO THE NEW COUNTRY, ON WHICH PRANCISCO
Vazquez Cobonado was the General.'
We started from Mexico, going directly to Compostela, the whole way
pojjnlated and at peace, the direction being west, and the distance 112
leagues. From we went to Culiacau, perhaps about 80 leagues;
there
the road is well known and much used, because there is a town inhab-
ited by Spaniards in the said valley of Culiacau, under the government
of Compostela. The 70 horsemen who went with the general went in
a northwesterly direction from this town. He left his army here, because
information had been obtained that the way was uninhabited and
almost the whole of it without food. He went with the said horsemen
to explore the route and prepare the way for those who were to follow.
He pursued this direction, though with some twisting, until we crossed
a mountain chain, where they knew about New Spain, more than 300
leagues distant. To this pass we gave the name of Chichilte Calli,
because we learned that this was what it was called, from some Indians
whom we left behind.
Leaving the said valley of Culiacau, he crossed a river called Pateat-
lan {or Peteatlan), which was about four days distant. We found these
Indians i)eaceful, and they gave us some few things to eat. From
here we went to another river called Cinaloa, which was about three
days from the other. From here the general ordered ten of us horse-
men to make double marches, lightly equipped, until we reached the
stream of the Cedars (arroyo de los Cedros), and from there we were to
euter a break in the mountains on the right of the road and see what
there was in and about this. If more time should be needed for this
than we gained on him, he would wait for us at the said Cedros stream.
This was done, and all that we saw there was a few poor Indians in
some settled valleys like farms or estates, with sterile soil. It was
about five more days from the river to this stream. From there we
went to the river called Yaquemi, which took about three days. We
proceeded along a dry stream, and after three days more of marching,
although the dry stream lasted only for a league, we reached another
stream where there were some settled Indians, who had straw huts and
storehouses of corn and beans and melons. Leaving here, we went to

'The toxt of this narrative is found in Btickin^hani Smith's Florida, p. 154, from a copy made hy
and in Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentos do Indias, vol. xiv, p. 304, from the copy in the
lliifioz,
Archives of the Indies. A French translation is given in Ternaux-Compans' Cibola volume, p. 364.
584
X
1-
wiNSHip] NARRATIVE OF JARAMILLO 585

the stream and village which is called Hearts (Corazones), the name
which was given it by Dorantes and Cabeza de Vaca and Castillo and
the negro Estebanillo, because they gave them a present of the hearts
of animals and birds to eat.
About two days were spent in this village of the Hearts. There is an
irrigation stream, and the country is warm. Their dwellings are huts
made of a frame of poles, almost lilie an oven, only very much better,
which they cover with mats. They have corn and beans and melons
for food, which I believe never fail them. They dress in deerskins.
This appeared to be a good place, and so orders were given the
Spaniards who were behind to establish a village here, where they
lived until almost the failure of the expedition. There was a i)oisou
here, the effect of which is, according to what was seen of it, the worst
that could possibly be found and from what we learned about it, it is
;

the sap of a small tree like the mastick tree, or lentisk, and it grows in
gravelly and sterile land.' We went on from here, passing through
a sort of gateway, to' another valley very near tliis stream, which
opens off from this same stream, which is called Senora. It is also
irrigated, and the Indians are like the others and have the same
sort of settlements and food. This valley continues for (5 or 7 leagues,
a little more or less. At first these Indians were peaceful; and after-
ward not, but instead they and those whom they were able to
summon thitlier were our worst enemies. They have a poisou with
wiiich they killed several Christians. There are mountains on both
sides of them, which are not very fertile. From here we went along
near this said stream, crossing it where it makes a bend, to another
Indian settlement called Isi^a.* It takes one day from the last of
these others to this place. It is of the same sort as those we had
passed. From here we went through deserted country for about four
days to another river, which we heard called Xexpa, where some poor
Indians came out to see the general, with presents of little value, with
some stalks of roasted maguey and pitahayas. We went down this
stream two days, and then left the stream, going toward the right to the
foot of the mountain chain in two days' iourney, where we heard news
of what is called Chichiltic Calli. Crossing the mountains, we came to a
deep and reedy river, where we found water and forage for the horses.
'The Sjianish text reads " Habrl conio dos Jomadna ( :) en este pueblo do his Corazoues. (es) Es nn
:

an"oyo de riego y de tierra caliente, y tienen siis viviendas de unos ranchoa que despues de armados
lo8 palos, casi il luauera de hornos, aunque muy inayoreM, loa cubreu cou »mo9 petates. Tienen maizy
lriH<»le8 y calabazas para pu comer, que ereo que no le falta. Vifttense de cueros de venados, y aqui
por ser eflto pueHto al parecer cosa decente, so niand6 jjoblar aqui una villa de los espauoles quo iban
traseros donde vivieron basta caai (jue la Jornada peresei6. Aqui liay yerba y scguro (segund) lo que
della BO vi6, y la operacion que liace es la mas mala que se puede hallar, y delo que tuviraoa entcndido
eer, era'de la lecbe de un lirbol pequefio,
ii manera de lantisco en cuaaci, (, E Nasce) en pizarrillas y
tierra eateril." This quotation follows the Pachcro y Cardenas text. The important variations of
Buckingham Smitli's copy are inclosed within parenthcsex. The spelling of the two, in such mat-
ters as the use of b and v, x and j, and the punctuation, ditfer greatly.
*Sce Bandelier's Gilded Man, p. 175. This is Castafieda's " Gmigarispa" as mistakenly interpreted
by Ternaux-Compans, the present Arispo, or, in the Indian dialect, Hnc-aritz-pa. The words "Ispa,
que" are not in the Pachecu y Cardenas copy.
586 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].u

From back at Nexpa, as I Lave said, it seems to me tliat the

this river
directionwas nearly northeast. From here, I believe that we went in
the same direction for three days to a river which we called Saint John
(San Jnan), because we reached it on his day. Leaving here, we went
to another river, through a somewhat rough country, more toward the
north, to a river wliieh we called the Eafts (de his Balsas), because
we had it was rising.
to cross on these, as It seems to me that we
spent two days between one river and the other, and I say this because
it is so long since we went there that I may be wrong in some days,

though not in the rest. From here we went to another river, which we
called the Slough (de la Barranca.) It is two short days from one to
the other, and the directioi) almost northeast. From here we went to
another river, which we called the Cold river (el rio Frio), on account
of its water being so, in one day's Journey, and from here we went by
a i)ine mountain, where we found, almost at the top of it, a cool spring
and streamlet, wliich was another day's march. In the neighborhood
of this stream a Spaniard, who was called Espinosa, died, besides two
other persons, on account of poisonous i)lants which they ate, owing to
the great need in which they were. From here we went to anotlier river,
which we called the Red river (Bermejo), two days' journey in the
same direction, but less toward the northeast. Here we saw an Indian
or two, who afterward appeared to belong to the first settlement of
Cibola. From here we came in two days' journey to the said village,
the first of Cibola. The houses have Hat roofs and walls of stone and
mud, and this was where they killed Steve (Estebanillo), the negro
who had come with Dorantes from Florida and returned with Friar
Marcos de Niza. In this province of Cibola there are five little villages
besides this, all with fiat roofs and of stone and nnul, as I said. The
country is cold, as is shown by their houses and hothouses (estufas).
They have food enough for themselves, of corn and beans and melons.
These villages are about a league or more apart from each other,
within a circuit of perhaps C leagues. The country is somewhat sandy
and not very saltj' (or barren of vegetation'), and on the mountains the
trees are for the most part evergreen. The clothing of the Indians is
of deerskins, very carefully tanned, and they also prepare some tanned
cowhides, with which they cover themselves, which are like shawls,
and a great protection. They have square cloaks of cotton, some
larger than others, about a yard and a half long. The Indians wear
them thrown over the shoulder like a gipsy, and fastened with one end
over the other, with a girdle, also of cotton. From this first village of
Cibola, looking toward the northeast and a little less, on the left hand,
there is a province called Tucayan, about five days ott', which has seven
flat-roof villages, with a food supply as good as or better than these, and

• The Spniiish text is either " ino niui Halnda

tie yerva "' <B. Smith), <»r " y no miiy solada de yerva"

(Pacheco y Cat-denaa). Doubtless the reference is to the alkali soil and vegetation.
o
•o
wiNsHip] NARRATIVE OF JARAMILLO 587

an even larger populatiou; and they also liave the skins of cows and
of deer, and cloaks of cotton, as I described.'
All the waterways we found as far as I'lis one at Cibola— and I do not
know but what for a day or two beyond the rivers and streams run—
into the South and those from hero on into the Xorth sea.
sea,
Prom this flrst village of (Jibola, as I have said, we went to another
in the same province, which was about a short day's Journey off, on
the way to Tihuex. It is nine days, of such marches as we made, from
this settlement of Cibola to the river of Tihuex. Halfway between, I do
not know but it may be a day more or less, there is a village of earth and
dressed stone, in a very strong position, which is called Tutahaco.- All
these Indians, except the first in the flrst village of Cibola, received us
well. At the river of Tiliuex there are 15 villages within a distance
of about 20 leagues, all with flat-roof houses of earth, instead of stone,
after the fashion of mud walls. There are other villages besides these
on other streams which flow into this, and three of these are, for
Indians, well worth seeing, especially one that is called Chia,^ and an-
other Uraba,* and another Cicuique.^ Uraba and Cicuique have many
houses two stories high. All the rest, and these also, have corn and
beans and melons, skins, and some long robes of feathers which they
braid, joining the feathers with a sort of thread; and they also make
them of a sort of plain weaving with which they make the cloaks with
which they protect themselves. They all have hot rooms underground,
•which, although not very clean, are very warm." They raise aud have
a very little cotton, of which they make the cloaks which I have
spoken of above. This river comes from the northwest and flows about
southeast, which shows that it certainly flows into the North sea.
Leaving this settlement" and the said river, we passed two other vil-
lages whose names I do not know," and in four days came to Cicui(iue,
which I have already mentioned. The direction of this is toward the
northeast. From tliere we came to anotlier river, which the Spaii-
lards named after Cicaique, in three days; if I remember rightly, it
seems to me that we went rather toward the northeast to rea(-h this
river where we crossed it, aud after crossing this, we turned more to

'The Sjtanish text (p. 308) is "el vestido de loa iitdios es He cueros de veuados, estreniadisimo ol
:

(wlobo,nlcanzan ya alguuos cueros de vacas adobado con que Re cobijan, que son il niancra de bernias y
de mucbo abrigo tienen mantas do algodon (uiadradas nnas niayores quo otras, coino de vara y media
; ;

en birfjo; las indias las traeu uneatus per el hom'bro a niancra do gitanas y cefiidas una vuelta sobro
otra por su cintura c<in una cinta del misino algodon estando en oste pueblo primero de Cibola, el
;

rostro el Nordeste un poquito lu^nos estA li la mano izquierda de 61, ciuco joruadas, una provincia
:

que se dice Tucayan.'"

•Acoma. See note on ])age 492.
-Sia.
^Identical with Taos —
llio Braba of Castaneda and tbo Yuraba of the Kelacion del Suceso.

^Pecos. In Pacheco y Cardenas this is spelled Ticnique.

'All references to hot rooms or eetnfas are of course lo be construed to mean llie kivas or ceremo-
nial chambers.
'Tiguex is here doubtless referred to.
*One of tlio villages whose names Jaramillo did not know was probaldy tlie Xinienu {(ialisteo) of
Castaneda.
588 THK CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].u

the left hand, which would be more to the northeast, and began to
enter the plains where the cows are, although we did not find them for
some four or five days, after which we began to come across bulls, of
which there are great numbers, and after going on in the same direc-
tion and meeting the bnlls for two or three days, we began to find
ourselves in the midst of very great numbers of cows, yearlings and
bulls all in together. We found Indians among these first cows, who
were, on this account, called Querechos by those in the fiat roof
houses. They do not live in houses, but have some sets of poles
which they carry with them to make some huts at the places where
they stop, which serve them for houses. They tie these poles together
at the top and stick the bottoms into the grotmd, covering them with
some cowskins which thsy carry around, and which, as I have said,
serve them for houses. From what was learned of these Indians, all
their human needs are supplied by these cows, for they are fed and
clothed and shod from these. They are a people who wander around
here and there, wherever seems to them best. We went on for eight
or ten days in the same direction, along those streams which are
among the cows. The Indian who guided us from here was the one
that had given us the news about Quevira and Arache {or Arahui) and
about its being a very rich country with much gold and other things,
and he and the other one were from that country I mentioned, to
which we were going, and we found these two Indians in the flat-roof
villages. It seems that, as the said Indian wanted to go to his own
country, he proceeded to tell us what we found was not true, and I do
not know whether it was on this account or because he was counseled
to take us into other regions by confusing us on the road, although
there are none in all this region except those of the cows. We under-
stood, however, that he was leading us away from the route we ought
to follow and that he wanted to lead us on to those plains where he
had led us, so that we would eat up the food, and both ourselves and
our horses would become weak from the lack of this, because if we
should go either backward or forward in this condition we could not
make any resistance to whatever they might wish to do to us. From
the time when, as I said, we entered the plains and from this settlement
of Querechos, he led us off more to the east, until we came to be in
extreme need from the lack of food, and as the other Indian, who was
his companion and also from his country, saw that he was not taking
us where we ought to go, since we had always followed the guidance
of the Turk, for so he was called, instead of his, he threw himself
down in the way, making a sign that although we cut off his head he
ought not to go that way, nor was that our direction. I believe we
had been traveling twenty days or more in this direction, at the end
of which we found another settlement of Indians of the same sort and
way of living as those behind, among whom there was an old blind
man with a beard, who gave us to understand, by signs which he made,
WI.NS11IP] NARRATIVE OF JARAMILLO '
589

that bad seen four omeis like iis lilaSy days before, whom Le bad
lie

seen near there and ratber more toward New Spain, and we so under-
stood bini, and presumed that it was Porantes and Cabeza de Vaca
and those whom I have mentioned. At this settlement tbo general,
seeing- our difficulties, ordere<l the captains, and the i)ersons whose
advice he was accustomed to take, to assemble, so that we might
discuss with bim what was best for all.' It seemed to us that all the
torce should go back to the region we had come from, in search of food,
so that they could regain their strength, and that 30 picked horsemen
should go in search of what the liidiaji had told about; and we decided
to do this. We all went forward one day to a stream Mbicb was down
in a ravine in the midst of good meadows, to agree on who should go
ahead and how the rest should rC^urn. Here the Indian Isopete, as
we had called the companion of the said Turk, was asked to tell us
the trnth, and to lead us to that country which we had come in search
of. He said be would do it, and that it was not as the Turk had said,
because those were certainly fine things which he had said and had given
us to understand at Tiliue^, about gold and how it was obtained, and
the buildings, and tiie style of them, and their trade, and many other
things told for the sake of in-olixity, which had led us to go in search of
them, with the advice of all who gave it and of the priests. He asked
us to leave him afterward in that country, because it was his native
country, as a reward for guiding us, and also, that the Turk might
not go along with him, because be would quarrel and try to restrain
him in everything that he wanted to do for our advantage; and the
general promised him this, and said he would be with one of the thirty,
and he went in this way. And when everything was ready for us to
set out and for the others to remain, we pursued our way, the direction
all the time after this being toward the north, for more than thirty
days' march, although not long marches, not having to go without water
on any one of them, and among cows all the time, some days in larger
numbers than others, according to the water which we came across,
so that on Saint Peter and Paul's day we reached a river which we
found to be there below Quibira. When we reached the said river, the
Indian recognized it and said that was it, and that it was below the
settlements. We crossed it there and went up the other side on the
north, the direction turning toward the northeast, and after marching
three days we found some Indians who were going bunting, killing the
cows to take the meat to their village, which was about three or four
days still farther away from us. Here where we found the Indians
and they saw us, they began to utter yells and appeared to fly, and
some even bad their wives there with them. The Indian Isopete
began to call them in his language, and so they came to us without
any signs of fear. When we and these Indians had halted here, the
general made an example of the Indian Turk, whom we had brought
along, keeping him all the time out of sight among the rear guard, and
590 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [eth. ax.n-. u

liaviiig arrived where tbe place was prepared, it was done in such a
way that the other Indian, who was called Isopete, should not see it,
so as to give him the satisfaction he had asked. Some satisfaction
was experienced here on seeing the good appearance of the earth, and
it is certainly such among the cows, and from there on. The general
wrote a letter here to the governor of Harahey and Quibira, having
understood that he was a Christian from the lost army of Florida,
because what the Indian had said of their manner of government
and their general character had made us believe this. So the Indians
went to their lio'uses, which were at the distance mentioned, and we
also proceeded at our rate of marching until we reached the settle-
ments, which we found along good river bottoms, although without
much water, and good streams which flow into another, larger than
the one I liave mentioned. There were, if I recall correctly, six or
seven settlements, at quite a distance from one another, among which
we traveled for four or live days, since it was understood to be unin-
habited between one stream and the other. We
reached what they said
was the end of Quibira, to which they t(yk us, saying that the things
there were of great importance.' Here there was a river, with more
water and more inhabitants than the others. Being asked if there
was anything beyond, they said that there was nothing more of Quibira,
but that there was Harahey, and that it was the same sort of a place,
with settlements like these, and of about the same size. The general
sent to summon the lord of those parts and the other Indians who
they said resided in Harahey, and he came with about 200 men all —
—
naked with bows, and some sort of things on their heads, and their
privy i)arts slightly covered. He was a big Indian, with a large body
and limbs, and well proportioned. After he had heard the opinion of
one and another about it, the general asked them what we ought to do,
reminding us of how the army had been left and that the rest of us
were tliere, so that it seemed to all of us that as it was already almost
the opening of winter, for, if I I'emember rightly, it was after the middle
of August, and because there was little to winter there for, and we were
but very little prepared for it, and the uncertainty as to the success of
the array that had been left, and because the winter might close the
roads with snow and rivers which we could not cross, and also in order
to see what had happened to the rest of the force left behind, it seemed
to us all that his grace ought to go back in search of them, and when he
had found out for certain how they were, to winter there and return to
that country at the opening of spring, to conquer and cultivate it. Since,
as I said, this was the last point which we reached, here the Turk saw
that he had lied to us, and one night he called on all these people to
attack ns and kill us. We learned of it, and pnt him under guard and
strangled him that night so that he never waked up. With the plan

1 In Buckin<:liani Smitli's copy occurs the phrase, " que deeian ellos para siguificamoslo Teiicarea."
This is not in Pacheoo v Cardenas.
wixsHip] NARRATIVE OF JARAMILLO Qgncrnft I 'U^^^
we turned back it may have been two or three days, where
nieiitioued,
we provided ourselves with picked frnit and dried corn for our return.
The general raised a cross at this place, ict the foot of which he made
some letters with a chisel, which said that Francisco Vazquez de
Coronado, general of that army, had arrived here.
This country presents a very fine appearance, than which I have
not seen a better in all our Spain nor Italy nor a part of France, nor,
indeed, in the other countries where I have traveled in His 3IaJesty"s
service, for it is not a very rough countrj but is made up of hillocks
,

and plains, and very fine appearing rivers and streams, which cer-
tainly satisfied me and made me sure that it will be very fruitful in
all sorts of products. Indeed, there is profit in the cattle ready to the
hand, from the quantity of them, which is as great as one could imag-
ine. We found a variety of Castilian prunes which are not all red,
but some of them black and green the ti ee and fruit is certainly like
;

that of Castile, with a very excellent fiavor. Amoug the cows we

found flax, which springs up from the earth iu clumps apart from one
another, which are noticeable, as the cattle do not eat it, with their tops
and blue flow-ers, and very jierfect although small, resembling that of
our own Spain {or and sumach like ours in Spain). There are grapes
along some streams, of a fair flavor, not to be improved upon. The
houses which these Indians have were of straw, and most of them round,
and the straw reached down to the ground like a wall, so that they did
not have the symmetry or the style of these here they have something ;

like a chapel or sentry box outside and around these, with an entry,
where the Indians appear seated or reclining.' The Iiulian Isopete
was left here where the cross was erected, and we took five or six of
the Indians from these villages to lead and guide us to the flat-roof
houses.^ Thus they brought lis back by the same road as far as where
I said before that we came to a river called Saint Peter and Paul's,
and here we left that by which we had come, and, taking the right
hand, they led us along bj'' watering places and among cows and by
a good road, although there are none either one way or the other
except those of the cows, as 1 have said. At last we came to where
we recognized the country, where I said we found the first settlement,
'The Spanisli text (p. 315) of this description of the Kansas-Nebraska plains is: " Eata tierra tiene
niiiy linda la apariencia, tal que no la he visto yo mejor . . porquo no es tierrji muy doblada sine
.

de lo mils (do lomaa) y llanos, y rios de muy linda aparienc-ia y aguas, quo cierto ine contento y tengo
preauncion que serd nuiy fructlfera y de todos frutoa. En los ganadoa ya estil la esperencia (inspi-
riencia) en la niano por laninchedunihrequehay, quoestauta cnantoquieran penaar: .jallanios t-irguelas
de Castilla, nn gC-nero dellas que ni son del todo coloradas, aino entre coloradas y algo negras y ver-
dea. (,) EI Arbol y el fruto ea cierto de Castilla, de niuy gentil aahor; jallainos entre las vacas, lino, que
pntduce la tierra, 6 brecitaa (hebrecitas) arredradaa unaa do otras, que comoel ganado no las corae se
qnedan por alii con sus cabezuelas y lior az\il, y aunqiie pequefio muy perlecto, natural del do nuestra
Eapana (perfecto; zumaque natural . . .). En algunoa arroyoa, uvas de razonable sabor jiara no
beneHciadas: las casas (jue estos indioa tenian, eran de pasa y muchas dellaa redondas, y la paxa
Uegaba hasta el suelo oomo pared que no tenia la proporcion y manera de las do ac.l por de f uera y
;

encnua deato, tenian una manera como caplllao garita, con una entrada donde se asomaljan los indios
sentados 6 echadoa."
^The pueblos of the Kio Grande.
592 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].14

where the Turk led us astray from the route we should liave followed.
Thus, leaving theTest aside, we reached Tiguex, where we found the
rest of the army, and here the general fell while running his horse,
by which he received a wound on his head which gave symptoms of
turning out badly, and he conceived the idea of returning, which ten
or twelve of us were unable to prevent by dissuading him from it.
"When this return had been ordered, the Franciscan iriars who were
—
with us one of them a regular and the other a lay brother who —
were called, the regular one Friar Juan de Padilla and the lay one
Friar Luis de Escalona, were told to get ready, although they had per-
mission from their provincial so that they could remain. Friar Luis
wished to remain iu these flat-roof houses, saying that he would raise
crosses for those villagers with a chisel and adze they left him, and would
baptize several poor creatures who could be led, on the point of death,
so as to send them to heaven, for which he did not desire any other com.
pauy than a little slave of miue who was called Christopher, to be his
consolation, and who ho said would learn the language there quickly
so as to help him; and he brought up so many things in favor of this
that he could not be denied, and so nothing more has been heard from
him. The knowledge that this friar would remain there was the reason
that many Indians from hereabouts stayed there, and also two negroes,
one of them mine, who was called Sebastian, and the other one of Mel-
chor Perez, the son of the licentiate La Torre. This negro was married
and had his wife and children. I also recall that several Indians
remained behind in the Quivira region, besides a Tarascan belonging to
my company, who was named Andrew. Friar Juau de Padilla preferred
to return to Quivira, and persuaded, them to give him those Indians
whom I said we had brought as guides. They gave him these, and he
also took a Portuguese and a free Spanish-speaking Indian, who was
the interpreter, and who passed as a Franciscan friar, and a half-blood
and two Indians from Capottan {or Capotean) or thereabouts, I believe.
He had brought these up and took them in the habits of friars, and he
took some sheep and mules and a horse and ornaments and other
trifles. I do not know whether it was for the sake of these or for what
reason, but it seems that they killed him, and those who did it were the
lay servants, or these same Indians whom he took back from Tiguex,
in return for the good deeds which he had done. When he was dead,
the Portuguese whom I mentioned fled, and also one of the Indians
that I said he took iu the habits of friars, or both of them, I believe.
I mention this because they came back to this country of New Spain
by another way and a shorter route than the one of which I have told,
and they came out in the valley of Panico.' I have given Gonzalo
Solis de Meras and Isidoro de Soils an account of this, because it seemed
to me important, according to what I say I have understood, that

1 Thi8 ia the Bpelliug of PoQuco in both texts.

Bureau of ethnology FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXX

A NATIVE OF SAN JUAN

WKBHip] NARRATIVE OF JARAMILLO 593
His Majesty ordered Your Lordship to find or discover a way so as to
unite tbat laud to this. It is perhaps also very likely that this ludian
Sebastian, during the time he was in Quivira, learned about its terri-
tory and the country round about it, and also of the sea, and the road
by which he came, and what there is to it, and how many days' journey
before arriving there. So that I am sure that if Your Lordship acquires
this Quivira ou this account, I am certain that he can confidently bring
many people from Spain to settle it according to the appearance and
the character of the land.
U
ETH 38
 TKANSLATIOX OF THE REPORT OF HERNANDO DE
ALVARADO
Account of what Hernando de Alvauado and Friak Juan de
Padilla Discovered going in Search of the South Sea.'
We set out from Granada on Sunday, the day of the beheading of
Saint John the Baptist, the liOth of August, in the year 1540, on the
way to Coco.^ After ^ye had gone 2 leagues, we came to an ancient
building like a fortress, and a league beyond this we found another, and
yet another a little farther on, and beyond these we found an ancient
city, very large, entirely destroyed, although a large part of the wall
was standing, which Avas six times as tall as a man, the wall well made
of good worked stone, with gates and gutters like a city in Castile.
Half a league or more beyond this, we found another ruined city, the
walls of which mu8t have been very fine, built of very large granite
blocks, as high as a man and from there up of very good quar-
ried stone. Here two roads separate, one to Chia and the other to
Coco; we took this latter, and i-eached that place, which is one of the
strongest places that we liave seen, because the city is on a very high
rock, with such a rough ascent that we repented having gone up to
the place. The houses have three or four stories; the people are the
same sort as those of the i)rovince of Cibola; they have plenty of
food, of corn and beans and fowls like those of New Spain. From
here we went to a very good lake or marsh, where there are trees like
those of Castile, and from there we went to a river, which we named
Our Lady (Nuestra Sefiora), because we reached it the evening before
her day in the month of September.^ We sent the cross by a guide to
the villages in advance, and the next day peojde came from twelve vil-
lages, the chief men and the people in order, those of one village behind
those of another, and they approached the tent to the sound of a pipe,
and with an old man for spokesman. In this fashion they came into
the tent and gave me the food and clothes and skins they had brought,
and I gave them some trinkets, and with this they went off.
This river of Our Lady flows through a very wide open plain sowed
with corn plants; tliere are several groves, and there are twelve vil-

'The text of this reportis printed in Buckingham Smith's Florida, p. 65, from the Mnfioz copy, and
in Pacliecoy Cardenas, Documontos de Indias, vol. iii. p. 511, See note on page 391. A translation
of this document was printed in the Boston Transcript for October 14, 189li.
^Acuco or Aconia. The route taken hy Alvarado -was not the same as that followed by Coronado,
"who went by way of ^latsaki. Alvarado's course was the old Acoma trail which led directly east-
ward from Hawikuh or Ojo Calieute.
^Day of tlje nativity of the Blessed Virgin, September 8. This was the Tiguex or present Kio
Grande.
594
WIN8H1P) REPORT OF ALVARADO 695
lages. The houses are of earth, two stories high; the people have a
good appearance, more like laborersthan a warlike race; they have a
large food supply of coru, beans, melons, and fowl in great plenty they
;

clothe themselves with cotton and the skins of cows and dresses of the
feathers of the fowls; they wear their hair short. Those who have the
most authority among them are the old men; we regarded them as
witches, because they say that they go up into the sky and other things
of the same sort. In this province there are seven other villages,
depopulated and destroyed by those Indians who paint their eyes, of
whom the guides will tell Your Grace; they say that these live in the
same region as the cows, and that they have corn and houses of straw.
Here the people from the outlying provinces came to make peace
with me, and as Your Grace may see in this memorandum, there are
80 villages there of the same sort as I have described, and among them
one which is located on some streams; it is divided into twenty divi-
sions, which is something remarkable; the houses have three stories
of mud walls and three others made of small wooden boards, and on
the outside of the three stories with the mud wall they have three bal-
conies; it seemed to us that there were nearly 15,000 persons in this
village. The country is very cold; they do not raise fowls nor cotton;
they worship the sun .and water. We found mounds of dirt outside of
the place, where they are buried.
In the places where crosses were raised, we saw them worship these.
They made otferings to these of their powder and feathers, and some
leftthe blankets they had on. They showed so much zeal that some
climbed up on the others to grasp the arms of the cross, to place
feathers and flowers there; and others bringing ladders, while some
held them, went up to tie strings, so as to fasten the flowers and the
feathers.
TESTIMONY CONCEENING THOSE WHO WENT ON THE
EXPEDITION WITH FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ CORONADO'
At Compostela, on February 21, 1540, Coronado presented a petition
to the viceroy Mendoza, declaring that he had observed that certain
persons who were not well disposed toward the expedition which was
about to start for the newly discovered country had said that many of
the inhabitants of the City of Mexico and of the other cities and towns
of New Spain, and also of Compostela and other places in this province of
New Galicia were going on the expedition at his request or because
of inducements ottered by him, as a result of which the City of Mexico
and New Spain were left deserted, or almost so. Therefore, he asked
the viceroy to order that information be obtained, in order that the
truth might be known about the citizens of New Spain and of this
province who were going to accompany him. He declared that there
were very few of these, and that they were not going on account of
any attraction or inducement offered by him, but of their own free will,
and as there were few of them, there would not be any lack of people
in New Spain. And as Gonzalo de Salazar, the factor or royal agent,
and Pero Almidez Cherino, the veedor or royal inspector of His Majesty
for New Spain, and other citizens of Mexico who knew all the facts and
had the necessary information, were present there, Coronado asked His
Grace to provide and order that which would best serve His Majesty's
interests and the welfare and security of New Spain.
The viceroy instructed the licenciate Maldonado, oidor of the royal
audiencia,^ to procure this information. To facilitate the hearing he
provided that the said factor and veedor and the regidores, and others
who were there, should attend the review of the army, which was to be
held on the following day. Nine of the desired witnesses were also
commanded by Maldonado to attend the review and observe those
whom they knew in the army.
On February 2G^ the licentiate Maldonado took the oaths of the wit-
nesses in proper form, and they testified to the following efi'ect:
Hernand Perez de Bocanegra, a citizen of Mexico, stated that he had
been present on the preceding Sunday, at the review of the force which
the viceroy was sending for the pacification of the country recently
discovered by the father provincial, Fray Marcos de Niza, and that he

'Translated freely and abridged from the deposittona as printed in Pacheco y Cardenas, Docu-
mentos de Indiaa, vol. xiv, p. 373. See note on page 377. Tlie stati'inents of the preceding witnesaea
are usually relocated, in effect, in the testimony of those who follow.
*Judge of the highest court of the province.
^Thursday.
596
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGV FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXXI

A NATIVE OF PECOS
WIN8HIP] TESTIMONY CONCERNING THE EXPEDITION 597

had taken note of the force as the men passed before him and at his
;

request he had also been allowed to see the list of names of those who
were enrolled in the army; and he declared that in all the said force he
did not recognize any other citizens of Mexico who were going except
Domingo Martin, a married man, whom he had sometimes seen living
in Mexico, and provided him witli messengers; and one Alonso Sanchez,
who was going with his wife and a son, and who was formerly a shoe-
maker; and a young man, son of the bachiller Alonso Perez, who had
come only a few days before from Salamanca, and who had been sent to
the war by his father on account of his restlessness; and two or three
other workmen or tradespeople whom he had seen at work in ^Mexico,
although he did not know whether they were citizens there; and on his
oath he did not see in the whole army anyone else who was a citizen of
Mexico, although for about fourteen years he had been a citizen and
inhabitant of that city, unless it was the captain-general, Francisco
Vazquez de Coronado, and Lopez de Samaniego the army-master; and,
moreover, he declared that he felt certain that those above mentioned
were going of their own free will, like all the rest.
Antonio Serrano de Cardona, one of the magistrates of Mexico, who
was present from beginning to end of the review of the preceding
Sunday, testified in similar form. He said that Alonso Sanchez had
formerly been a citizen of Mexico, but that for a long time his house
had been empty and he had traveled as a trader, and that he was going
in search of something to live «n; and one Domingo Martin was also
going, who formerly lived in Mexico, and whose residence he had not
known likewise for a long time, nor did he think that he had one,
because he had not seen him living in Mexico. He did not think it
would have been possible for any citizens of Mexico to have been there
whom he did not know, because he had lived in Mexico during the
twenty years since he came to Mexico, and ever since the city was
established by Christians, and besides, he had been a magistrate for
fifteen j-ears. And besides, all those whom he did see who were going,
were the most contented of any men he had ever seen in this country
starting off for conquests. After the force left the City of Mexico, he
had been there, and had noticed that it was full of i>eople and that
there did not seem to be any scarcity on account of those who had
started on this expedition.
Gonzalo de Salazar, His Majesty's factor for Kew Spain, and also a
magistrate of the City of Mexico, declared that the only person on the
expedition who possessed a repartimiento or estate in Xew Spain was
the captain-general, Vazquez de Coronado, and that he had noticed
one other citizen who did not have a repartimiento. He had not seen
any other citizen of Mexico, nor of New Spain, although one of the
greatest benefits that could have been done New Spain would have
l)een to draw off the young and vicious people who were in that city
and all over New Spain.
598 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [[Link].U

Pedro Almidez Cherino, His Majesty's veedor in New Spain, had,

among other things, noted the horses and arms of those who were
going, during the review. He had noticed Coronado and Sanianiego,
and Alonso Saiichez and his wife, whom he did not liuow to be a
citizen, and Domingo Martin, who was away from Mexico during most
of the year. All the rest of the force were people without settled
residences, who had recently come to the country in search of a living.
It seemed to him that it was a very fortunate thing for Mexico that the
people who were going were about to do so because they had been
injuring the citizens there. They had been for the most part vicious
young gentlemen, who did not have anything to do in the city nor in
the country. They were all going of their own free will, and were very
ready to help pacify the new country, and it seemed to him that if the
said country had not been discovered, almost all of these people would
have gone back to Castile, or would have gone to Peru or other places
in search of a living.
Servan Bejarano, who had been in business among the inhabitants
of Mexico ever since he came added the information that
to that city,
he knew Alonso Sanchez to be a j^rovisiou dealer, buying at wholesale
and selling at retail, and that he was in very great need, having noth-
ing on which to live, and that he was going to that country in search of
a living. He was also very sure that it was a great advantage to Mex-
ico and to its citizens to have many of the unmarried men go away,
because they had uo occupation there and were bad characters, and
were for the most part gentlemen and persons who did not hold any
property, nor any repartimientos of Indians, without anj' income, and
lazy, and who would have been obliged to go to Peru or some other
region.
Cristobal de Onate had been in the country about sixteen years, a
trifle more or less, and was now His Majesty's veedor for New Galicia.
He knew the citizens of Mexico, and also declared that not a citizen of
Comi>ostela was going on the expedition. Two citizens of Guadalajara
were going, one of whom was married to an Indian, and the other was
single. As for the many young gentlemen and the others who were
going, who lived in Mexico and in other parts of New Spain, it seemed
to him that their dejiarture was a benetit rather than a disadvantage,
because they were leading vicious lives and had nothing with which to
support themselves.
When these statements and depositions had all been duly received,
signed, and attested, and had been shown to his most illustrious lord-
ship, the viceroy, he ordered an authorized copy to be taken, which
was made by Joan de Leon, clerk of Their Majesties' court and of the
royal audiencia of New Spain, the 27th of February, 1540, witnessed
by the secretary, Antonio de Almaguer, and sent to His Majesty, to be
laid before the lords of the council, that they might provide and order
that which should be most serviceable to their interests.
 A LIST OK WORKS
USEFUL TO THE STUDENT OF THE CORONADO EXPEDITION
The following list contains the titles of the books and documents which have been
found useful during the preparation of the preceding memoir on the Coronado
expedition of 1540-1542. The works cited have helped, in one way or another,
toward the formation of the opinions expressed in the Historical Introduction, and
in them may be found the authority for the statements made in the introduction
and in the notes to the translations of the Spanish narratives. It is hoped that no
source of information of prime importance has been overlooked. The comments on
the various books, essays, and documents are such as suggested themselves in the
course of the examination of the works in question.
References are given to the location of the more important documents, so far as
these are available in the various collections of ])rinted documents. The value of
these sources has been discussed in the preceding pages, and these opinions are not
repeated in this list. The titles of the printed books are quoted from the editions
which came nearest to the authors' manuscripts, so far as these editions could be con-
sulted. Reference is made also to the most available later editions, and to the English
and French translations of Spanish, Italiau, and Latin works. With hardly an excep-
tion, the titles are quoted from the volumes themselves, as they were found in the
Harvard College Library or in the John Carter Brown Library of Providence. The
Lenox Library of New York sujiplied such volumes as were not to ho found in Cam-
bridge, Hoston, or Providence.
Dr Justin Winsor and Mr F. W. Hoilge have rendered very material assistance
in giving this list such completeness as it possesses. To Mr Hodge especially are
due many of the titles which relate to the ethnological and Jircheological aspects of
the subject.

Abelin, Johann Phillip; pseud. Johann Alarcon, Hernando Continued. —

Ludwig Gottfried t. — Relacion del armada del Marques del
Newe Welt vnd Americanische Histo- Valle, capitaneada dc Francisco de
rien. — Franckfurt, M. DC. LV. Ulloa . y de la que el virey de
. .

Page56(). Beschroibungdergrosaen Land- NuevaEspana euvio con un Alarcon.

Sfhnlit Cibola. Doc. de EspaHa, iv, 218-219. A very
brief, probably fonteniporary, mention of
Alarcon, Hernando.
the discovery of Colorado river.
De lo que hizo por la mar Hernando de
Alarcon, que con dos naiiios andaua Alvarado, Hernando de.
por la costa por orden del Visorrey Relacion do lo que Hernando de Alva-
don Antonio de Mendo^a. rado y Fray Joan de liadilla descu-
Herrera, Due. VI, lib. ix, cap. xlii. brieron en demanda de la mar del
— Relatione della Navigatione & sco-
—
Sur. Agosto de 1540.
Doc. de Indian, III, 511-513. B. Smitli'a
perta che fece il Capitano Fernando Florida, 65-60. Translated in the Boston
Alarcone per ordine dello Illustris- Transcript, 14 Oct., 1893, and on page 594
simo Signor Don Antonio di Meu- ante
dozza Vice Re della nuona Spagna. Alvarado, Pedro de.
UaiauitiQ, III, fol. 363-370. tMlition of 1556;
Asieuto y caiiitulaoiones, entre el virey
ni, fol. 303 verso, edition of 1608.
de Nueva Espana, D. Antonio de Men-
— The relation of the nauigation and doza, y el a<lelantado, D. Pedro de
discouery which Captaine Fernando Alvarado, para la prosecuciou del des-
Alarchon made by the order of the cubrimiento de tierra nueva, hecho
right honourable Lord Don Antonio por Fr. Marcos de Niza. Pueblo de —
de Mendofa vizerov of New Spaine. Tiripitio de la Nueva Espana, 29 No-
Uakluyt, III, 425-439, edition of 1600. This viembre, 1540.
translation is made from Kamuaio's text. Doc. de luiKas, III, 351-362. Also in the
— Relation de la navigation et de la same
ante.
collection, xvi, 342-355. See page 353
dccouverte faite par le capitaiue Fer-
nando Alarcon. Parl'ordrede . . .
— Prooeso de residencia contra Pedro
de Alvarado, sacadas do los . . .
don Antonio de Mendoza.
Temaux. IX (Cibola volume), 299-348. antiguos codices mexicanos, y notas y
From Kamnsio'a text. noticiaa por D. Jose Fernando
. . .

599
 —

600 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN. 14

—
Alvarado, Pedro de Continued. Bandelier, Adolph Francis (Alphonse)
Ramirez. Lo publica paleografiado Continued,
del MS. original el Lie. Ignacfo L. spring and summer of 1882.— High-
—
Rayon. Mexico, 1847. land, 111., Aug. 15, 1882.
A collection of documents of considerable liuUetin of the Archwotogical Institute of
interest; "with facsimile illustrations and America, I, Boston. Jan., 1883, ])p. 13-33.

portrait.
— See Carta del Obispo de Guatemala. — The historical archives of the Hem-
enway southwestern archieological
Ardoino, Antonio. expedition.
Examen apologetico de la liistorica Congr^t International des Ainericanistes,
1888, pp.450-459.— Berlin, 1890.
narraciou de los naufragios, peregri-
naciones, i niilagros do Alvar Nunez — Contributions to the history of the
Cabeza de IJaca, en las tierras de la southwestern portion of the United
Florida, i del Nuevo Mexico. Mad- — States.
rid, 1736. Papers of the Archieological Institute of
Barcia, Hi»ioriadore» Primitivos. I (vi), America, Am. series, v, and The Hemen-
pp. 50. .See note under Cabeza de Vaca way Southwestern Archmological Expedi-
Jielacioii . tion, Cambridge. 1890. Cited in tlie preced-
ing pages as Bandolier's Contributions. An
Ayllon, Lucas Vazquez de. invaluable work, the result of careful docu-
Testimonio de la capitulacion que hizo mentary study and of much experience in
con el Key, el Licenciado Lucas Vaz- field work iu the southwest. It will always
serve as the foundation of all satisfactory
quez de Ayllon, para descubrir la study (tf the history of the Spaniards in
tierra quo estii it la parte del Norte that portion of the L'nited States.
Sur, de la Isla Espanola, 35 & 37 gra-
des.— Valladolid, 12 .lunio, 1523.—
— Quivira.
Nation, N. T., 31 Oct. and 7 Nov., 1889.
Pre8eut(5 en Madrid, 31 Marzo, 1541. (Nos. 1270, 1271.) Letters dated Santa Fe,
Doc. de Indias, xrv, 503-515. October 15, 1889.

Bancroft, George. — The ruins of Casas Grandes.

History of the United States. Author's Kation, N. T., 28 Aug. and 4 Sept., 1890
—
latest revision. New York, 1883. (Nos. 1313, 1314).
Aug. 1, 11,
Letters dated Santa F6,
1890.
For Coronado sec Vol. I, 32-37. Written
from the documents translated in Temaux,
Cibola.
— The Delight Makers.^New York,
1890.
Bancroft, Hubert Howe. A story, Mr Bandelier has por-
in Avhich
History of the Pacific states of North traved, with considerable success, the ways
of life and of thinking among the Indians
—
America. San Francisco, 1882-1890.
34 volumes. Vol. y, Mexico, ll, 1521-1600.
of the New Mexican pueblos, before the ad-
vent of Europeans.
Vol. X, North llexicau States, 1531-1800.
Vol. xn, Arizona and New Mexico, 1530- — Fray Juan de Padilla, thefirst Cath-
1888; paces 1-73 are devoted to Cabeza de olic missionary and martyr in east-
A'aca and Coronado. Tlie range of Mr H. ern Kansas. 1542.
II. Bancroft's extensive literary labors has
American Catholic Quarterly Eeview^
seriously interfered with the accuracy in
Philadelphia, July, 1890, xv, 551-565.
fitatement and the soundness of judgment
which are so essential to satisfactory his- — An outline of the documentary his-
torical writing. His volumes, however, con- tory of the Zuni tribe.
tain an immense number of references, often journal American J^thnology and Archceol-
mentioning dtx'umentary sources and manu- ni, Boston, 18913, pp. 1-115. Thisworkre-
0(7j/,
script materials wliich a're as yet practically mained iu manuscript for some years before
beyond the reach of other students. it was printed. It contains many extracts
from the contemporary narratives, iu trans-
Bandelier, Adolph Francis (Alphonse). lation tliat of Castaueda being taken from
:

Historical introduction to studies Temaux'a version. See note on page 389.

among the sedentary Indians of New
Mexico.— Santa Fd, N. M., Sept. 19,
— Final'report of investigations among
the Indiana of the southwestern
1880. United States, carried on mainly in
Papert of the Archfeologieal Institute of
America, American series, 1, Boston, 1881. the years from 1880 to 1885.
2d edition, 1883, i]p. 1-33. Relates [Link] Papers of the Archceological Institute of
to the Coronado expedition. Cited in the America. Cambridge; Part I, 1890; Part
preceding pages as Bandolier's Introduc. II. 1892.
tion. The most valuable of all of Bandolier's
memoirs on southwesteru history and eth-
— A visit to the aboriginal ruins in the nology. It bears the same relatiou to the
valley of the Kio Pecos. work of the American ethnologist as his
Papers of the Archaeological Institute of Contributions du to that of the historical
Ainetica, American series, 1. 1881, pp. 37-133. student.
In the same volume as the preceding entry. — The *
' Montezuma
" of the pueblo In-
— Ein Brief iiber Akoma. dians.
Das Ausland, No.1884, xui, pp. 241-243. American Anthropologist, Washington,
— Report of an archajological tour in Oct., 1892, V, 319.

Mexico in 1881. — The Gilded Man.—New York, 1893,

Papers of the Archceolofjical Institute of This work contjiins much valuable mate-
America, American series, n, Boston, 1884. rial concerning the early history of the
— Report by A. F. Handelier on his in- southwest, but should be used witli rare, as
it was edited and published during the
vestigations in New Mexico in the author's absence iu Peru.
 . — —

WINSHIP] LIST OF WORKS 601

Bandelier, Adolph Francis (Alphonse) Benavides, Alonso de.
Continued. Memorial qve Fray Ivan de Santander
— La d<;converte Au Nouveau-Mexiqne de la Orden de san Francisco, prcsenta
par le moine franciscain frfere Marcos S, Felipe Qvarto, hecho por el Padre

de Nice en 1539. Fray Alonso de Benanides, Custodio

lievued'Ethnographie,v (1886), 31, 117,193 qve ha sido de las piouincias, y con-
{50 pages) uersiones del Nueuo-Mexico, Mad- —
— The discovery of New Mexico by rid, M. DC. XXX.
Translations of this valuable work were
Fray Marcos of Nizza.
Magazine of \Vestprii History, IV, Cleve- £abli8hed in French at liruielles, 1631, In
land, Sept., 1886, pp. 659-670. Tlie same ma- atin at Salzburg, 1634, and in German at
terial was uswl lu the articles in the lievue
Salzburg, iirobably also in 1634.
d Ethnographic. Benzoni, Girolamo.
— Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, the La historia del Mondo Nvovo. —
(Colo-
first overland traveler of European Iihon) Venetia, MDLXV.
descent, and his journey from Florida Besides early Latin, Butcli, and German
translations of Benzoni, there is an old
to the Pacific coast— 1528-1536. Frenchedition (Geneva, 1579). An English
Magazine of Western History, IV, Cleve- translation was published by the Hakluyt
land, July, 1886, pp. 327-336. Society in 1857.

Barcia, Andres Gonzales. Blackmar, Frank Wilson.

Historiadores primitivos de las Indias Spanish institutions of the southwest.
Occidentales, que juntrt, traduxo en Baltimore, 1891.
parte, y Bac6 & luz, ilustrados con Johns Hopkins University Studies in His-
eruditas notas, y copiosos indices, el and I'olitical Science, extra volume. X.
torical

ilustrissimo Senor D. Andres Gonzalez — Spanish colonization in the south-

Barcia, del Consejo, y Camara de S. M. west.
Divididosen trestomos. Madrid,auo — Johns Hopkins Vniversity Studies, vm,
MDCCXLIX. April, 1890, pp. 121-193.
These three folio volumes are made Tip of
very satisfactory reprints of a number of
— The conquest of New Spain.
the narratives of the early Spanish con- Agora, Lawrence. Kans., beginning Jan.,
mierors of America. The Naufragios and 1896. This series of jiapers is not yet com-
Comentarios of Cabeza de Vaca are in the pleted.
first volume.
Botero, Giovanni.
— Ensayo cronologico, para la historia La prima parte dellerelationivniversali
gt^neral de la F]ori<la . . . desde di Giovanni Botero Benese. Berga- —
1512 hasta 1722, escrito por Don (ia- mo, MDXCIIII.
briel de Cardenas z Cano. — Madrid, For Ceuola and Quiuira, libro quarto (p.
277) The text was considerably altered and
CIOIOCCXXIII. .

amplified in the successive early editions.

Tlio name on the title page is an anagram In the 1003 Spanish edition, fol. 141.
for that of Sr Gonzalez Barcia. Florida, in
this work, comprises all of America nortli of Bourke, John Gregory.
Mexico. The Ensayo was jtublished with
the Florida del Tnca of 1723.
Snake dance of the Moquis of Arizona.
New York and London, 1884.
Baxter, Sylvester.
The father of the pueblos. Cabeza de Vaca, Alvar Nuilez.
Harper's Magazine, LXV, June, 1882, pp. La relaciou que dio Aluar nunez cabefa
72-91. de vaca de lo acaescido eu la . .

— An aboriginal pilgrimage. armada donde yua por gouernador

Century Magazine,
pn. 526-536.
ii (xxiv), August, 1882, Paphilo do narbaez. (Colophon)
Zamora, 6 Octubre, 1.542.
—
This was reprinted, with the addition of
—The old new world. An account of the Comentarios .
. del Rio dela I'lata,
.

the explorations of the Hemenway at Valladolid in 1555. It was translated by

southwestern archieological expedi- Ramusio, ill, fol. 310-330 (ed. 1556). and was
paraphrased into English, from Ilaniusio,
tion.— Salem, Mass., 1888. by Purchaa, nigrimes, I'art iv, lib. "Mil,
Keprinted from the Booton Herald, April chap. I, pp. 1499-1528. There is a useful
15, 1888. note regarding tiie first edition of the
Begert, or Baegert, Jacob. Naufragios and its author, in Harrisso,
Bihliotheca Americana Vetustissinia, p. 382.
Nachrichten von der Amerikanischen The Xaitfragtos and Comentarios were re-
Halbinscl Californien: mit einem printed at Madrid in 1736, preceded by the
zweyfachen Anhang falscher Nacli- Examen Apologetico of Ardoino (see entry
under liis name), and it is this edition which
ri<diten. Geschrieben von eiuera was included in Barcia's collection of 1749,
Priester der Gesellsehaft Jesu, wel- the 1736 title pages being preserved.
cher laug darinn diese l(>tztere Jahr
gelebet hat. Mit Erlaubnuss der
— Relacion drl viaje de Piinfilo de
Oberen. — Mannheim, 1773. Narvai'z al Rio de las Palmas hasta
la ptinta de la Florida, heclia por el
Translat^'d and arranged for the Smith-
sonian Institution by Charles Ran, of New tesorero Cabeza de V'aca.
York City, in tlio Smithsanian Heporls. 1863, Doc. de Indias, XIV, 265-279. Instruccion
pp. 352-369 1861, pp. 378-399. Keprinted by
; para el factor, por el Key, pp. 205-269. Ap-
Kau in i*ai;er« on Atithropotogieal Subjects^ parently an early copy of a fragment of the
pp. 1-40. Naufragios.
 —

602 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETIl, ANX. H

Cabeza de Vaca, Alvar NuHez — Cont'd. Castaneda, Pedro de Continued. —

— Relation et uaufrages d'Alvar Nufiez — Relation du voyage dc Cibola entre-
Cabeza de Vaca —
Paris, 1837. pris eu 1540; ou I'on traite do toutes
This French translation of t he Natl/ragtot les penpladcs qui habitout cette con-
forms volume vil of Temanx's Voyages, Tlie tr^e, de leurs nni'iirs et coutumes, par
Commentaireg are contained in volume vi.
The translation is from the 1555 edition. P6dro de Castaneda de Nagera.
Ternaux, Vibola, 1-246.
— Relation of Alvar Nunez Cabe? a de
Castatio de Sosa, Gaspar.
Vaca, translated from the Spanish by
—
BuckiuehamSmith. New York, 1871. Memoria del descubriniiento que Gas-
par Castafio do Sosa, liizo en el Nnevo
This Knglish translation was printed at
Washington in 1851, and was reprinted at Mexico, siendo teniente de goberna-
New York, with considerable additions and dor y capitan general del Nuevo Reino
a short sketch -of the translator, shortly
after Mr Smith's death. (Chapters XXX- de Leon.
xxx\T were reprinted in an Old Houth Lea/- Doc. de India; vol. XV. pp. 191-261. The
let, general series. No. 39, Boston. exploring party started 27th July, 1590, and
this rep^irt was presented to the Gonncil
— Relation of what befel the persons 10th November. 1592.
who escaped from the disasters that Cervantes Salazar, Francisco.
attended the anuanieut of Captain Mdxico eu 15.54: Tres diiilogos latinos
Pamphilo de Narvaez on the shores que Francisco Cerviintes Salazur
and in the countrips of the North. escribirt 6 inipriniio eu M(5xioo eu
Hiitoriral Mag. (Sept.-Dec, 1867), xii, 141,
204, 267, 347. Translated and condensed dicho ano. Los rt'irapriine, con tra-
from an account printed in Oviedo's Ilia- duccion castellana y notas, .loaquin
toria General, Lib. XXXV. cap. i-vi, which
was sent to tlie Keal Audiencia of Sancto
—
Garcia loazbalceta Mexico, 1875.
Invaluable for anyone who wishes to
Domingo by the four survivors of the expe- understand the earl,- social and economic
dition. See Introduction, p. 349 ante. conditions of Spanish America. The bibli-
ography at the end of the volume is not
— Capitulacion qne se torao con Alvar only of great value as a guide to tho study
Nunez Cabeza de Vaca. — Madrid, 18 of this history, but it is of interest as a
Marzo, 1540. fartial catalog of the library of Sr Garcia
cazbalceta.
Doc. de Indiaa, xxni, 8-33.

Cabrillo, Juan Rodriguez. See Paez, Juan. Chapin, Frederick Hastings.

The land of tho clirt'-dwellers — ISoston,
Camus, Armand Gaston. 1892.
Memoire sur la collection des grands
et petits voyages (de Thi^odore do Congres International des Americanistes.
Bry).— Paris, Frimaire an XI (1802). Compte-roudii de la preiniiro session.
For "Cornado," see p. 176. Naucv,1875;. ActasdelaKovena
. .

Reiiuuiu, Huelva, 1892-Madrid, 1894.

Cartas de Indias. Publicalaspor])rimeia Many of the papers presented at the
vez el Ministerio de Pomeuto. Ma- — meetings of the Congres ae9 Ajnericanistes,
have been of the very greatest interest to
drid, 1877.
This 8i)Iendid volume contains 108 letters, the American ethnologist and to tho histo-
29 of wliich are reproduced in facsimile, rian of e.'irly .Spanish America. .Several of
written from various portions of Spanish the papers presented at Berlin in 1888 are
America during the XVI century. The in- entered under tho authors' names in the
dices contain a large amount of informa- present list.

tion concerning the people and places men-

tioned. Coronado, Francisco "Vazquez.
Svmmariodl letteredol Capitano Fran-
Cartas de Religiosos de Nueva Espaua. cesco Vazquez di coroundo, scritte
15.S9-1594.— Mi^xico, 1886. ad vu Sccrotario del Illustriss. Don
Volume I of Icazbalceta's Nueva Ctilec- Antonio di Mendozza Aicere della
Hon. The 26 letters which make up this
volume throw much light on the early civil nuoua Spau;na, Date it Culuacan,
and economical as well as on the ecclesias- MDXXXIX, alii otto di Marzo.
tical history of New Sjiain. The second Kamtino, in, fol. 354, ed. 15.'>6. Translated
volume of tho Nueva Colecdon, entitled in Ternaux, Cibola, app. v. pp. 349-351.
Codice FrancUcano Siglo XVI, contains 14 The special value of these Italian transla-
additional letters. tions of Spanish documents, to which ref-
erence is made in the present list, is due to
Castafieda, Pedro de. the fact that in very many cases where
Kelacion do la .Jornada de Cibola con- Ramusio usee! original documents for hia
work laterstudentshave been unable todis-
puesta por Ptdro de Castaneda de cover any trace of the manuscriitt sources.
Nafera don,do setrata de todosaque-
llos poblados y ritbs, y costnmbres, — Copia dcllo lettcro di Francesco Vaz-
la dial fiie el ano do 1540. quez di Coiouiido, goueinatoro della
Printed for the first time in the Four- nnona Galitia, al Signer Antonio di
teenth Annual Heport of the Bureau of Eth- Mendozza, Vicere della nuoua Spagna,
nology, pp. 414-460, from the manuscript in
the Lenox Library in New
York. This date in san Michiel di Culnacan, alll
narrative has been known chiefly through otto di Marzo, MDXXXIX.
the French translation printed in 1838 bv liamnffio, ni, fol. 354 verso, ed 15.'i6.
Henri Ternaux-Compana, the title of which Translated in Ternaux, Cibola, app. v, pp.
follows. 352-354.
 LIST OF WORKS 603
Coronado, Francisco Vazquez ContM. — —
Cortes, Hernan Continued.
— Relatione the iiiandi) Francesco Vaz- — Titulo do capitan general de la
quez <li Coronado, t'apitano Generalo Nueva-Espana y Costa del Sur, expe-
(iella geiite clio fii maudata in nomt' dido a favor do Hcrnan-('ort<?s por el
di Sua Maesta al paese nouaniente Emperador Carlos V.— Dada en Bar-
8Coperto,(|neliln; sneccsseiielviaggio celona, [Link], 1.529.
dalii ventidua d' Aprile di tuiesto Doc. de Indias, iv, 572-574, and also XII,
384-386.
anno MDXL, ihe parti da Culiacan
per inuanzi, &, di quel clie trouo nel — Titnlo de marques del Valle (de
])aeso doue andaua. — Dalla prouineia Guaxaca). olorgado Hernando Cor- {i

di Cenola & da
((uesta cittA di Gra- — Barcelona, 6
t(Ss. 1529. .lulio,
nata il terzo di Agosto, 1540. Doc. de Indias, XII, 381-383.
Uamutio. in, fol. 359 (vers())-363, 6(1.1556.
This letter 18 translated on pages 552-5ti:i of — Merced do eiertas tiorras y solares en
the iiresent volunie. See note on pape 386. la Nniiva Espana, hechaii Fernan Cor-
An earlier EneliHli tran-slation by Hakluyt tds, marquf's del Valle, por el Empe-
lias tlie following title:
rador. —
Barcelona, 27 Jnlio, 1.529.
— Tlie relation of Franei.s Vazquez de
Doc. de Indias, xii, 376-378. It is printed
also in Icazbalceta"s Mexico, ii. 28-29.
Coronado, Captaiiie generall of the
people whieli were sent to the Coun- — Testimonio dc una informacion hecha
trey of Cibola newly discouered, en Mexico x>or cl prcsidente y oydores
which ho sent to Don Antonio de de aquella audicucia, sobre el modo
Meudo^'a viceroy of Mexico, of .
de contar los 23.000 indios, vasallos
his voyage from the 22. of A)>rill in del Marques del Valle, do quo el Rcy
the yeere 1540. which departed from le habia hocho uierced. —Teinixtitan,
Culiacan forward, and of such things 23 Febrero, 1531.
Doc. de Indias, xvi, 548-555.
as hee found in the Countrey which
he passed.
Hakluyt,
(.Augusts, 1540.) — Real provision sobre dcscubrimicn-
ni, 37:!-380 (cd. 1600), or UI, 446 to8 en el mar del Sur, y respuest.a do
(e<1.1800). Reprinted in Old SoutU Leaflet,
gen. series, No. 20. Boston.
Cortes a la notificacion que sele hizo
—
de ella. Mexico, 19 Agosto, 1534; y
— Carta de Francisco Vazquez Corona- respuesta, Mexico, 26 Setiembre, 1534.
leazbalceta'a Jfcartco, 31-40.
do al Emperador, dandole cucnt.-i de ii,

la espedicion a la provincia do Qni-

vira, y de la inexactitud de lo referido
— Traslado de una provision de la Aii-
dienciado M<?xico, dirigidadHernan-
^ Fr. Miircos de Niza, acerca de aquel Cort(^8, mandiindolo quo no vaya ii
pais. —Desta provincia de Tiguex, 20 pacificar y poblar cierta isla del mar
Octubre, 1541. del Sur, insertando otra provision
Doc. de Indian, nr, 363-369, and also xiu.
261-268. Translated on pages 580-583 of tlio
quo con igual fecha se envio & Nuno
present volume, and also in American Hi.i- de Guzman, gobcrnador do la Nucva
tory Leajfet, No. 13. There isaFreneh trans- Galicia, par.a el mJsmo efocto, y dili-
lation in Ternaux, Cihola, app. v, p. 355-363. gencias hcchas en apelacion do la
See note on page 580 ante.
misma. — Fecho en M<5xico, 2-26 Se-
— Traslado de las nuevas y noticias tiembre, 1534.
Doc. de Indias, XII, 417-429.
quo dieron sobre el descobrimiento de
una cilidad, quo llamarou de Cibola, — Carta de Hernan Cortes al emperador.
sitnada en la tierra uueva. Ano de — enviando un hijo suyo para 8ervi<io
1531 [1541]. —
del principe. Desta Nueva Spana,
Doc. de Indian. XIX, pp. 529-532. Trans- diez de Hebrero, 1537.
lated on pages 564-565 of the present volume. Doc. de Indias, ll, 568-569.
— Relacion del suceso de la Jornada quo — Carta de Hernan Cortes, al Consejo
Francisco Vazquez hizo en el descu- de Indias, pidiendo ayuda para cou-
brimiento de Cibola. Ano de 1531 — tinuar sus armadas, y recompen.''a
[1541]. para sus servicios, y dando algiiuas
B. Smith, .Fiorida, 147-154; [Link] India.i. noticias sobre la constitucion <le la
XIV, 318-329. Translated on pages 572-579 of propiedad de las tierras eiitre los in-
the present volume. S*-e the notes to that
translation. Also translated in American dios. —
Mexico, 20 Setiembre, 1538.
History Leajlet, No. 13. Doc. de Indias, lll 535-543.

Cortes, Hernan.
— Carta de Hernan Cortes al Empera-
Coi)ia y relacion de los gastos y es-
dor. —
De Madrid a xxvi dejuuiode
1540.
pensas ijuo Fernando Cortes
. . .
Doc. Ined. Etpana, civ, 401-492.
hizo en el armada de qu(! fu6 por cap-
itan Crist6hal IJolid al Cabo de las — Memorial quo did al Rey el Marquds
Higueras Se hizo a primero
. . .
del Valle en Madrid a 25 de junio de
de Agosto de 1523. Fecho en Mdxico, — 1540 sobre agravios q ue le habia hecho
el Virey de Nueva Es]>ana D. Antonio
9 llcbrero 1529.
Doc. de Indiat, XII, 386-403. This docu-
do Mendoza, estorbiindolo la prosecu-
ment is i>rinted again in the same volume, eion del descubriiuiento do las costas
pp. 497-510. d islas del mar del Sur que le ])ertene-
 —

604 THE COKONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [KTH. AN'N. 14

Cortes, Heman—Continued. Davila, Gil Gonzalez Continued. —

ciiv al iiiismo Marquds segun la ca- memorables de svs sedes. Madrid, —
pitnlaciou heclia coii M. el ano He
S. [Link].
1529, 11 cuyo et'ecto habia despacliado These two volunies are a valuable source
of biographical and other ecclesiastical in-
ya cuatro armadas, y descubierto con formation, for much of which this is perhaps
ellas por si y por siis capitanes mn- the only authority.
clias tierras 6 islas, de cuyos viajes j'
el Buceso que tuvo hace una relaciou Davis, William AVatts Hart.
sncinta. The Spanish conquest of New Mexico.
Doc. Inid. Expana, IV, 209-217. Doylestown, Pa., 1869.
The lirst 230 pages of this volume contain
— Slemorial dado a la Magestad del a very good outline of the narratives of the
explorations of Cabeza de Vaca, Fray Mar-
Cesar D. Carlos Quinto, rrimcro de cos, and Coronado.
Esparia, por el Sr. 1). Hernando Cor-
tes, Manpids del Valle, hallilndose en
— The Spaniard in New Mexico.
Papers of the .Aj/iericnn Historical Asso-
estos reinos, en que hace prcsentes ciation,III, 1889, pp. 164-176. A
paper read
BUS dilatados BiTvicios en la con- before the association, at Boston, May 24,
quista de Nueva Espana por los que 1887.
pide las luercedes que contiene el De Bry, Theodore. See Abelin.
mismo.
Doc. Inid. Espana. IV, 219-232. "Xo tiene Diaz del Castillo, Bemal.
fecha. . . . despues do 1541." Historia verdadera do la couqvista de
— Peticion que di6 Don Hernando Cor- laNveva Espana, escri;a por .

vno de sua conquistadorea. Madrid, —

. .

contra Don Antonio de Meudoza,

ti's
1632.
Virey, pidiendo residencia centre ^1.
This interesting work, which counteracts
Icazbalceta, Mexico, II, 62-71 About 1542-
43.
.
many of the inipresHions given by tlie dis-
patcne*- of Cortes, was reprinted in 1032 aud
— Historia de Nueva- Espana, escrita again in 1785, 1837, 1854, aud in volume xxvi
(Madrid, 1853) of the Bibl. de Autores Espa-
por Hernan Cortes, aumentada con noles. It was translated into English by
otros docunientos, y notas, por Don Keating, London, 1800, reprinted at Salem,
Francisco Antonio Lorenzana. Me- — Mass., 1803 and by Lockhart. London, 1844.
i

xico, 1770. Discurso y proposicion que se hace &

See pape 325 and the map "Domingo
; del
Castillo Piloto nie Fecit en Mexico auo . . .
Vuestra Magestad de lo tocante ii los
M. D. XLl." This volume contains the let- descubrimientos del Nuevo Mexico
ters of Cortes to the Spanish King, for a bib- por sns capi'tuloa de puntos difer-
liographic account of which see Sabin's
IHctionary of Auierican Bool's. These dis-
eutes.
patches may also be conveniently consulted Doc. de Indias, xvi. 38-66.
in volume i of Barcia, Historiadores.
Documentos de Espaiia.
The above entries are chiefly such as are Coleccion de documentos iht^ditos para
of interest for tlieir hearing on the troubles
between Cortes and llendoza, which were la historia de Espana. Madrid, —
very closely connected with tlio history of 1842 (-1895).
the Coronado expedition. Tlie best guide There are now volumes in tliis
(1895) 112
to tbestudy of tliepersoual history and the series, andtwo or three volumes are usually
conquests of Cortes is found in AVinsor's added each year. A finding list of the
Avierica, ll. pages 397-430. titles relating to America, in volumes I-cx,
prepared by G. V. AVinship, was printed in
Gushing, Frank Hamilton. the Bulletin of the Boston I'ublic Literary for
Zuui fetiches. October, 1894. Asimilarlist of titlesiu the
Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Facheco y Cardena.s Coleccion is in prepa-
Ethnology, iSm-Sl, pp. 9-45. ration. Cited as Doc. Ined. Espaila.

— A study of j)ueblo pottery as illus- Documentos de Indias. See Pacheco-

trative of Zuni culture growth. Cardenas.
Fourth Annual lieport of the Bureau of
Ethnology, 1882-83, pp. 467-521. Donaldson, Thomas.
iIo<iui Pueblo Indians of Arizona and
— Preliminary notes on the origin, Pueblo Indians of New Mexico.
working hypothesis and primary Extra Censtis Bulletin, Washington, 1893.
researches of the Hemeuway south- This "special expert" report on the numbers
western archa-ological expedition. and the life of the southwestern village In-
Congr^s International des Ainericanistes, dians contains a large number of reproduc-
Berlin, 1890. tions from photographs siiowlng the people
T"" session, 1888, pp. 151-194.
and their houu's. whicli renderitof very con-
— Zuni breadstufl". - Kideralde interestand usefulness. Thetext
is not reliable.
The MillsUyne, ludianapolts, Jan., 1884, to
Aug., 1885.
Drake, Francis. See Fletcher, Francis.
^ Outlines of Zuni creation myths. Emory, William Hemsley.
Thirteenth Annual Heport of the Bureau of
Ethnology, 1891-92, pp. 321-447. Notes of a military reconnoissance from
Fort Leavenworth, in Missouri, to
Davila, Gil Gonzalez.
Teatro eclesiastico de la primitiva igle-
San Diego, in California. Washing- —
ton, 1848.
siade las Indias Occidentales, vidas Ex. Doc. 41, Thirtieth Congress, first sea-
de svs arzobispos, obiapos, y cosas
WINSHIP] LIST OF WORKS 605
Espejo, Antonio de. Fewkes, Jesse Walter — Continued.
Expedleiite y relacion del viaje que articles, which are, in part, now disjtlaved
hizo Antonio do Espejo con catorce in the Peabody Museum at Cambricfge,
Massachusetts.
soldados y uu religioso de la 6rrteu de
San Francisco, llamado Fray An — The Wa-wac-ka-tcj-na. A Tusayau
gnstin Kodrigiiez el cual debia de ; foot race.
eutenderen lapredicacion deaquella Ultlletin Essex Institute, xxiv, Nos. 7-9,
Salem, July-Sept., 1892, pp. 113-133.
geute.
Doc. de India*, xv, 151-191.
101 of theaume volume.
See also page — A-wii-to-bi : An [Link] veri-
fication of a Tusayan legend.
— El viaie qve liizo Antonio de Espeio American Anthropologist, Oct., 1893.
en cl anno de ochenta y tree el qiial : — The prehistoric culture of Tusayan.
con sns companueros descubrieron American May, Anthropologist, 1890.
vna tiena en qne hallaron quiuze
Prouincias todas llenas de pueblos,
— A Study of summer ceremonials a1>
Znni and Moqui pueblos.
y de casas de quatro y cinco altos, a Bulletin Essex Institute, xxil, Kos. 7-9,
quien pusieron jjor nombre El niieuo Salem, [Link]., 1890, pp. 89-113.
Mexico. Consult, also, many other papers by thia
Haklui/t, III. 38S-389 (ed. 1600). The Span- authority on all that pertains to the cere-
ish text )8 followed by an English transla- monial life of the Pueblo Indians, in th©
tion, pp. 390-396. A satiBf'actory monograph American Anthropologist, Washington, and
on the expedition of Espejo, with annotated Journal of American Folk-Lore, Boston.
translations of the original narratives,
would be a most desirable addition to the Fiske, John.
literature of the southwest. The discovery of America, with some
account of ancient America and the
Evans, S. B.
Spanish conquest. —Cambridge,
Observations on the Aztecs and their 1892.
probable relations to the Pneblo In- Cormiado and Cibola, ll, 500-510.
dians of New Mexico.
Congr^s International Americaniftteg,
deit Fletcher, Francis.
?»• session, 1888, pp. 226-230. Berlin, 1890.
The world encompassed by Sir Francis
Fernandez Dure, Cesareo. Drake. Carefullj' collecteVl
. . .

Don Diego de Penalosa y sn descnbri- out of the notes of Master Francis

miento delreino deQuivira. Informe Fletcher preacher in tliis iniploy-
presentado a la Keal Academia de la —
ment. London, 1628.
Historia.— Madrid, 1882. Rejirinted in 1635 and 1652, and in 1854 by
On page 123 the author accepts the date
the Uakluyt Society, edited by W. S. W.
1531 as that of an expedition under Cor- Vaux.
onado, from the title of the. lielacion del
Suceso, misprinted in volume xiv, 318, of Gallatin, Albert.
the JJoc. de Indiag. Ancient semi-civilization of New Mex-
ico, Rio Gil.i, and its vicinity.
Ferrelo, Bartolome. See Paez, Juan. Transactions American Ethnological So-
Fewkes, Jesse Walter. ciety, 11, New York, 1848, pp. liii-xcvii.
A few summer ceremonials at Zuul Galvano, Antonio.
pueblo. Tratado dos diuersos & desuayra-
. .

Journal American Ethnology and Archte- dos caminlio.s, ... & assi de todos
Boston. 1891, pp. 1-61.
05 descobrimentos .antigos & iiioder-
olvgy, I,

—A few summer ceremonials at the nos, i|ue Sao feitos ate a era de mil
Tusayan pueblos. 6 quiiiheutos &. cincoenta. — (Colo-
Ibid., II, Boston, 1892, pp. 1-159. phon, 1.563.)
— Reconnoissance of ruins in or near
An
This work was reprinted at Lisboa in 1731.
Knglish translation was published by
the ZuFii reservation. Eakluyt, London, 1601. The Portuguese
Ibid., I, pp. 95-132; with map and plan. and English texts were reprinted by the
—A report on tlio pnsont condition Uakluyt Society, edited by vice-jidniiral Be-
thune, London. 1862. For Coronado's expe-
of a ruin in Arizona called Casa dition, see pages 226-229 of the 1862 edition.
Grande.
Ibid, 11, pp. 179-193. Garcilaso de la Vega, el Ynca.
— The snake ceremonials at Walpl. La Florida del Ynca. Historia del
Journal American Ethnology and Archce- Adelantado de Soto y de . . .

ology, IV, 1894. otros heroicos caualloros Espanoles

With map, illustrations, apd an excellent
bibliography of this peculiar ceremonial,
—
h Indios. Lisliona, 1605.
which Dr Fewkes has studied with much For an English \'er8ion. 8eA3 Barnard
care, under most favorable circumstances.
Shipp's Histoiy of Ilernando de Soto and
Florida, Philadelphia, 1881. There were
The four volumes of the Jauniai of Amer- several early French editions. The Span-
ican Ethnology and Arehatolofjy represent ish was reprinted at Madrid in 1723, and
the nuiin results of I)r Fewkes' studies at again iu 1803
Zufii and Tusayan, under the auspices of
the Ilemenway Southwestern Archaeolog-
ical Expedition, of which he was the head
— Primera parte de los commentarios
realcs, qve tratan dcT origen de los
from 1889 to Besides the Journal, the
1895.
Hemeiiway expedition resulted in a large Yncas, reyes (|ve fveron del Perv, do
collection "of Pueblo pottery and ceremonial sv idolatria, leyes, y gouierno en paz
606 THE CORONAUO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN. 14

Garcilaso de la Vega, el Ynca^Cont'd. Guzman, Diego — Continued.

y en giiiTia: de sii8 vidas y conquis- dor de la Nneva Galicia. — Present*}
tas, y de todo lo que fiie aquel Iiupe- en el Consejo de Indias, 16 Marzo 1540.
rio y 8U Republica, antes que los Doc. de Indias, XV, 325-340. Tliij expedi-
Espauolfs passaran a el. Lisboa, — tionwas made during the autumn of 1533.
[Link]. Guzman, Nufio de.
— Historia general del Perv. Trata Provanza ad perpetuan, sobre lo de la
el desevbriniieuto del, y como lo villa de la Purificacion, de la gente
ganaron los EspiMioles. Las guerras que alii vino con mano armada. En —
ciuUes (|Uo huuo outre IMvarros, y Madrid & 16 de Marzo de 1540 la pre-
AhnagroH, sobre la [Link] de la sento en el Consejo de las Indias de Su
tierra. Castigo y leuautamiento de Magestad, Nuno de Guzman.
tiranos y otros sucessos particulares
:
Doc. de Indias, xvi, 539-547.
quo en la historia se contienen. Cor- — — Fragmentos del proceso de residen-
doua, 1616.
ciainstruido contra Nuno de Guzman,
La II part«de los commentarioarealesdel
Peni. Si'irnndrt impresion Madr'd, 1721- ;
en averiguacioii del tormento y muer-
23. The two parts were "rendred ititoEng- te que niiindii dar a Caltzontzin, rey
lisli. Sir l*avl Rycavt, Kt." London,
by de Mechoacan.
1688. A
new translation, wHh notes by In Proceso. Alvarado (ed. Kamirez y
. .

Clements 11. Markbani, was pul>lished by Eavon) ])p. 185-276. The full title is entered
tbe Hakluyt Society, London. 1869 and 1871. under Alvarado.
Gatschet, Albert Samuel. Hakluyt, Richard.
Classification into seven linguistic The principal navigations, voiages,
stocks of western Indian dialects con- trattiqves and disooueries of the
tained in forty vocabularies. English nation Deuided into
. . .
r. S. Oeol. Survey West of the 100th Me-
ridian, VII, 399-485, Washington, 1879. three seuerall volumes. — Loudon,
1598.
— Zwolf spraeheu aus dem siidwestea The third volume (1600) contains the narra-
Nordamerikas. — Weimar, 1876. tives whicli relate to (Cibola, as well as those
which refer to other portions of New Spain.
Cirava, Hieronymo. There was an excellent reprint, London,
Dos libros de cosinographia compaestos 1809-1812, which contained all the jiieces
which were omitted in stmie of the earlier
nueuamente por Hieronymo Giraua editions, with a fifth volume containing a
Tarragones, —en Milan, M. D. LVI. number of rare pieces not easily available
See p. 230 for i'iuola. elsewhere. The changes made bythoeditor
of the 1890 edition render it almost a new
Gomara, Francisco Lopez de. work. The title is as follows:
Primera y segunda parte do la historia
general de las ludias con todo eldes- — The principal navigations, voyages,
cubriuiieuto y cosas notables ijuo han traflSques,and discoveries of the
acaecido dende que se ganaron ata el English nation. Collected by Rich-
ano de 15ol. Con la coquista de Me- ard Hakluyt, preacher, and edited by
xico yde la nneuaEspafia. En Cara- — Edmund Goldsmid. Ediuburg, 1885- —
gova, 1553 (1552). 1890.
There were at least fifteen editions of G-o- Sixteen volumes. Vol. XIV; America,
roara's three works printed <Uinng the years ])art iii, pp. 59-137, coutalDS the Cibola nar-
1552 to 1555. Before the end of the century ratives.
[Link] into Frencli and Italian ha<l
been reprinted a score of times. Knglisli Hakluyt Society, London.
translations of the Conquest of the Indies This most useful society began in 1847 the
were printed in 1578 and 1596. For Coro- publication of a series of volumes contain-
Mrtrfo. seecap. ccxn-cc.w of the Historia de ing careful, annotated translations or re-
las Indias. Chapters 214-215 were trans- prints of works relating to the "naviga-
lated br irakluyl, lll, 380-382 (ed. 1600), or tions, voyages, tratlics, and discoveries"'of
III, 454 '(ed. 1810). Europeans during the period of colonial
ex))ansiou. The work has been continued
Gottfriedt, Johann Ludwig. See Abelin, without serious interruptioTl since that
Johann Phillip. date. Ninety-seven volumes have been
issued with the society's imprint, .includ-
Guatemala, Obispo de. ing the issues for 1895. Several of [Link]
Cart/i del Obispo de Guatemala (i Su are entered in the present list under the
Magestad, en que se retiere a lo que names of t he respective authors.
de Mexico eseribirfin sobre la muerte Hale, Edward Everett.
del adelantado Alvarado, y habla de
Corouado'sdiscovery of the seven cities.
la gobernacion que se le encomendo Proceedings American Antiquarian So-
y de los cargos de su iiiitra. lie San- — ciety, Worcester, new series i, 236-245.
tiago de Guatemala 20 Febrero, 1542. (April, 1881.)Includes a letter from Lieut.
Due. <le Indias, XIII, 268-280. John G. Bourke, arguing that the Citiola
jiuehlos were the Moki villages of Tusayan,
Guzman, Diego. in Arizona.
Kelacion de lo que yo Diego de Gnzman Haynes, Henry Williamson.
he descobierto en la costa de la mar Early explorations of New Mexico.
del Sur, porSii Magestad y porelilus- Winsor's Narrative and Critical History
tre seuor Jvufio de Guzman, goberna- of America, II,47'i-503.
 —

WINKHIP] LIST OF WORKS 607

Haynes, Henry Williamson —
Continued. — Continued.
Icazbalceta, Joaquin Garcia
— What is the true site of "the seven — Don Fray Juan do Zuiuurraga primer
cities of Cil>ola"' visited by Corouado obispo y arzobispo do Mexico. F.8-
in 1540f tudio biografico y bibligriilico. Con
Proceedings American Antiquarian So- un api'-ndioe do documeutos ini^ditos
ciHy, Worceater, new series, 1,421-435 (Oct.,
1881).
6 raros. — Mexico, 1881.
See also tiie entries under Cervantes de
The revival of interest in the early his- Salazar, Mendieta, Mota FadlUa, for works
tory of the southwestern Tniti'd States has edited l)y Scuor Icazlialceta. I'ossesaed of
l>een, in nosli^rht measure, due to tlioira- am]>le means and scholarly tastes, nntiring
iietus given by I'roiesnor Haynes ofBoston. industry and great Iiistorieal and literary
lewas mbst active in furtlierinj^ the re- ability, SefMirGarcia Icazbalceta willal ways
searches of Mr liandelier, under the aus- be one of the masters of Spanish-American
pices of llie ArcliaHdojrical Institute of history. The extent of his researches, the
America, aiul to liis careful editorial super- accuracy and care ^vhich characterize all
yision a larjre jiart of the accuracy and the of his ^vork, ami the breadth and insight
value of Mr Bandelier's printed reports and with "which lie treated whatever subject
comuiunicutioiis are due. attracted him. leave little for future stu-
dents to desire. The more intimate the
Herrera, Antonio de. student becomes w-ith the first century of
Historia general do los hechos do los the history of New Spain, the greater is his
appreiriation of t he [Link] caused by the death
Castellanos en las islas y tierra firme of Senor (larcia Icazbalceta.
del mar oceano. —
Madrid, 1601-1615.
There is a French ti*auslation of three
Decades of Herrera. printed l)etween 1659 Informacion del virrcy de Nueva EspaSla,
and 1G7I, and an English trannlation of the D. Antonio de Wendoza, do la gento
same tliree decades. l)y Taptain John Ste- quo v,a (i polilar la Nueva Oalieia con
vens. London, 1725-*26, and reissued in 1740,
Francisco Vazquez Coronado, Gober-
in which the arrangetnent Ijf the work is
altered. Tlie most available and also the —
nador do clla. Compostella, 21-26
best edition of the Spanish is the admira- Febrero 1540.
ble reprint issued at Madrid by Barcia, in Doc. de Indias. XIV, 373-384. Tartly trans-
1730. Some titles are dated as early as' lated on pp. 596-597 ante.
1726, being altered as euecessive delays
liindered the completion of the work. For
Coronado, see decada VI, libro v, cap. ix, and Informacion [Link].a ante Lajusticia de la
dec. VI, lib. ix. cap. xi-xv. villa do Sau [Link] de la llabnna,
por do consta, el visorcy (Mciuloza)
Hodge, Frederick Webb. haber maudado 6 personado quo na-
A ZuiTl foot race. vies algunosdelostiueleiiibiaba fno]
Am. Anthropologist, lit, "Washington, ,Tulv,
toeasen en la diclia villa, (t liii 6
1890.
causa quo no diesen noticiadelnuevo
— Prehistoric irrigation in Arizona. descobrimiento al Adelantado (de
Ibid., VI. July, 1893.
Soto). —
12 Noviembre, 1539 en Ha-
— The discovered city of Cihola.
first bana. Presento cu Madrid, 23 Di-
cienibre, 1540.
Jbid., Vlll, April, 1895.
T>oc. de Indias, XV, 392-198. See page 370
— The early Navajo anil Apaclie. ante.
Ibid., VIII, July, 1895.
Jaramillo, Juan.
— Pueblo snake ceremonialH. Kelacion hecha por el capitan .Inan
Ibid., IX, April, 1890.
Jaramillo, do la Jornada que liabia
Holmes, William Henry. hecho a la tierra nueva en Nueva Es-
Report on tlie ancient ruins of south- pana y al descubriiiiiento de Cibola,
western Colorado. yendo jior general Francisco Vazquez
Tenth Annual lieport of the (llayden) V. S. Corouado.
Geol. Survey, AV'ashington, 1S76. Doc. de Indias, xiv, 304-317. I?. Smith's
Jlon'da. 154-163. Translateil on pages 584-
— Illustrateil catalogue of a portion of 593 ante. There is a French translation in
Temaux, Cibola, app. vi, 364-382.
the collections made . . . during
the field season of 1881.
Third Annual lieport of the liureau of
King, Edward; Viscount I^ord Kings-
Ethnology, 1881-82, pp. 427-510. borough.
Antiquities of Mexico comprising fac-
— Pottery of the ancient Pueblos. :

similes of ancient Mexican paintings

Fourth Annual lieport of the liureau of and hieroglyphics illustrated
. . .
Ethnology, 1882-83. pp. 265-300.
by many valuable inediteil manu-
Icazbalceta, Joaquin Garcia, scripts. -^Mexico and Loudon, 1830-
Coleccioii do documcntos para la his- 1848.
toria de Mexico. (2 tomoa). M<5xico> — Nine vols. Besides the reproductions of
Mexican hieroglyphic writings, for which
1858-1866.
this magnificent work is best known, the
Cited in the preceding pages as Icazbal-
later voluiues contain a number of works
ceta' s Mexico. printed from Spanish manuscripts. De-
— Nueva coleccion de documentospara spite thestatemeiiton the last paj;6 of many
[Link] work wasnevercompleted, ^(oto-
la historia de Mi^xico. (5 tomos). linia'a Historia breakingoff abruptly in the
Mexico, 1886-1892. midst of the text. See the note under King,
Cited as JcazbaUeta'a Kueva coleccion. • in Sabin's JHctionary of American Hooks.
 — —

608 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [etii. aks. U

Kretschmer, Konrad. Mendoza, Antonio de Continued. —
Die Entdeckung Amorika's in ilirer Be- cion se le ha mandado hacer por
deutungfiirdie Geschichte des Welt- mandado de .S. M. — Barcelona, 17
bildes.— Berlin, 1892. Abril, 1535.
Festschrift der Gesellschaft fur Erdkundo Doe. de Indiat, xxiii, 423-425.
zn Berlin zur [Link] Feier
der Eutdeckunff Anierika's. The atlaa
"which accompanies this vaUiahle fltndy is
— Lo que D. Antonio de Mendoza vi-
sorey y gobernador de la provincia
made npof a lartienumberof admirablofac-
similes and copies of early maps, some of de la Nuevii Siiana, ha de hacer en
which are reprmiuced iu flie present me- servicio de Dios y de esta republica,
moir. It is certainly the best single book demas do lo contenido en suspoderes
for the student of early American carto-
graphy. y comisioncs, por mandado de S. M.^-
Barcelona, 25 Abril, 1.535.
Ladd, Horatio Oliver. Doc. de Indian, .\XIII, 426-445.
Tlie story '
of New Mexico. Boston, — — Lo que don Antonio do Mendoza
(1892).
For Xii^-a and Coronado, see pp. 19-72. virey <5 gobernador <Ie la Nueva
Spafia ypresidcnte do la real audien-
Leyes y ordenanfa.s nueuamfte heclias cia, ha de liacer en la dicha tierra,
por su niagestadpalagoiiernacion de por mandado de S. M. Madrid, 14 —
las Indias y buen trataniieuto y con- Julio, 1536.
seruacion ae los Indios: que so Doc. de Indias, xxill, 454-4C7.
lian do gnardar en el consejo y an-
diecias reales i\ en ellas residen y por :
— Carta de D. Antonio de Mendoza a la
todos los otros gonernadores, .iuezes emperatriz, partieipando que vienen
y personas particnlares dellas. aEspafiaCabezade Vaca y Francisco
(Colopbou) Alcala de Henares, M. D. Dorantes, que se esoaparou de la ar-
XLIII. mada de Panfilo de Narvaez, a hacer
These "New Laws" were reprinted in rebuioii de lo que en ella sucodio.
t585and again in 16U3. A new edition, with M(?,iico, 11 Hebrero 1537.
English translation and an introduction liy boc. de Indiat, xiv, 235-230.
Henry Stevens and F. "W". Lucas, was iwsued
in London, 1893. The Laws are printed iu
Icazbalceta, Mexico, II, 204-227.
— Provision dada por el virey don An-
tonio de Mendoza al reverendo y
— See Recopilacion. magnifico senor Don Vasoo de Qniro-
Lummis, Charles F. ga, Obispo electo de Meohoacan y
— Some strange comers of our country. oidor de M^.jico, para contar los
—New York, 1892. vasallos del marques del Valle, Don
— The land of poco tiempo. —NeAv York, —
Hernando Cortes. M<5jico, ii 30 No-
viembre, 1537.
1893. Doc. dc Indiaa, XII, 314-318.
— The Spanish pioneers.— Chicago, — Carta de D. Antonio do Mendoza,
1893. virey de Nueva Espaua, al Empera-
— The [Link] who married the moon and
dor, diindole cuenta do varios asun-
tos de su gobieiuo. — De Mdxico, 10
other I'ueblo Indian folk-stories.
New York, 1894. Diciembre, 1537.
Doe. de Indias, n, 179-211. B. Smith, Flori-
Mallery, Garrick. da, 119-139,with facsimile of Mendoza's sig-
nature.
Sign language among North American
Indians compared with that among — Instruccion de don Antonio de Men-
other peoples au<l deaf mntes. doza, visorey de Nueva Espana, (al
Firxt Animal Jieport Bureau o/ Etimol- Fray Marcos do Niza).
ogy, 1879-80, pp. 203-552. Fully illustrated. boc. de Indiat, III, 325-.323, written previ-
ous to December, 1538. There is a French
Matthews, Washington. translation iu Ternaux. Cibola. 249-2.13. A
Human bones of the Hemenway collec- modern English translation is in Bandelier,
tion in tlie United States Army Med- Contributions, 109-112.
ical Museum.
Jfcmoirf National Academy of ScUncex,
— Lettere scritte dal illvstrissimo si-

vol. VI. pp. 139-286, Lix plates. AV ashing, gner don Antonio diMendozza, vice re
ton, 1893. Sella nuouaSpagua, alia maestadell'
Mendieta, Fray Gerdnimo de. Imperadore. DcUi cauallieri quali
Hlstoria eclesiiJstlca Indiana; obra es- con lor gran daniio si sono art'aticati
crita it fines del siglo XVI, ...
la
per scoprire il capo della terra ferma
publiea por primera vez Joaquin dellanuouaSpagna verso [Link],
il gionger del Vaz<iuez con fra Marco
(jarcia Icazbalceta. —
Mexico, 1870.
k san Michiel di Culnacan con com-
Mendoza, Antonio de. missiono i\ quelli regent! di assicurare
— Lo que D. Antonio de Mendoza, vi- & non far piu schiaui gli ludiani.
rey y gobernador de la Nueva Spafia [Link],w,M. 355 (1556 ed.). There is
n French tram^latiou in Ternaux. Cihola,
y presidente en la nneva audiencia 285-290. This appears to hetheletter which
y chancilleria real quo en ella resi- Mendoza sent to the king to .iccumpany the
de, demas de lo que iior otra instruc- report of Fray ilarcoa do >'iza.
 —

WINBHIP] LIST OP WORKS 609

Mendoza, Antonio de — Continued. Mindeleff, Victor.

— Carta del virey Uou Antouio do A study of pueblo architecture: Ttt-
Mendoza al Emporador. — De Jaoona, sayan and Cibola.
17 Abril, 1540. ^Eighth Annual lieport of the Bureau of
JJoc. de Indian, ll, 35&-362. Freuch A Ethnology. 1886-87, pp. 1-228, CXI plates.
The textand illustrationsottliis admirable
transLition is in Ternaai, Vibola, 290-298.
For au KDjilisli translation, aeo pp. 547-551 Saper convey a very clear idea of thopueblo
ante. welliiigs of New ile.'cico and Arizona, and
make it, on this account, of great value to
— Instriiccion que debia observar el students who have never visited these
regions.
capitan Hernando de Alarcon eu la
expediiion ii la California que iba ;i Molina, Alonso de.
emprender de 6rden del virey D. Aqui coniienf,a vn vocabulario en lalen-
Antonio do Mendoza. Mexico, po«- — gna Castellana y Mexicanu (Colo- —
trero dia del raes de mayo de luyll y phon) Mexico, 1555.
quiuiontos v quareuta c uno. Father ^lolina prepared .a Vocah^ilario,
B, Smith, Florida, 1-6. Arte, and Confessiimario iu the ilexican
languages, which are very valnaljle as a
— Carta de D. Antonio de Mendoza a means of interpreting the native words
Juan de Aguilar. pidiendo se la aiito- adopted by tlie conquistadores. Tho origi-
nals, and the later editions as well, of all
rizase para avenirso con los Portu- three works .arc of very considerable rarity.
gueses, sobre la posesion do territo-
rios conquistados para que dello
. . . Morgan, Lewis Henry.
haga relaciou ii S. A. y a los seuores Houses and house life of tho American
de sn consejo.
Doc. de Indias. m, 506-511. B. Smith,
aborigines. —
Washington, 1881.
Contributions to Xorth American Kthnol-
Florida. 7-10. "AccTca del [Link] oqy. vol. [Link] of the Sedentary In-
de las siete ciudades de ronieiite." Circa dians of New Mexico, cap. vi-vni, pp". 132-
1543. 197.

— Carta de Don Antonio de Mendoza — On the ruins of a stone pueblo on the

virey delaNuevaEsparia,alconienda- Animas river, in New Mexico, with a
dor mayor de Leon, participandole la ground plan.
muerte del adelantado do 'Guatemala lieport of the Peabody Museum, xir, Cam-
bridge, 1880, pp. 536-556.
y Honduras, y el estadode otros varios
—
asuntos. Mexico, 10 marzo, 1542. — The seven cities of Cibola.
Cartas de Indias, pp. 253-255, and iu fac- Xorth American Beview, April, 1869, cviii,
simile. 457-498.

— Carta del virey Don Antonio de Men- Moses, Bernard.

doza, dando cuenta al principe Don
The Casa de Contratacion of Seville.
Felipe do lialier li('(ho el reparto de la Report of the American Historical Associa-
tierra de Nue va Espana, y exponiendo tion for 1894, Washington, 1895, pp. 93-12:).
la necesidad que tenia depasar ^Cas- Thispaperisaveryusefnloutlineof thelegal
tilla, iiara tratar verlialmeute eon S. constitution and functions of the Casa de
Contratacion, derived fortlie mostpart from
M. de ciertos negocios de goiternacion Capt. tlolm Stevens' Englisii version (Lon-
—
y hacienda. Mexico, SOoctubre, 1548. don, 1702) of Don Joseph de Veitia Linage's
Cartas de Indias, jjp. 256-257. Norte de la Contratacion de las Indias Occi-
denlales. (Seville, 1672.)
— Carta del virey Don Antonio de There is an JKlniirablo account of the
form of government adopted by the Span-
Mendoza Emperador Don Carlos,
al
iards for New Spain, by Professor Jlosea,
contestando it un niandato de S. M. in the Yale Review, vol. iv, numbers 3 and
relativo al repartimiento delosservi- 4 (November, 1895, and Febuary, 1896).
cios persoualeseu la Nueva Espana.
Guastepeque, 10,junio, 1549. Mota Padilla, Matias de la.
Cartas de Indies, pp. 258-259. Historia do la conquista de la provin-
— Fragniento de cia de la Xueva-Galicia, escrita en
la visita hetba it don
1742.— Mexico, 1870.
Antonio de Mendoza. Interrogatorio Published in the Jioletin of tho Sociedad
por el cual ban de serexaniinados los iiexicana de Geografia y EstadLstica, and
testigos que presente por su parte also issued separately with Xoticias Bio-
don Antonio de Mendoza. 8 Enero, — graficas liy Seflor Garcia Icazbalceta, dated
Marzo 12 de 1872. It is an ext^-nsive work
1547.
of the greatest value, although there are rea-
XLIV cargos, 303 i)arasraf08. Icazbalce. sons for fearing that the jirinted text is not
ta's Mexico, n, 72-140.
an accurate copy of t he original manuscript.
— See the Asienlo y Capitulaciones con Cited as Mota Padilla.
Alvarado above.
Motolinia, Fray Toribio de Benavente <S.
Mindeleff, Cosmos. Historia de los Indies de la Nueva Es-
Casa grande ruin. paiia.
Hldrteenth Annval Report of the Bureau Icazbalceta's Mexico, i, pp. 249, with an
of Ethnology. J891-92, pp. 295-319. introduction of 100 )ip. bv Sr Josi5 Fernando
— Aboriginal remains in Verde valley, Ramirez; in Doc. de Es'pafia. LUI, 297-574;
and also printed iu Lord Kingsborough's
Arizona. Antiquities of Mexico, vol. IX. See note
Ibid, pp. 179-261. under King.
14 ETH 39
 — —

610 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN. 14

Motolinia, Fray Toribio de Benavente 6 —

Paez, Juan Continued.
Continued. do por la coutracosta del mar del Sur
— Estaesla relacion postrera de Sivola, al Ij^orte, hecha por Juan I'aez.
y de mas de cuatrocientas leguas ade- Doc. de Indiai, XIV, 165-191 1!. Smith, ;

lante. Florida, 173-189. Partid 27 Junio 1542.

This report, which was probablj- written
A manuscript fouud among the "Memo- by the pilot Bartolome Ferrel or Ferrelo,
rialea" de Alotolinia, now in the archives
of the late Sr Icazbalccta. J*rinted for the has been translated in the Jtejtorl of the V.
S. Genl. Survei/ Wett of the 100th Meridian,
£r»t time in tlio ]>reseut volume. See pages
5G(>-571 anU:
VII. 293-314. See note on page 412 anU.

Muriel, Domingo. Peralta. See Suarez de Peralta.

Fasti Novi Orbis et ordinationum ajios- Prince, Le Baron Bradford.
tolicarum, .opera D. Cyriaci
. . Historical sketches of New Mexico from
Morelli.— Veuetii.s, MDCCLXXVI. the earliest records to the American
See page 23 for a meutiou of events in 1539-
1542.
—
occupation. New York and Kausas
City, 1883.
For Vaheza de liaca, Marcos de Xiza, and
Niza, Fray Marcos de. Coronado, see pp. 40-148.
Relaciou del descubriraiento de las siete
ciudades, per cl P. Fr. Marcos de Proceso del Marquds del Valle y Nuno de
—
Niza. 2 Setiembre 1539. Guzman y los aiielautados Soto y
Alvarado, sobre el descubrimiento de
Doc. de Indian, nr, 325-351. Translated
into Italian by Ramuaio, ni, fol. 356 359 la tierra niieva— en JIadrid, 3 Marzo,
(1550 ed.). and thence into English by llaV-
1540; 10 Junio, 1541.
luyt. Ill, 365-373 (1601) ed.). A French trans- Doc. de Indias, XV, 300-408. See page 380
lation is inTernaux, Cibola, app. i and ii,
ante.
219-284.

Nordenskiold, Gustav. Proctor,Edna Dean.

The cliff dwellers of the Mesa Verde, The song of the ancient people. — Bos-
southwestern Colorado, their pottery ton 1893.
and implements. Translated by li. [Link] preface and note by John Fiske
Lloyd Morgan.— Stockholm, 1894. and commentary by F. H. Cashing.
Chapter xiv, "The Pueblo tribes in the
sixteenth century," pp. 144-16ti, contains a Ptolemy, C.
translatiim of portions of Castafieda, from La Geografia di Clavdio Ptolemeo, con
the French version. alcuni comeuti & aggiunti fatteui da
Oviedo y Valdes, Gonzalo Fernandez Sebastiano munstero, con le tauole
La historia general de las Indias.
de.
non Bolamente antiche moderne &
(Colophon) Seuilla, 1535. Bolite di staparsi, ma altre nuoue.
Keprinteil at Salamanca in 1547, and at In Venetia, M. D. XL\ III.
Madrid iu 1851, as follows: The maps in this edition of Ptolemy's
Geography for the first time present the
— Historia general y nattiral de las In- resnlta of Coronado's explorations- See
plate XLI ante. The bibliography of Ptol-
dias, por cl Capitau Gonzalo Fernan-
dez de Oviedo y Vald<?s, primer cro- emy has been set forth with great clearness
and in most convenient form by I>r Justin
nistadel NuevoMundo. Publicalala AViusorin ii^e Bibliographical Contrihutions
Real Academiii de la Historia, con of the Harvanl College Lilirary, Ko. 18;
las enmiendas y adiciones del autor, and with greater detail by Mr Wilberforce
Fames, in volume xvi of Sabin's Dictionary
^ilustrada por D. Jose Amador
. .
of American Books.
—
de los Kios. Madrid, 1851-1855.
These four volunu'S form the definitive Purchas, Samuel.
edition of Oviedo. They were printed from
the author's mannscript, and include the Pvrchas his pilgrimage. Or relations of
fourth volume, which liad not hitherto the world and the religions observed
been printed. and places discouered Lon- . . . —
Owens, John G. don, 1613.
Natal ceremonies of the Hopi Indian.s. The eighth book. America, chap. viii. 0/
Cibola. Tiguez, ^ivira, and Nona Albion,
Journal Am. Ethnology and Archceolo'jy
pp. 648-653. There were two editions of th is
(Boston, 1893), 163-175.
II,
work in 1614, one in 161";, and one, thebest,
in 1626, forming the fifth volume of the JPW-
Pacheco-Cardenas Coleccion. grimes.
Colecciou de documentos inc^ditos rela-
tives al descubrimiento, conquista, y — Haklvytvs posthumus or Purchas,
colonizacion de las posesiones espa- his pilgrimes. Contayning a history
eu Am<5rica y Occeania, sacados
fiolas of the world, in sea voyages, &
. bajo la direccion de D. Joaquin
. lande-trauells, by Englishmen &
F. Pacheoo y I). Francisco de C&v- others ...In fower parts, each
denas.— Madrid, 1864-1884. containing fiue bookes. By Samvel
In 42 volumes.
much from year to
The
.year.
title-page varies
There is as yet
—
Pvrchas. London, 1625.
Part (volume) iv, pp. 1560-1562, gives a
no useful inilex in print. Cited as Doc. d€ sketch of the discovery of Cibola and Qui-
Indias. The best
rira, abridged from Kamnsio.
Paez, Juan. guide to the confnseil bibliography of Pur-
chas is that of Mr "Wilberforce Fames, in
Relacion del descubrimiento que hizo vol. xvt of Sabin's Dictiunarjf of A meriean
Juau Rodriguez [Cabrillo] uavegan- Books.
 —

WINSHIP] LIST OF WORKS 611

Putnam, Frederick Ward. —
Ruge, Sophus Continued.
The pueblo ruins and the interior tribes. — Die Entwickelung der Kartographie
Edited by Frederick W. Putnam. —
von America bis 1570. Gotha, 1892.
r. S. Geog. Survey West 100th Meridian, Festschrift zur 40njabrigt'n Feier der
vir, Arcliffiolopy pt. ii.p. 315, "Washinglon, Entdeckung Amerikas. Ergiinzungsheft
1879. Appendix (p. 399) contains Albert S. no. 106 zu "Peteriuann's Mitteilungen.'*
Gatscbet's classification into seven linguis- An .-wlmiralile outline of theearly history of
tic stocks, etc. the geographical unfolding of America.

Ratnusio, Giovanni Battista. Salazar, Francisco Cervantes. See Cer-

Terzo volvme delle iiavigationi et vantes Salazar.
—
viaggi. In Venetia, MDLVI. Santisteban, Fray GenSnimo de.
In
this, tlie first edition of tlie tliird vol- Carta escrita por Fr. Geronimo de San-
ume of Kamusio's collection, folios 354-370
contain the narratives which relate to the tisteban (I don Antonio Meudoza,
discoveries in the territory of the present virey de Nueva Espaua, relacionando
southwestern United States. The volumes la 7)%rdida de la armada que salii) en
ofKamusio have an especial value, because 1542 para las islas del poniente, al
in many cases the editor and translator
used the originals of documents which have cargo de Kuy Lopez do Villalobos.
not since been fonnd by investigators. Ka-
inusio's Italian text furnished one chief re-
— De Cochin, de la India del Rey de
Portugal. 22 Henero 1547.
liance of Hakluyt, and of nearly all the Doc. de Indias, XIV, 151-165. See page 412
collectorsand translators who followed him, ante.
including, in the present century, Henri
Temaux-Compans. The best gui(le to the Savage. James Woodruff.
various issues and e<lition8. of Ramusio is The discovery of Nebraska.
that of Mr Wilberforce Eamee, in Sabin's Kehraska Historical Society Transac-
THctionary of American Books. The most tions, I, 180-202. Read before the Society,
complete single edition of the three volumes April 16, 1880. In this paper Jud^e Savage
is that of 1606. accepts the statements that Quivira was
situated in latitude 40 degrees north as
Recopilacion de leyes de los reynos de convincing evidence that Coronado's Span-
las Indias. Mandadas imprimir, y iards explored tho territory of the present
pvblicar per la magestad "catolica del State of Nebraska. This paper, together
with one by the same author on "A visit
rey don Carlos II. Tomo i (-iv). to Nebraska in 1662" (by I'enalosa), was
Madrid, 1681. reprinted by the Government PrintingOftice
New editions were issued in 1756, 1774, and (Washington, 1893) fortheuseof the United
1791. States Senate', for wiiat jmrpose the resolu-
tion ordering the reprint does not state. It
Ribas, Andres Perez de. fonus Senate Mis. Doc. No. 14, 53d Congress,
Historia de los trivmphos de nvestra 2d session.
Santa Fee entre geutes del nueuo Schmidt, Emil.
Orbe: [Link] assimismo las cos- Vorgeschichte Nordamerikas im (icbiet
tvmbres, ritos, y superstieiones que der Vereinigten Staateii. Braun- —
vsauan estas gentes; sus puestos, y schweig, 1894.
temples : . . . —
Madrid, 1645. I>ie vorgeschichtlichen Indianer im Slid-
weaten der Vereinigten Staaten, pp. 177-
The mass of facts collected into this heavy
volume throw much light on the civil as 216. Compiled in large part from Nord-
well as the ecclesiastical history of New enskiold and V. Mindeletf.
Spain. Schoolcraft, Henry Rowe.
Rude Ensayo, tentativa de una preven- Historical and statistical information
respecting the history, condition, and
cional descripcion geographica de la
prospects of the Indian tribes of the
provincia de Sonora, . com-
pilada asi do noticias adquiridas per
. .
—
United States. Philadelphia, 1851-
1855.
el colector en sus viajes por casi to-
For Coronado's expedition see vol. iv, pp.
da ella, como subministradas por los 21-40. Schoolcraft's map of Coronado's route
padres missioneros y practicos de la is opposite p. 38.
tierra. —
San Augustin de la Florida, Shipp, Barnard.
1863. The history of Hernando de Soto and
Edited by Buckingham Smith. An Eng-
lish translation by Eusebio Guit6ras is in
Florida or, record of the events of
;

the Records of the American Catholic His- fifty-six years, from 1512 to 1568.—
torical Society, Philadelphia, June, 1894. Philadelphia, 1881.
For Coronado, see pp. 121-132.
Ruge, Sophus.
Oeschichte des Zeitalters der Ent- Simpson, James Hervey.
deckungen. Berlin, 1881.— Journal of a military reconnaissance
from Santa F^, New Mexico, to the
In Oeschichte, von "Wilhelm
Allgeineine
Ouckeu. Coronado's Feldzug nach Cibola Navajo country.
und Quivira, pp. 415-423. The map on page Senate Ex. Doc. 64, Slat Congress, 1st
417 is one of tlie best suggestions of Coro- sess Washington, 1850, pp. 56-168.
,

nado's probable route.

—Coronado's march in search of the
— Die Entdeckungs-Geschichte der "Seven Cities of Cibola," and dis-
Neuen Welt. cussion of their probable location.
In Hamburgiiche Festschrift zur Erin- Smithsonia7i Report for 1869. pp. 309-340.
nerung an die Entdeckung Avierika's, Keprinted by the Smithsonian Institution,
Hamburg, 1892. I Band. Coronado's Zug Washington, 1884. Contains an excellent map
nath Oibola und, Quivira, pp. 87-80. of Coronado's route.
612 THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540-1542 [ETH. ANN. 14

Smith, (Thomas) Buckingham. Stevenson, James,

Coleccion tie varios documentos para la (Illnstraled catalogues of collections
historia de la Florida y tierras ad- obtained from the Indians of New
yacentes. Tomo i [ 1516-^1794] Lou- .
— Mexico in 1879, 1880, and 1881.)
dres (Madrid, 1857). iSfcoiul Annual
lieport of the Jiureau of
Only one volumo ever published.
-Wtis Ethnology, 188(1-81, pp. 307-465; Third An-
Cited aa B. Sinith'8 Florida. These docu- nual Report. 1881-82, pp. 511-594.
, ments are printed, for the most part, from
copies made l>y Muiioz or by Navarrete. Stevenson, Matilda Coxe,
See note to tlie English translation of Ca- The religious life of the Ziuii child.
bez.a de Vaca's Xau/ragios, and see also Fifth Annual Report of the Jiureau qf
Rudo Ensayo .ind Soto. EthnoloDil, 1883-84, pp 539-555.
Sosa, Caspar Castaiio de. See Castaflo
de Sosa.
— The Sia.
Eleventh Annual lieport of the Bureau of
Soto, Hernando de. Ethnology, 1889-90, pp. 9-157.
Asiento y capittilacion hechos per el
capitan Hernando de Soto con el Em- Suarez de Peralla, Joan.
perador Carlos V para la conquista y Tratado del descubriniiento de las Yn-
poblaciou de la provinoia de la dias y su conquista, y los ritos .• . .

Florida, y eucomienda de la Roberna- de los yndios; y de los virreyes y

cion de la isla de Cuba. Valhidolid, — gobernadores, y del prin-
. .

fipio quetuvo Francisco Draque para

.

20Abril, 1537.
Doe. de Indian, xv, 354-363. B. Smith, serdeclaradoenemigo. Madrid, 1878. —
Florida, 140-146. See entry under Zaragoza and note on
— Narratives of the career of Hernan- page 377 ante. This very valuable histor-
icju treatise was written in the last third
do de Soto iu the conquest of Florida, of the XVI century.
as told by a Knight of Elvas and iu a
relation by Luys Hernandez de liied- Tello, Fray Antonio.
ma, factor of the expedition. Trans- Fragmentos de una historia de la Nne-
lated by Buckingham Smith. New — va Galicia, escrita hiicia 1650, por el
York, 1866. Padre Fray Antonio Tello, de la orden
Bradford Club series, v. de .San Francisco.
— Letter of Hernando de Soto [in
Icazbalceta's Mexico, 11, 343-438. Chap-
ters viii-xxxix are all that are known to
Florida, to the Justice and Hoard of have survived.
Magistrates in Santiago de Cuba.
July 9, 1539] and memoir of Hernan- Ternaux-Compans, Henri.
do de Escalanto Fontaneda. Trans- Voyages, relations et mi^moires origin-
lated from the Spanish by Bucking- aux pour servir a I'histoire de la d(?-
—
ham Smith. Washington, 1854. couverte de TAmcriqiie publi<5s pour
of
This
tlie
is not the plat-e for an extensive list
sources for the history of de Soto's
la premii're fois, en franvais. Paris, —
1837-1841.
expedition, and no eftbrt has been made to Twenty volumes. Volume IX contains
do more tlian mention two volumes which the translation of Castaneda and of various
have proved useful during tlie study of the other narratives relating to the Coronado
Coronado expe<lition. The l)est guide for espeilition. These narratives are referred
the student of the travels of do Soto and to under the authors' name.s iu the present
Narvaez is the critical portions of John list. It 18 cited as Temaui's Cibola.
Gilmarj' Shea's chapter in AVinsor's Xarra-
live and Critical Uiatury of America, vol. II,
pp. 283-298.
Thomas, Cyrus.
Quivira: A suggestion.
Squier,Ephraim George. Magazine of American History X, New
New Mexico and California. The an- York, Dec, 1883, pp, 490-496.
cient monuments, and the aboriginal,
semicivilized nations, . with
. .
Tomson, Robert.
an abstract of the early Spanish ex- The voyage of Robert Tomsonmarchant,
plorations and conquests. into Noua Hispania in the yeere 1.555,
American lievieu:, viii. Nov., 1848, pp. ^03- with diners obseruations concerning
528. Also issued separately. the state of the oountrey: And cer-
Stevens, John. taine accidents touching himselfe.
A new dictionary, Spanish and Eng- Hakluyt,
page 375 ante.
111, 447-154 (ed, 1600), See note on
lish. . . . Much more copious
than .any hitherto extant, with . . .

proprr names, the surnames of fami- Torquemada, Juan de.

lies, the geography of Spain and the

Los veynte i vn libros rituales y mo-
—
West Indies. London, 1726. narchia Vndiana, con el origen y
guerras de los Yndios Occidentales.
Captain John Stevens was especially well
read in the literature of the Spanisli con- Compvesto por Fray Ivan de Tor-
quest of America, and his dictionary is quemada, Ministro Prouincial de la
often of the utmost value in getting at the
orden de S. Franjisco en Mexico, eu
older meaning of terms which were em-
ployed by the conquistadores in a sense la Nueba Espana. —
Seuilla, 1615.
very diiferent from their present use. Cap- This work was reprinted at Madrid in
tain Stevens translated Herrera and Veitia 1723 by Harcia. This, the second, is the
Linage (see note under Moses), taking very better e<Ution, The tirat two volumes con-
great libertiea with the texts. tain an invaluable mass of facta couceming
 .

WIXSHIP) LIST OF WORKS 613

Torquemada, Juan de — Continued. Winship, George Parker Continued.—
the natives of
by tlie
New [Link] comments
autlior are, of course, of less sigDiii-
— Why Coronado went to New Mexico
iu 1540.
Ciiuce.
Papers of American Historical AstoeiO'
lion, 1894, Washington, 1895, pp. 83-92.
Ulloa, Francisco de.
A relation of the discouery, which in the — New Mexico in 1540.
name of God the fleete of the right Boston Transcript. Oct. 14, 1893. A trans-
noble Fernando Cortez Marqnes of lation of the Belaeion de lo que . . .

Alvarado y Padilla descubrieron.

the Vally, made with three ships;
the one called Santa Agueda of 120. — Coronado's journey to New Mexico
tunnes, the other the Trinitie of 35. and the gn^at plains. 1540-1542.
tnnaes, and the thirde S. Thomas of American Uistoi-y Leaflet, Ko. 13, New
the burthen of 20. tunnes. Of which York, 1894. Contains a translation of the
Belaeion del Suceso, and of Coronado's Let-
fleete was cap taiue the right worship- ter to Mendoza, 20 October, 1541.
full knight Francis de Vlloa borne in
the citie of Merida. Winsor, Justin.
Bakluyt, in, 397-424 (ed. 1600). Translated Narrative and critical history of Amer-
from Kamusio, m, fol. 339-354 (ed. 1556). ica, edited by Justin Winsor (8 vol-
— -.See Alarcon. umes). —Boston, 1889.
Besides Professor llaynes' chapter in vol-
Vetancurt, Augustin de. ume n, pp. 473-503 (see entry under llavnes),
tlie same volume contains chapters l>\ Dr
Teatro Mexicano descripcion breve de "Winsor on Discoveries on the I'acijic t'oast
los svcessos exemplares, historicos, of North America, pp. 431-472; by Clements
politicos, militares y religiosos del R. Markhaui on Pizarro and the C&nquest
nuevo niundo Occidental de las In- and Settlement of Peru and Chile, pp. 505-
573, and by John G. ^hea-iiu Ancient Florida,
dias.— Mc^xico, 1698. pp. 231-298. The fact that [Link] investi-
— Menologio Franciscano de los Va-
gators in minute tields of historical study
have found [Link] anderrors in this ency-
rones mas senalados, que con sus clopedic work oulyserves to emphasize the
vidas exemplares . ilustraron
. .
value of the labors of Br "Winsor. There
is Iiardly a subject of study in American
la Proviucia de el Santo Evangelic
history in which the student will not, of
de Mexico. necessity, begin his work by consulting the
This work forms a part of the secoud vol- critical and bibliographical portions of
ume of the Tealro Mexicauo. AVinsor's America.
Villagra,Caspar de. Wytfiiet, Cornelius.
Historia de la Nveva Mexico. — Alcala, Descriptiouis Ptolemaicae Avgmentvm,
1610. sine Occidentis Notitia Breui com-
Villalobos, Ruy Lopez de. *'ee Santiste- mentario illustrata Studio ot opera
ban, Fray Ger6nimo de. Comely Wytfliet Louauiensis. Lo- —
vanii, [Link].
Ware, Eugene F. For Coronado, see p. 170, or p. 91 of the
Coronado's march. French translation of 1611. Qvivira et
Aniau. See plates LI-LUI ante.
Agora, Lawrence, Kansas, Nov., 1895 [not
cenipleted.J A
translation of Castafieda's Zatnacois, Niceto de.
narrative Irom the French of Temauz.
Historia do M^jico desde sus tiempos
Whipple, A. W., et al. —
mas remotes. M(?jico, 1878-1888.
Nineteen volumes. For the chronicl of
Report upon the Indian tribes [of Ari- '

zona and New Mexico] events in New Spain during the years 1 35-
1546, see vol. iv, 592-715.
Vacijie Hailroad Jieporta, vol. lu, pt. 3,
"Washington, 1856. Zaragoza, Justo.
Winship, George Parker. Noticias hist6ricas de la Nueva Es-
A list of titles of documents relating pana. — Madrid, 1878.
to America, in volumes l-cx of the In this volume .Sefior Zaragoza has added
much to the inherent value of the Tratado
C'oleccion de documentos in^ditos of Suarez doPeralta(.seeeutrvabove) by his
para la historia de Espana. ample and scholarly notes, an<l bv a verv [Link]-
Bidlelin of the Boaton Public Library, ful "Indiee geogr^fico, biogriitico, y ^e pa-
October, 1894. Reprinted, 60 copies. labraa Americanas." Theseindices, within

— TheCoronado Expedition, 1540-1542. their inevitable limitations, contain a, great

deal of information for which the student
Fourteenth A nnuallifport Bureau of Eth- would hardly know whereelse to look. This
Washington, 1896. Contains the
noloijt/, is etiually true of the indices to the Cartas
Spanish text of Castaheda, and translations de Indias, for the excellence of which Sefior
of the original narratives. Zaragoza was largely responsible.
 ..

I^DEX TO PART 1

Page Page
Abnaki, genesis of the 87 AK6Miv, native name for people of Acoma. 575
— .jugglery among the 145 Xkwinemi. mythic origin of name 218
—, pictography of the xxku — ,
genealogy of 46, 48
— , totemic marks of the 65 Alarcon, D. de, confusion of, with
Abortion produced bynse of hair 286 Alcaraz 501
Absaroka, investigation of the xxxiv Alarcon, IT. de, expedition by sea, under . 385, 478
AcAPULCO, port on coast of New Spain. . 385 — Colorado river discovered by
, 403, 574
— rendezvous for Alvarado's fleet
, 409 — Estevan's death rei>orted to
, 360
— departure of Alarcon from
, 403 — , of, found by Diaz
message 407, 486
— departure of Flloa frona
, 369 — Coronado's fears for
, 555
ACAXES indians of Culiacan. ., 514 Albaicin, similarity of, -with Hawikuh .. 564
Accompanying papers, characterization Alcaraz, Diego de, lieutenant of Diaz. . 485, 501
of 1 — incompetence of
, 502
AccrLTUBATioNof the indians xxxiv — death of
, 633
ACHA pueblos 519 Aleman, Juan, inhabitant of Mexico 495
ACOCHIS, indian name for gold 493, 512 Alexeres, uncertain meaning of 507
AcoMA, Jararaillo's namo for 587 Alqonkin habitat in 1634 16
— ,Tigua name for 492 Alkali soil, references to 586
— Zufii namo for
, 490 Alligators, danger from, in rivers of
— , Alvarado's description of 594 New Galicia 539
— , Castttfieda's description of 491 Allocez, C, on Kabbit-rock myth fl7
— , description of, by companions of Coro- Almaoeo, struggles of, in Peru against
nado 569, 575 Pizarro 376
— , repntation of, in Sonora 357 Almaguer, Antonio de, secretary in
— , visit of Arellano to 494 New Spain 598
— , visit of Spaniards to Ivii, 390 Almidez Chkrino, Pero, royal veedor
— worship of crosa at
, 544 for Now Spain 596, 598
—,«ee Accco, Acus. Almirantazgo, island of 545
Acorns, use of, by indians as food 517 Aloe, Mexican, use of, for clothing by
AcosTA, Josl^: DE, on Mexican sorcerers . . 138 pueblo indians 569
AcosTA, Maria de, wife of Pedro Casta- Alvarado, Hernando de, appointment
neda 470 of 477
Acuco, location of 519, 524 — , Coronado protected by, at Cibola 483
— visitof Alvaradoto
, 490 — , expeditiouof, to Rio Grande.. Ivii, 390, 490, 575

— , cartographic history of 403 — , report of discoveries by 594

— ,AcoMA, Aces.
gee — , Pecos chiefs imprisoned by 493
Acucc, Uoronado's comments on name of. 560 — , Braba
visit of, to 511
AcciQCE, name for Cicuye 523 — wounded by indians
, 557
Aces, with Acoraa
identified 357 Alvarado, Pedro de, lieutenant of Cor-
— , Coronado's account of 560 tes, conqueror of Guatemala 352
—,8eeAcoMA, Acuco. — failure of expedition to Peru
, 352
Adobe, description of 520, 562, 569 — unites with Mendoza for exploration.
, 353
— making of, described
, 356 — arguments before Council for the In-
,

Agave, liquor made from 516 dies 372

— fiber, use of, for garments 517 — , eflbrts to provide wives for colonists . 374
AauAiACALE, seaport of Culiacan 385 — , arrival of, in New Spain 408
Aouas Caliextes, pueblo of 525 — , expedition of, to Peru 474
AODILAR, Jcan de, Meudoza's agent in —, feats of 540
Spain 368 — , at Xochistlan
death of, 410
Ahacus. identified with Hawikuh 358 Amatepeque, revolt in, quelled by Coro-
AiAmita, genealogy of 56 nado .'.. 380
Akkeewayske, OJibwa treaty signer 28 Ambush, use of, by Spaniards 500
Ako, native name for Acoma 575 Ammunition, -lack of, iu New Spain 540
.615
 . v .
.

616 INDEX TO PART 1 [KTH. ANN. 14

I*age Page
Amulets of tlieMenoniini 7-1 Atn>iBNCiA, expeditions into new territory
Anacapa island, visit of Ferrel to 412 forbidden by 369
Andrew Tahascan remains iu pueblo Aurora borealis in Menomini mytb 210
country ^92 Avila, Pedro de, ringleader in rebellion
Angel de La Gcabdia, island of 554 at Suya 533
Anqiakeb Waba, Ojibwa treaty signer.. 28 Axa, province in great plains 492
ANiaiALBof pueblo region 518 Aztec warriors allies of Spaniards in
— taken by Coronado for foocl supply 553 Mixton war 410
Antiquities of tboMenomiui 36-39
Babbitt, Irving, acknowledgments to... 552
Antonio de Ciudad-Kodrigo, Franciscan Bacallaos, name applied to Newfound-
provincial in Mexico 354
land 513,526
Antonio de Santa ilARLi, Franciscan Bachelors forbidden to hold land in
'

friar 474
America 374
A NTONio Victoria, friar, leg of, broken . 482
Bacqukville dk la Potherie on jug-
Apache, arrow making by tbe 275,279
glery am Jng Hudson Bay Indians 140
— stone arrowpoints among tbe
,
283,284
Badger in Menomini myth 133
— stone implements of tbe
,
256
Bag, see Beaded bag. Medicine bag.
— gormandism among the
.
287
Balconies, description of, in pueblo
Apalache bay explored by Narvaez 346
houses 523
Aqkiwasi, genealogy of 58
Ball, mystic, in Menomini myth 224
Aquiu, name for Cicuye 523
Ball-Carrier, folktale of the 223
Arache. province of great plains 529, 588
Ball-game during Pontiac conspiracy . . 130
Ahae, Indian village on great plains 577
— in Menomini myth 166
Abahei, province of, on great plains 588 — of tlio Menomini 127-136,244
Arapaho, ghost dance among tbe xxxix — mythic origin of
, 131
— language, study of tbe ili — sacred character of
, 135
Arche, province near Qnivira 503 Balsas, Rio de las, crossed by Coronado
Archeology, work in xxxiv on rafts 586
AfiCHiTECTrBE of tbe Menomin i 253 Bancroft, n. H., on Cabeza de "Vaca's
Arellano, Tristan de, lieutenant to Cor- route 348
onado 508 — mistake in dating Alvarado's report..
, 391
—^ appointment of, as captain 477 Bandelier, a. F., researches in south-
— , command of, in Coronado's army 391, western history 339
481, 572, 577, 581 — , discussion of indian legends 345
— at Corazones 485 — , on Cal>eza de Taca's route 347
— arrival at Cibola and Tiguex.
, of, . 492, 494, 510 — , on Friar Juan de la Asuncion 353
Arispa, settlement of 515 — , on route of Friar Marcos 358
— visit of Coronado to
. 585 — , defense of veracity of Friar Marcos . . . Ivi, 363
Arivaypa creek in Arizona 387 — , ondateof Coronado's departure 382
Arizona, aboriginal remains in xxxvli ^, on Coronado's route from Culiacan . . 386
—, adobe of 620 — identification of Cbichilticalli by
, 387. 516
Arizpe, see Arispa. — identification of Hawikub-Granada by
, 489
Arkansas, novaculito quarries in xxx — identification of pueblos by
, 511, 524
Arkansas river followed by Coronado. 397 — Querechos identified with Apaches by
,
306
Arrow making by Arizona tribes 275 — identification of Rio Vemiejo by
,
482
Abrowpoints, modem stone 281 — ideut ification of Vacapa by
, 355
— in graves at Sikyatki 519 — use of sources of Coronado exi>cdition
,

— in "Wisconsin mounds 38 by 414.

— of Arizona tribes 256 — , considers the Turk indian probably a
Arrows in Menomini mytb 179 Pawnee 394
— mystic, in Menomini mytb
, 196 — , on Arizona indian liquor 616
— of the Menomini 274 — , on Opata poison 538
— used in gaming 245 — , on indian government and eatufas 520
Art prodicts, classification of xixvii — , onpneblo indian lifeand government 561
Artillery, substitutes for, devised by — , on name of Cicuye 523
Spaniards 500 — , on name Tey a or Texia 507
— use of, at Cbiametla
, 481 — , on name Tatahaco 492
— use of, by Indians
, 524 — , on Indian giants 485
— use of, in exploring expeditions
, 546 — , on Acoma 490
AsHAW akanau, genealogy of 57 — , on Ispa and Guagarispa 685
Atahualpa killed by Pizarro 354 — , on location of Quivira 397
Athapascan bibliography, work on xlii — , on location of Tiguex and Cicuye 491
Attikumaao, Ojibwa treaty signer 28 — , on Matsaki 517
Audiencia, definition of 472 — , onPetlatlan 515
— , functions of the 350 — , on the Seven Cities 473
 . .

ETH. ANN. 14] INDEX TO PART 1 617

Page Page
Bandelier, a. F., onTopira 471 j
Bison, pile of bones of 542
— , onTuqueyunque 510 j
— , skins of, found by Coronado at Cibola. 560
Bannock, linguistic affinity of the 525 j
— stampede of
, 505
BaSlelos, B., miner of Zacatecas 538 Bitumen used by Indians In making rafts. 407
Barbels, native Americau tish 517 Blackbird, A. J., on Menomini totems . . 44
Babk used in mat making 269 — ; on significance of Mji'nabiish 162
— «fe BiRCHBARK.
,
Blackfeet, poisoned arrowsused bythe. 285
Barranca, Bio de la, crossed by Coronado 586 Blankets of native American cotton 517
Bahkioncevo, Francisco dk, companion Blase, Father, Menomini grammar and
of Coronado 479 dictionary by 295
—
I

, explorations of 510 I
Bund men and the raccoon, folktale of. . 211
— , adventure of, at Tiguei 496 j
Blizzard experienced by Coronado 506
Basket making by theMenomini 259 I
Blowou.n formerly used by Indians 286
Batuca, Opata settlement in Sonora 537 Blcejay in Menomini myth 2?9
Bautista, Juan, on Mexican rain con- I
Boardman, E., land-treaty witness 28
jurers 150 Boas, Franz, acknowledgments to xliii
Beaded bags of the Menomini 74 ;
Bocanegra, IIernand 3*erez de. See
Beads found in graves at Sikjatki 519 \
Perez.
BEADWORKof the Menomini 264,265,269-272 :
Bonesteel, A. D., on death of Oshkosh . 47
Beans, stores of, kept by Indiana 584 !
Boston Transcript, translation of Alva-
— wild, found by Coronado
, 507 rado's report in 594
Bear and the Eagle folktale 217 Bourke, J. G., on Apache medicine-men . 360
— in Menomini mythology. 91, 131, 169, 175,200,254 — on classification of arrows
, 278
—
j

totem, Menomini, importance of 45 Bowlder, mystic, near Keshena, Wis 38

—
I

in pueblo region 518, 560 [

Bowl game of the Menomini 241
Beaver in Menomini myth 134 Bows discussed 280
Beaver hunter and bis sister, folktale of. 222 — of the Menomini 274
Beds of the Menomini 256 Bowstrings of the Menomini 275. 280
Bej ARANo, Servan, testimony of 598 i
BowYER, Colonel, on Sauk and Fox ex-
Belts of the Menomini 272 pulsion 19
Benavides, a. de, on methods of building I
BoYOMO, river and settlement of 515
pueblos 520 Braba, pueblo of 525
— on use of dogs by plains indiaus
, 527 '

— description of, by Alvarado

, 595
Benitez, death of 500 — village of. visited by Spaniards
, 511
Bermejo. See Termejo. •
Bracelets of Tuik Indian 493
Bernalillo, location of Tiguex at 391,491 Braddock, General, defeat of 16
Berries, use of, by the Menomini 291 Bread of jmeblo Indians 522
Bibliography, -work in xlii — , use of, among Colorado river Indians. 485
— of Coronado expedition 599 '
Brevoort. H. B., land-treaty witness 28
BiDDLB, J. "W., quoted on Tomau 54-55 !
Bridge built by Spaniards across Cana-
— on death of Tomau
, 56 dian river 397, 504
BiQOTES, captain of Cicuye indiana 490 : — Indian, across Bio Grande
, 511
^, see "Whiskers. — mystic, in Menomini myth
, 225
BiLLEGAS, Francisco de, agent for De Soto !
Brigantines, Frencli, on the coast of New
in Mexico 366 Spain 547
— correspondence of, with De Soto
, 370 '

Bristles used in drilling 267

BiLOXi, study of language of Ix I

Bbotherton laud purchase 22

BiECHBARK, Bonga recorded on 107 Brunson, Alfred, quoted on the Menom-
— used for canoes 293
j
ini 36
~~ used for utensils 288 Brush, E. A., land-treaty witness 29
—
;

used in bouse building 25'J

[Link], Alarcon's name for Colorado
— used in j uggler's lodge 140 river 406, 574
— used in medicine lodge 72 1
Buffalo, Bison. see
Birds, M^'nabflah and the 203 Buffalo plains visited by Spaniards Ivil
— of pueblo region 521
I

j
Buffalo skins given to Coronado 505
Bison first seen by Coronado's force
— description of
391 '.

— obtained through trade by Sonora In-

, 527,541.543
dians 357
— described by Cicuye Indians 490
Bullet GAME of the Menomini 242
— described by Colorado river Indians. .. 405
BObgos. Juan de, estates of, forfeited for
— described by companion of Coronado.. 570
!

bachelorhood 379
— described by Coronado 580 Burial among pueblo Indians 518
— described by Jaramillo
I

587 ,
— by Tiguex indians 595
.— , Alvarado's journey among 576 I
—,*ee Mortuary customs.
— , Coronado's army supplied with meat !
BURlEL, a variety of clotli 543
of 577,581 I
Burning of Indian captives condemned
— killed by plains indiana 504 I
by Spaniards 393
 . .. . ..

[KTH. ANN. 14
618 INDEX TO PART 1

Page Page
BcBNINOofindiansatstekebySpaniards. 497 CAEDBNA8, Gahcia Lopbz, recalled to
46 Spain 399,578,583
BirtTK DES MonTS, treaty of 27,

Bi'ZZARD in Menomini mythology..

185, 202 Cardinal points in Potawatomi myth. . 209

Cardona, Antonio Serrano de. See

Cabeza de Taca, Alvae NnSBZ, arrival
Serrano.
of, inXew Spain -- ^*^''^*
C ARON. Josette. Menomini treaty signer 28
347
—, royal treasurer on Narvaez' expedition — , tee Karon.
Ivi
— journey of
, Carbon, genealogy of iJO, 53

_, narrative of Narvaez' expedition

by 349
.

349
— medal presented to
,
18

— narrative translated by Ternaux

,
of,
. .
Carron family, importance of 45
_ tells Alvarado of bia discoveries 352
Cartographic results of Coronado expe-
689
_, Indian traditions regarding dition *<'3
354
—.efforts to verify reports of Caever, Jonathan, medicine ceremony
—.description of bison by
543, MS 11 1-113
described by
360
— nses gourds of Indian medicinemen — on Cree jugglery
,
141-143
505, 506
J, traces of, found by Coronado — on Green Bay indian habitat
,
19
484,585
_, in Corazoces valley
403
— on progress of Green Bay
,
18
Cabot, Sebastia.n-, map of cited Casa de Contratacion, description of .. 351
Cabkillo, J. R., voyage of, along Califor- Casa Grande, attempts to identify with
Di» coast •
CbichilticaLi 387
Cactcs spines used for poisoningarrows. «> Cass, Lewis, treaty commissioner 27,28
xxxviil
California, study of Indians of
412
— experience of, at Ottawa ceremony
,
105

— coast of, explored by Ferrel

,

389,514
Cass manuscripts quoted on Canadian
_,explorationof gulf of indian magic 144
404, 486
_, peninsula of, mistaken for an island. .
— quoted on Rabbit-rock myth 117

— , natives of peninsula of
148
CastaSeda, Alonso de, death of 500
HiHAM, on Ojibwa Jugglery
CALKI.N3, CastaSeda, Pedro de, narrative of Coro-
17
Campbell, Donald, at Detroit in 1761 nado expedition by Iv, 413, 417

Campo, Andres do, Portuguese compan- —, manuscript of, in Lenox library 339,413
*^
ion of Padilla •
— story of an indian trader
,
345
_ remains in Qnivira 629,535
explanation of troubles between Friar
,

Spain 401,644
New 355
_, return of, to Marcos and Estevan
Canadian eiveb, journey of Alvarado — , story of Estevan's death 300
... 391,576
along ,
'
— , says Friar Marcos' promotion was ar-

— crossed by Coronado
397, 604
ranged by Mendoza 364
229. 231
Cannibalism in ilenomini myth 168, 194, .
, accusations against Friar Marcos 366
292
Canoes of the Menomini —
I

, mistake regarding departure of Alar-

126
— , mythic origin of
239
con 385

— , burials in i
— storiesofrcvoltofRioGrando Indians.
,
393
Canteloupes, introduction of, into pneblo
550
j
— credibility of his version of the Turk's
,

country ,- stories of Quivira 394

616
— diannsoof as food
, i: — .familyof *"•
Canton of the Colorado visited by — Spanish family name
,
511
390, 489
Spaniards — difticulties in manuscript of
,
513, 514

Capetlan, tee Capothan. — ,

peculiarities of style of 525,626
Capothan, province in New Spain 529 Castillo, Aloxso del, same as Maldon-
Capotlan or Capotean, Indians from, ado 348
592
accompany Padilla Catawba, proportion of warriors to pop
35. 33
Captives held as slaves ulation
Cabbajal, death of Spaniard named 500 — researches
,
among the xl
214
Cardenas, Dieoo Lopez dk, name of, Catfish, folktale of the
given by Mota Pa<lilla C ATLixiTE used for pipes by Menomini . 248

Cattle, early introduction of Ivi

Cardenas, Garcia Lopez, eucceeds Sa-

maniego as fii-ldmastcr 388 — imported into New Spain 376

— appointment of. as captain

,
477 Cavallos, Bahiade los, site of Narvaez'
347
— confusion of, with U rrca
,
*»» camp -

_ visits Colorado river IvU, 390, 489, 574 Cedros, Arroyo de TX)S, crossed by Cor.
584
— Indian village attacked by
,
496 ouado
Centizpac, a river in New Galicia 382
_, Coronado protected by, at Cibola.. 483,557,573
Ceremonial baton described and figured 72-73
— , treachery of Indians toward 498
— MEAL, use of on Moki trails 488
— , Indians interviewed by 497
Ceremonies of pueblo Indians 544, 550, 673
— , interview of, with Indians 555,550

— atTiguex *^- — pueblo, studied by Fewkes

,
359

—
,

,
preparations for winter qnarters by. . 570 — of Tiguex indians 595

— , accident to ^^> ^'' Cereus thurberii, tee Pitahava.

Certificate of Tshekatshakemau 45
— , death of brother of 530
 .

ETH. ANN. 14] INDEX TO PART 1 619

Page Page
Cervantes, a Spauish soldier 503 Cibola, storiesof, inspired by FriarMarcos 364
Cbvola, see Cibola. — captured by Coronado Ivii, 388, 556, 565, 573
Chakekenapok in Potawatomi myth 207 — CastaQeda's description of
, 482
Chametla, see Chiamktla. — Diaz' description of houses at
. 548
Chamita, on siteof Tuqueyunque 510,525 — Coronado's description of
, 558
Channing, Edward, acknowledgments to 339 — , description of 517,565,569,573
Chants, Menomini ceremonial 78, — , description of houses at 520
79, 86-87, 105 — , cartographic history of 403
Charcoal used in medicine 136 — , see ZUNi.
Charlevoix on Fox Indian early habitat. 19 Cicuic, gee Cicuye, Pecos.
— on Huron jugglers 139 CicuiQUE, see Cicuyk.
— on jugglery 152-153 CicUYE, synonymous with Pecos 391
— on the Menomini 34, 36 — description of
, 523. 525
Charms, hunting, among Menomini 67 — described by companions of Coronado . 570,575
— love, of the Menomini
, 154, 156 — described by Jaramillo 587
Chemehuevi, arrow making by the 275 — Indians from, visit Coronado
. 490
—, bows of the 281 — Alvarado's visit to
, 491
— , stone arrowpoints of the 283 — visit of Coronado to
, 502
— , stone chipping by the 283 — treachery of indians at
, 509
— stone implements of the
. 256 — siege of, by Spaniards
, 511
Cherino, Pero [Link], see Almidez. — cartographic history of
, 403
Cherokee, proportion of warriors to pop- — river of, crossed by Spaniards
, 504, 510
ulation 33 Cinaloa river crossed by Coronado 584
Cheyenne, ghost dance among xixix — north of Xew Galicia 386, 515
— .study of language of xU Clan, see Totem.
Chia, indiau village mentioned by Jara- Clark, William, Menomini treaty com-
millo 587 missioner 20, 21
— , mention of road to 594 Classification of indian tribes xxvii
— , cannon deiwsited in villages of 503 Claude, see Konot.
— , see Sia. [Link]-mirror trick 99-100
Chiametla, appointment of Trejo in 500 Climate of Cibola, Coronado's acconnt of. 559
— death of Samaniego at
, 480, 547 Clothing of the Hopi 517
— , desertion of 383 — of indians at Quivira 583
Chicago, origin of name 238 — of indians at Sonora 515
Chichilticalli, description of 510 — of indians taken by Spaniards 495
— described by Jaramillo 584 — of plains indians 507
— described by Mota Padilla 487 — of pueblo indians 404,
— , limit of Diaz' exploration 303 517, 549, 562, 563, 569, 573, 586, 595
—, first sight of, by Coronado 482 Clubs, indian 498
— visited by Coronado 387 Coahuila, a Mexican state 545
— Coronado"s description of
, 554 Cochin, letter from, toMcndoza 413
—.visit of Diaz to 480 CoCHiTl, pueblo of 525
— visit of Friar Marcos to
, 475 Coco, Alvarado's name for Acoma 594
Chichimecas, Mexican word for braves. 524 Colima, town in western New Spain 385
— .Mexican Indians 529 — , illness of Mendoza at 551
Chickasaw, ball-game of the 129 — , ravines of 505
Chickeny, member of Menomini court. . 35 Colonists of New Spain, characteristics
Chiefs, Menomini. descent of 39, 43
of 373
— .Menomini, genealogy of 44-60
Colonization of New Spain 374
— Menomini, succession of
, 44
Color significance in Menomini ceremo-
Chimneys not built by Menomini 253
nial 76
China, coast of, connecte<l with America. 513, 526
Colorado, adobe of 520
Chinookax BIBLIOGRAPHY, work on xliii
Cou^rado river, discovery of 403, 574
Chipiapoos in Potawatomi myth 207
— , visit of Diaz to 406,485
Chipmcnk in Menomini myth 229
— , visit of Cardenas to 390, 489
Chippeway, seeOjibwa. Columbia river, drift of, seen by Ferrel. 412
Chipping, see Arrow making. Columbian exposition, Bureau collection
Choctaw, ball game of the 129
at ^ xxxvi. xxxix, xlvi
— proportion of warriors to population
,
. 33 Comanche, identification of, with Teya.. 524
Chouteau, A., Menomini treaty commis- — ghost danco among the
,
xxxix
sioner 20, 21 ~, linguistic affinity of the 525
Christianization of Indians, jugglery op- Combs, use of, in weaving 563
posed to 138, 139 CoMPOSTELA, establishment of 473
Chum ASH, shell drilling by the 266 — rendezvous of Coronado's army at
, 362
Cibola described by indians of Sonora. . 356 — review of Coronado's force in
, 596
— , extent of range of 358 — departure of Coronado from
, 377, 478
 ..
.

620 INDEX TO PART 1 [ETH. ANN. li

Page Page
COMUPATRico, settlement of 515 Cortes Hernando, trial for murder of
Coxa, settlement of plains incUaus 507 wife of 473
CONANT, S., land-treaty witness 29 — feats of
, 540
CoxNEE, Henhy, land-treaty witness 29 — probably mistaken reference
, to, iu
CoNQUiSTADOBES, meaning of term iu New Kamusio 556
Spain 563 CosMOUxirof the Menomini 20
CoPALA, name of province in great plains 492 Cotton at Acoma, Coronado's account
Copper fonnd by Coronado at Quirira. . . 397 of 560
509. 577, 582 — cultivation of on Rio Grande
, 575
— recognized by Colorado river indiang. 405 — found at Cibola by Coronado 558
— arrows poisoned by corrosion 285 — use of, by pueblo indians
, 569
— bell found among Tjexas indians 350 — blankets, native American 517
— mines, ancient, in Michigan xxxv,345 — cloth at Tusayan 489
— spearheads ou Menomini reserve 37 36, Council for the Indies, investigates
COQUITE. pueblo of 523 charges against Cabeza de Vaca 349
CORAZONES, settlement of, by Arellano... 572 Court, indiax, among the Menomini 34
— , river and settlement of 515 Cows, see Bison.
— , description of, by Jaramillo 585 Coyote iu Selish myth ^.. 205
— , food sni)ply iu 553 Cradles of the Menomini 258
— , kindness of indians of 534,637 Cranes in pueblo region 521
— , or valley of Hearts, in Sonora 392 Cree, jugglery among the 141-143
— Coronado's army in valley of
, 484 Creek, proportion of warriors to popula
Cordage of the Menomini 260,273 tion 33
Corn, description of native American... 518 Cremation among pueblo indians 518
— stores of, tept by Indians
, 584 Crime amoug the Menomini 34
— method of grinding, at pueblos
, 522, 559 Cross, sign of, among pueblo indians 518
— see Maize.
, — veneration for, amoug Indians
, 544. 548, 555
Coronado, Francisco Vazquez, commis- — raised by Coronado in Quivira 591
sion of, as governor of New Galicia 351 Crow INDIANS, arrows of the 279
— , escorts Friar Marcos to Culiacan 355 ~,see Absaroka.
— , returns to Mexico with Friar Marcos. 362, 381 Crows in Menomini myth 195.233
— , accompanied Mendoza to Mexico 376 — in pueblo region 521
— ,request by, for investigation of per- Cruz, Kahia de la. explored by Xarvaez. 346
sonnel of force 377 Cucumbers, Menomini fondness for 73
— , marriage and history 379, 474 Culiacan, San Miguel de 547
— ,
quells revoltof minersatAmatfipeque. 380 — foundation of, by Guzman
, 473
— , rumorsof hisappointmentasgovemor. 380 — , description of 513
— , wounded at Cibola 573, 565, 388, 483, 557 — , arrival of Cabeza de Vaca at 474
— , departure of, for Quivira 395,577 — , Coronado entertained at 384
— , return of, to Mexico 401 — , Coronado's departure from 552
— , end of career of 402 — , return of Corouado to 538
— appointment of
, 474,476 Cult societies of the Menomini 66
^, departure of, from Compostela 478 CuLUACAN, see Culiacan.
— Tutahaco visited by
, 492 Currants, wild, found by Coronado 510
— , letter written by, to survirora of Nar- CusHiNO, F. H., on Acus. Totonteac. and
vaez' expedition 507,590 Marata 357
^, separation of, from main army ^., 508 ^, on Indian burials 518
— , cause of illness of 531, 538, 579 — , on iudian fruit preserves 487
— , departure of, from Culiacan 652 — work of
. xxxvi, xUv
— , regrets of, for failure of expedition. . 583 Cuyacan, Andres de, indian ally of Coro-
— petition from, to Mendoza
, 596 na^io 536
Coronado expedition, memoir on 1, . . liv, 329-613
Cortes, Hernando, defeats Na^^•aez 346
Dakota indians, ball game of the 129
— , Marquis del valle deOxitipar 350
-;-, mounds attributed to the 38
— settlement at Santa Cruz 351
— poisoned arrows used by the
, 285
—
,

— , declares Friar Marcos' report to be a

monograph on language of
, xl
Dalton, Captain, on Menomini warriors
lie 367
— , troubles of, with Mendoza '.,. 368, 409
in the Revolution 18

— expedition under Ulloa to head of gnlf

,
Dance-dags of the Menomini 272
of California 369
Dance inclosure of the Dreamers 158, 159
— arguments before the Council for the
,
Dance, war, of the Winnebago 25
Indies 371 DANCESof the Menomini 247
— efforts to populate New Spain
, 373 — of the Tabus 513
— importation of cattle by
, 374 Daniel, Franciscan friar and lay brother.. 474,536
^, name Nueva Kspafia given by 403 Davis, Solomon, Oneida allotment ex-
— rivalry of, with Guzman
, 473 pendable by 30
BTH. ANN. 14] INDEX TO PART 1 621
Page Page
Davis, W. ^. H., on destruction of New Drecillettes,G., on the Green Bay tribes. 51
Ifexican documenta 535 Drilling by the Menomini 264
Da' wa-wymp-ki-yas, Tusayan sun priests 518 DELTi, medicine, of the ilenomiui 77, 113
Day', mythic origin of 200 — mystic power of
, 93
Daylight in Menomini mythology 91 — significance of the
, 159
Deer at Cibola 560 — used in Menomini jugglery 63
— , description of, by Colorado river In- — used in moccasin game 242, 243
dians 405 — at Pecos 491
— in Menomini myth
'
201 Drinkenness. absence of, at Cibola 518
— in pueblo region 518 — among the Menomini 34
— of great plains 528 — among the Tabus 574
Deer brains, bows sized with 281 DCCK in Menomini mythology 163,203,254
Demotic classification of indians xxvii, Di'RANOo, a Mexican state 545
xxviii, xxxviii — ,
province of New Spain 353
Descalona, Louis, labors of, at Pecos... Wl — , mines in 476
Descent among the Menomini 43 Dwellings of the Menomini 253
De Soto, see Soto. DzhO'seqkwai'o, genealogy of 57
Dialects among plains indians 582
Eagles Menomini mythology. 92, 131,
in . 166, 217
Diaz, Melchior, position of 477
— ordered to verify Friar Marcos' re-
,
— tame, kept by indians
, 516
Eames, "Wilberfobcb, acknowledgments
ports 363
to 339
— Niza's report investigated by
, 547, 553, 572
Earth, Menomini personification of 87
— on Niza's discoveries
, 383
Earthenware of indians mentioned by
— , incommand of San Hieronimo 392
Castaueda 511
— , command of, at Corazones 484
— see Pottery.
— exploration by
,
.'
406, 480, 485, 574
,

Earthquakes near mouth of Colorado

—, death of 407.501
river 501
Dickson, Robert, at capture of Macki-
Eclipse, eflectof, at Cibola 518
naw 55
— , indians under, in war of 1812 19
Edwards, N., Menomini treaty commis-
sioner 20, 21
Dixwiddie, "William, work of xxxvi
Disease attributed to witchcraft 139 Eels, Myron, acknowledgments to xliii

— treatment of, by jugglery

, 149-150 Elk people, myth of the 182
Ellis, A. G., on Eleazer Williams
— treatment ot, bj' sucking
, 149 23
Diving contest in ilenomini myth 189 — on Menomini land cessions
, 22
Divorce among pueblo indians 521
— on selection of Menomini chief
, 46
— ,Ma&riage.
see
— on the Stambaugh treaty
, 29
Dodge, Richard I., on classitication of
Encaconados, Sonoran use of term 358
arrows 278
Ernest, a Menomini, genealogy of 50
Espejo, Antonio de, Mexican indians
Do Campo, seeCAMPO.
Dogs ceremonially eaten Ill
found at Cibola by 401,536
— in Menomini myth 179, 194
— on clothing of Zuiii Indians
, 517

—.mention in connection
of, with Coro- — on Coronado's attack on Tiguex
, 496
nado expedition 401, 405. 407
— on plains indians
, 527
— use of, by plains indians
, 504, 507, 527, 570, 578
. .
EsPiNOSA, death of 555,564,586
Domingcez, quotations from dictionary EspiRtTU Santo river identified with Mis-
of sissippi 346
545
DoNADO, ecclesiastical use of term 400 ESTEBANILLO, see Estevan.
Dorantes, Andres, survivor of Xarvaez ESTEVAN, survivor of Karvaez expedition. 348
expedition 348 — qualifications as a guide
,
354
— , remains in Mexico to conduct explora- — proceeds to Cibola in advance of Kiza. 355
tions 349
— , travels of 474
— , travels of 474 — death of
, 360,475,551,586
— traces of, found by Coronado
, 505, 506
— Coronado's account of tho death of...
. 563
Dorantes, Francisco, mistake for An- — death of, described by Colorado river
,

dres 348 indians 405

— see Cabeza de Vaca.
,
— native legends of death of
, 361
Dorsey, J. O., linguistic researches by. . . xl, xlv Estrada, Aloxzo de, royal treasurer for
— on Indian religious concepts
, 39 New Spain 379
Drake, Francis, on indian giants 485
— parentage of
, 474
Draper, L.C., on Eleazer "Williams 23 Estrada, Beatrice de, wife of Coronado. 379, 478
— quoted on Oshkosh
, 46 Estremadura, Spanish province 511
— quoted on Tshekatshakemau
, 45 Estufas, descriptions of 520
Dreamer society of the Menomini ... 63, 157-161 — description of, by Jaramillo
, 587
Dreams, efiect of certain 262 — , referenceto 569
Dbess, ceremonial, of the Menomini 74, 264 — at Cibola 518
 . .

622 INDEX TO PART 1 [[Link]. 14

Page Page
iCsTUFAS, very larj^e, at Braba 511 Food, animal, selection of, in myth 200
— , see KivA. — of Aconia Indians 491
ETEEEiN(iTON, CAPTAIN, and the Pontiac — supply of, in Acoma
, 594
conapiracy 130 — of the Menomini 273,285-292
Ethnology, Btatus of xxx — of pueblo Indians.. 506.527,549,559,569,586,593
EtJDKVE, branch of Opata indiaus 537 — supply of Tigm-x indians 695
EUPHORBIACEA, iianie of Opata poison... 538 — supply of Spanish army 562
Exploration by the Bureau xl vi — of Tusayan indians 489
— offerings to dead 239
Vacbblackenino aa mourning custom 24t .
— products, collection of xxxix
Facial DECORATION of t'»e Meuomini.. 75-76,156 Footprints iu pictography 109
Fasting, ceremonial, liy the "Winnebago. 110 Foot racing among various tribes 246
— in Menomini myth 224 — in Menomini myth 191
Fauvel, J. B. F., land-treaty witness 29 Forsyth, R. A., land-treaty witness 29
Feast in Menomini myth 227 FowKE, Gerard, work of xxxvi, xxxvii
— ceremonial, of tlio Menomini
, 73 Fowls, domestic, among the pueblos 516,
— hunting, of the Menomini
, 151
521.559
— mortuary, of the Menomini
, 69 Fox in Menomini mythology 91,172,191
— , mortuary, of the Ojib wa 68 Fox INDIANS, early habitat of the 16,19
Feathering of arrows 276 — expulsion of the
, 16
Feathers, Indian trade in 472 Franciscans, election of Niza by 476
— , significance of 268 — dress of
, 543
— , use of, by pueblo Indians 544, 559, 570 — iu New Spain 474
— , use of, garments
for 517 French inhabitants of Green Bay "^
24
— , war, of the Menomini 268 — , with Menomini
marriage of, 16
Fences around Menomini grares 240-241 French and Indian war 16
— of the Menomini 255 Frio, rio, crossed by Coronado 586
Ferdinand, King, family of ; 474 Fruit, introduction of, into pueblo coun-
Fernandez, Domingo, Spanish soldier,
try 550
death of 538
Ferrel, B. de, pilot and successor of
— , wild, of great plains 528
Funeral witnessed by Coronado 519
Cabrillo 411
— see Mortuary customs.
,

Fetiches, found in graves at Sikyatki . . . 519

Furniture of the Menomini 256
Fewkks, J. AV alter, excavations by 519
— , researches at Tusayan and Zuni 339, 359 Galeras, Juan, exploration of Colorado
— , on estufas 520 river canyons by 489
— , on Hopi ceremonials 544,550 Galicia,New Kingdom of, in New Spain . 473
— , on snake dance 561 Galindo, Luis, chief justice for New
— , on sun priests and kiva ceremonies... 518 Galicia 351
FiGUEROA, Gomez Suarez de, companion Galisteo, pueblo of 523. 525
of Corouado 477 — mention of, by Jararaillo
, 587
Financial statement xlix Galleoo, Ju.\n, companion of Coronado. 477
Fire, Menomini mythic origin of 40, 41, 126 — mes-senger from Coronado to Mendoza
, . 392. 394
— , Menomini personification of 87 — messenger from Mexico to Coronado.
, . 533, 534
— ,
perpetual, in Potawatonii myth '
208 — In Corazones 484
Firebrand, use of, by Indians iu travel- — meets Coronado on his return
, 637
ing 485 — feats of
, 540
Firebrand river, nee Colorado, Tizon. Gambling by tho Menomini 241
Fire-handling by the "Wabeno 151 Game in pueblo region 518,521,560
Fish in Alenomini myth 125, 200, 217 — in Menomini region liv,272
— used by the Menomini 290 Games of the Menomini 241-247
FiSHHAWK Menomini myth
in 200 Gantt,S., Menomini treaty commissioner. 21
Fishing by the Menomini 272 Garcia, Andres, on effect of Marcos' re-
Flax, river of 554,555 port 365
— , wild, on great plains 528, 591 Garcia Icazbalceta see Icazbalceta.
Fletcher, Francis, on Indian giants 485 Garnets found at Cibola by Coronado . . 559
Fletcher, J. E., on "Winnebago ceremo- Garters of the Menomini 269
nial 110 Gatschet, a. S., linguistic researches
Flight, symbols of 129 by xl
Flint, Menomini personification of 87 — on name of Cibola
, 517
Florida explored by De Soto 370 Gauthiek family, pipe presented to 248
— explored by Narvaez 346, 474 Geese in pueblo region 521
— reputed bad character of country of..
, 545 — in Menomini myth 204
Flowers, use of, in pueblo ceremonials.. 544 Genealogy of Menomini chiefs 44-00
Flutes at Pecos 491 Genesis of the AbnakI , 87
Folktales of the MeuomiDl 209-239 — of the Menomini 87, 113
 . .

ETH. ANN. 14] INDEX TO PART 1 623

Tase Page
GaoGRAPuiCAL results of Coronado expe- Great Mystery of tlie Menomini 39
dition 403 Great plains, description of 527
Gbost dance among theMenoniini G3 — description of, by companion of Cor-
,

— religion, memoir on 1, Iviii onado 570

— study of t he
, xxxix — Coronado's description of
, 580
Ghost sociKTY of the Ojibwa C7 — ,dangers of traveling on 578
Giants in Menomini mjth 205.231 Great Spirit, see Spirituality,
— , discovery of tribe of 392 Green Bay, origin of name 15
— , Indian, finding of, by Maldunado 484 — Indiana on, in 1766
,
ig
— , indiun, visit of DJaz among 485 ~ abandoned by English 18
Gila RivEft, possible early visit to 333 — land claims at
, 28
Gill, De
W., work of L. xsxvi, xlvii — progress of
, 18
Gill, J. K., acknowledgments to xlii — visited by Jedidiah Morse 22-23
GiTSCHEE, Waubezhaas, Ojibwa treaty Grey friars, name of 543
signer 28 Grionon, a., on Menomini characteris-
Glode, genealogy of 57 tics 34
— see KONOT.
, — , Menomini slavery 35
Glue used by Indians 276, 284 — , on progress of Green Bay 18
Goats, mountain, in pueblocountry 550,560 — quoted on AiAmitii
, 56
— mountain, seen by Spaniards
, 516 — quoted on Carron
, 51
Gold, discovery of, Suya 533 — quoted on Konot
. 52, 54
— found by Coronado at Cibola .*
563 — quoted on Tomau
, 54,56,57
— reports of, from Quivira
, 503, 504, 512 GuACHiCHULES, Mexlcau native province. 545
— found at Quivira by Coronado 582 Guadalajara, citizens of, in Coronado's
— in Menomini myth 225 army 593
— use in indian trade
, of, 472 — , defense of, in Mixton war 408, 410
GOMARA, F. [Link], on Chichimecas 524 — , election of magistrates at 381
— on clothing of pueblo Indians
, 517 Guadalajara, Anton de, native ally of
— description of bison by
, 543 Coronado 535
— on illness of Coronado
, 531 Guadalaxara, name of, changed in 1540. 473
— on return of Coronado
, 539 Guadalupe canyon, pueblos in 525
— on capture of Cibola
, 483 Guadiana, Spanish river 5U
— on stories told by Turk Indian
, 492 GUAES, province near Quivira 503, 529
— on Quivira and Pad ilia
, 529 Guaoarispa, settlement of 515
— quotation from
, 497 — «fe Arispa, Ispa.
,

Goose, see (Jeese. Guas, province of great plains 503, 529

GoRBALAN, Francisco, companion of Cor- Gcatkmala explored by Alvarado 352
onado 477 — wives for settlers imported into
, 374
GoEMANDiSM of the Menomini 287 GuATULCO, port of New Spain 369
Gorrell, James, Green Bay governed by 17 Guatuzaca, indian mythological person-
— abandonment of Green Bay by
, 18 age 405
— Menomini friendliness toward
, 34 Guevara, Diego de, name of, cited by
— on Menomini population
, 32 Mota Padilla 477
Gourd used by Estevan as sign of au- — indian village captured by
, r^iiQ

thority 360 Guevara, Juan De, appointment of son of. 477

— , use water
of, for carrying 490 Guevara, Pedro de, appointment of, as
Government of pueblo indians 356,518,561 captain 477
— of Sonora indians 515 Gum used in blade mounting 285
— of the Menomini 39 Gutierres, Diego, appointment of, as cap-
Graham, K., Menomini treaty commis- tain 477
sioner 21 GuYAs, «e« Guas.
Granada, Coronado's name for Hawikuli. 389, Guzman, NuSo de, president of Mexican
558,564 audiencia 350
— , gee Hawikuh, Cibola. — position in Kow Spain
, of, 472
Grand Baptiste, «ee Rice. Jean B. ^, conquest of Xew Galicia by 351
G band canyon, discovery of Ivii — arguments before Council
, of, for the
^, -Tec Colorado river. Indies 372
Grand Medicine society, Menomini 66-138 — ,Culiacan settled by 513
Grapes, introduction of, into pueblo coun- — ,expedition of, to Seven Cities 473
try 550
— ,result of abuses of 408
— , by Coronado. 507, 510, 528, 582, 591
wild, found .
— , imprisoned in Mexico 351

Grasshoppers in Menomini myth 205 Hacus, use of name by Xiza 575

~- used as food 287 IIailstones, effect of, in Coronado's camp. 506
Grave boxes, Menomini 74-75 Hair used for producing abortion 286
Grave posts of the Menomini 74 Hair-cutting as a mourning custom 241
Gbaves. «ee Mortuary customs. Hair-dress of pueblo women 517
 .

624 INDEX TO PART 1 [eth. axx. U

Page Page
H AiR-PLrcKiNO by the irenomiui 210 noDGE, F. "W*., on Znfii name of Acoma. 490
Hakluvt, K., translatiou of Coronatlo'a — on probable identification of Teyas. ..
, 524
letter by 552 — on cotton at Tusayan
, 550
— , omissions in translation by 563 — on pueblo of Matsaki
, 517
— ,
quotation fri>ni 554, 558, 56U — on native names for Taos
, 575
— , Zufii name for Acoma 490,560,575 — , on Zufii foot racing 247
— Zuni name for Acomay>eople
, 490,575 Hoffman, AV". J., memoir by, on Menomini
Hale, IIokatio, aclinowle<lg:menta to xliii iudians 1. 3-328
Hammocks of tbe Menoraiui 25S — work of
, xxxiii
Hano, a Tusayan village 519 Holland Land Company, sketcliof 21
Hahahey, chief of, visits Coronado 590 Holmes, AV. H., on pueblo jwttery 522
Haral, see Kaxa. — , researches of ixxv
Harai.e. deacriptiou of, told to Coronado. 570 Honduras, exploration of, by Alvarado.. 352
Harrison, T., ilenomiui treaty commis- Hoc Tshoop, Menomini treaty signer 28
sioner 21 Hopi, tribal name of iudlaua at Tuaayan. 390
Hawikl'H captured by Coronado Ivii — diacovery of the
, Ivii
— , former importance of 358 — crdlectiona from the
, xxxix
— , scene of Estcvan'.s deatli 361 — natal ceremonies of
, 517
— , similarity of, with Albaicin 564 — paraphernalia found in graves at Sik-
— , Spanish name for 389 yatki 519
Hawk in Menomini myth 92, 200, 233 — tame eagles among
, 516
Haxa or Haya, province near Mississippi — use of urine by
, 522
river 504, 505, 507 — see MoKi, Tusayan.
,

Havxes, Henry ^'., aoknowledgmeuta to. 339 Horses, epidemic among, in Xew Mexico. 536
— error of Castaneda corrected by
, 501 — , utility of, in new countries 546
— on date of Coronado's departure
, 382 Houses of plains indians 528
— on identification of Cibola
, 389 — , gee ADOfiE, Architecture, Lodge.
Headiiaxds of pueblo indians referred to. 549 Huc-aritz-p.\.. gee Ahispa.
Hearts of animals, use of, as food 484 Humming-bird in Menomini myth 233
Hearts vaixey, named by Cabcza de Hunter and his sister, folktale of the ... 222
Yaca 392 — and the Elk people 182
— , CORAZONES.
-S'e«^ — and the snow 216
Hell-diver in Menomini myth 204 — young, myth concerning
,
181
Hemenway, Augustus, acknowledg- Hunting by the Menomini 272
ments to 339 — decline of. among the Menomini
, 34
Hemenway EXPEDmON, bones in collec- — feast of the Menomini 151
tion of 540 — medicine made by skunk 213
Hemes pueblos 519, 525 — medicine of the Menonimi 155
— , Barrionuevo to
visit of 510 — medicines, mystic origin of 93
— see Jemez.
, Huron, jugglers among the 139
Hendrick, S. U., a Stockbridge chief 22. 25
Heniquen fiber tised by pueblo indianw. 573 Ibarra, Francisco de, mention of 500

Hennepin, Louis, on sorcery among north- Iberville. L. d', colonization by 14

ern tribes , 141 ICAZBALCETA, JoAQUiN CrARCiA, acknowl-

Henry, Alexander, on Ojibwa treatment edgments to 339,413,568
of disease by jugglery 149 Idolatry among Tahua 513
— on the Pontiac conspiracy
, 131 Illinois Indians, population of, in 1634.. 15
Henshaw, H. W., work of xxxvi, Illustrations, preparation of xlvii

xxxviii, xlv, xlvi Immigration, early, into Xew Spain 374

Herbalists of the Menomini 67 Implements of the Menomini 256
— gee Medicine-men.
,
Incas, effect of stories of wealth of 350
Hernandez, Luis, Spanish soldier, death India, coast of. connected with America. 513,526
of 538 Inemikee. Menomini treaty commissioner 21

Herrera, a. .de, on Coronado's visit to INFANTADO, DuKE OF, appointment of

Quivira 509 brother-in-law of 477
— on explorations by Diaz 406 Initiation into Menomini Mitawit. . 67, 68, 85, 137
— into AVinnebago society
,

— quoted on nagualism
,
65 110
— quotation from
,
507 Inquisition, badge of, described 507
Hewitt, J. X. 15., linguistic researches by xl, xli Intkr-marriaqe among the Menomini 85
— on arrow-poisoning among Iroqnoian
,
— . «fe Marriage.
tribes 285 iNTERPRtTERS, followers of Cabeza de
HiLLERS, J. K., photographic work hy xlviii Vaca trained as 354
Hodge, F. AV., workof xlv, Ivii Intoxicants introduced among Menom-
— .acknowledgments to 339,599 ini 215
— , identitication of cities of Cibola 361,389 Iroqcoian languages, study of the xli
— , identification of plains Indians 396 Iroquois, jugglers amongthe 139
 . .
. .. .

KTH, ANN. 14] INDEX TO PART 1 625

Page Page
iROQtTOiB, poisoned arrowe used by the. . 285 KCHEHNITO in Menomini mythology 207
Ibwin, Major, nn Sauk and Fox expul- Kegissb, Menomini treaty signer 2S
aioii 19 Keres pueblo, iee Queres.
Island of the Mabquis, Barae as Lower Keshena, chief, agreement of, to land
California 351 treaty 31
ISLETA, Coronado's visit to 492 — town, mounds near
, 36-38
— name of Cibola at
, 517 Keshiene, genealogy of 59
ISOPETE, see YSOPETE. Keshimney, Menomini treaty signer 2»
IsPA, iodiao settlement visited by Coro- Key, Phiup B., land-treaty witness 28
nado 585 K'iakima, a pueblo of Cibola 389
— ,tee Arispa. — legend of Estevan 's death at
, 361
K'lAPK wainakwin, location of 358-
Jacona, Mendoza's letter from 551
Kibbe, Amos, Menomini treaty comrais-
Japanese, bows of the 281
«ioner 21
[Link], Juan, on the visit to Quivira. 396
KiCHiAEMTORT, Menomini treaty signer.. 2S
— , translation of narrative of 584
KiLLiKiMK, of wbatcomposed 250
Jemes pueblos 525
— aee Hemes.
,
— see Tobacco.
,

Kimiown, Menomini treaty signer 28

Jeronimo de Santistkban, letter of, to
Kingfisher in Menomini myth 116
Mendoza 412
KiNOKE, genealogy of 49
Jesuit relations, abstracts from xlli
KiNZiE, J., JR., land-treaty witness 29
Johnson, Sir William, indian council
Kiowa, investigation of the xxxix
called by 18
KiVA, Coronado's description of 558
— instructions to Gorrell from
, 17
— described by Colorado river Indians. . 405^
Jones, D. G., land-treaty witness 29
Jones, Peter, juggler lodgedescribed by. 146
— see ESTUFA.
,

Klali^m, poisoned arrows used by the 285-

— on Meuoniini love powders
, 153
Knives of the Menomini
. .

241, 260'
— on Ojibwa witchcraft
, 143
— stone, of plain s indians
— on rejiuted power of medicine-hag
. 262
—
,

theUte
stone, of
528-
283
— on the Menomini'Wabeno
, 152
,

Kohl, J. G., on Ojibwa mnemonic songs. 106, 107

Joseph, a Menomini, genealogy of 58
Kominikey, Menomini treaty signer 28-
Josephine, ««« BzhOseqkwaio.
KoNAPAMiK, see Shell.
JOSETTE, genealogy of 57
KoNOT, genealogy of 51, 55^
Juana, Queen of Spain 477
Kosev, genealogy of 60-
Juan Aleman, name given to pueblo in-
KosHKANOQNA', genealogy of 49'
dian 495
— ,treachery of 498 Lachimi river mentioned 553"
Juan de la Asuncion, Franciscan friar — see Taqui, Yaquimi.
,

in New Spain 353 La CROSSE, origin of game of 130

Juan de la Cruz, death of, at Tiguex... 401,535 — played by Menomini 244
Juan Rodbigues, Isla de, Spanish name La Flesche, Frank, on source of Omaha
for San Miguel 411 medicine rituals 62
Juez de residencia, functions of 474 Laguna, pueblo of 525
Jugglers among Algonquian tribes 62 Lahontan, Baron, on Algonquian treat-
— mystic power of
, 104, 139 ment of disease 140
— of the Menomini 66,97, 138-151 La Natividad, arrival of Alvarado at. . 409
Jugglery practiced by the "Winnebago.. 110 LANDassigned to Spanish settlers 374
— compensation for
, 149 — Menomini, area of
, 31
— described by Carver 112 — status of the Menomini 31
— lodge of tlie Menomini 146-147, 255 Langlade, C. de, Braddock defeated by . 16
— mystic origin of
, 93 — indian council under
, 18
— and the Pontiac conspiracy 130
Kakuene, myth of 205 Language as a basis of classification xxix
Kanontewanteta, mother of Williams. 24 — , development of xxxi
Kansas. CaHtaiieda's description of 528 — , diversity of, among plains indians 582
— location of Quivira in
, 397, 591 — , difl&culties of interpreting indian 394
— , see QuiviRA. — , Menomini, effect of intermarriage on. 36
Kansas river crossed by Coronado 397 — Menomini, foreign terms in
, 61
Karkundeoo, Menomini treaty commis- — Menomini, publications in
, 294
sioner 21 — of Menomini cult rituals 60
Karon, genealogy of 56 — see Vocabulary.
,

— see Carbon.
.
La Paz, colony at, under Cortes 352
Karryman-nee. Menomini treaty signer 28 Lara, Alonso Manriqub de, companion
Kaw-kawsay-kaw, Menomini treaty of Coronado 477
signer 28 Lard, Menomini fondness for L'86
Kaw-nee-shaw, Menomini treaty signer. 28 Larv^ used as food :;87

14 ETH 40
 ... ...

626 INDEX TO PART 1 [KTH. ANN. U

Page Page
La Salle in Mississippi valley H Makyata, see Marata, Matyata.
Lebaknaco, Menoniini treaty comniis- Maldonado, Alonso del Castillo, sur-
sioDer 21 vivor of Xarvaez, expedition 348
Legerdemain, see Jugglery, Malik>nado, Rodbigo, appointmentof, as
Lenox Library, acknowledgment to It, 339, 413 . captain 477
Leon, Juan de. copy of evidence made by 598 — Older iu New Spain
, 596
Leopard, gee Wildcat. — visit to aeacoast by
, 484
Leslie, Lieutenant, and the Pontiac con- — , explores Gulf of California 392
spiracy 130 — , travels of 474
L'ESPAONOL, Menomini treaty signer 28 —,campof. attacked 499
Leyva, Francisco de, on eflFect of Mar- — buffalo skins given to, by Indians
, 505
cos' report : 366 — , horse of, injures Coronado 531
LiONEV, — DE, expedition of 16 Mallery, Garrick, researches of xxxii
Linguistics, work in ixxix — Indian sign language
, 504
— , see Language. Mallets, indiau 498
LiKO, Rio del, reference to 554, 555 — of the Menomini 260
Lions, native American 517 Maluco, visit to, by Villalobos 412
— in pueblo region 518 Ma'nXbush, etymology of 87, 114
— monntaiii, found
, by Coronado at Ci- — signification of
, 162
bola : 560 — mythic origin of
, 87
LiPANS, poisoned arrows used by the 285 — almde of 206
Little Valley, settlement of 515 — and the ball game 131
Lizards used as food 287 — and the bear &n&maqk!ii 175
Llama, former habitat of 549 — and the birds 203
Lodges, ceremonial, of the "Winnebago.. 110 — and the buzzard 202
— of the Menomini 253 — and the kingfisher 116
— ,«« Medicine lodge, Juooleby. — and the warriors 118
Longevity among the Menomini 45 — and the water monst«^r 125
Lopez, Diego, appointmentof, as captain. 477 — as a hunter 182
— appointment of, as army-master
, 508 — myth concerning
, 73
— Samaniego succeeded by
, 480 — genesis myth 113
— , horse of, killed at Cibola 557 — mystic gifts to
, 91, 118
— , adventure of, at Tiguex 496 — search for
, 206
— , visit of, to Haxa 505 — travels of
, 162,199
Lopez de Cardenas, G., see Cardenas. Manbasseaux, Menomini treaty signer . 28
LORIMIER, a Caiigbnawaga chief 24 Mandan slaves among Menomini 35
LosMuebtos, excavations at, in Arizona. 518 Manidos, power derived from faith in . . 105
Louisiana, Biloxi Indians of xl — Indian regard for
, 65
Love powders of the Menomini 67, 153-154 — of the Menomini 39
Lower California, early name of 351 Manitouwauk, meaning of 19
— , colonyunder Cortes
in, 351 Manrich, a. de, horse of, killed at Cibola. 557
— , Cortes' colony recalled from 369 Manriqve de Lara, Alonso, see Laba.
Lucas, native companion of Padilla 400, 535 Manufactures of the Menomini 258
Luis, a Franciscan friar 556, 565, 579 Map drawn by Coronado 392
Luis de Escalona, settlement of, at — showing results of Coronado expedi-
Cicuye 592 tion 403
LuisDB Ubeda remains at Cicuye... 401,534,535 MAPLKSiRin», use by Menomini
of, 286
Lung Woman in Menomini myth 226 Maple-sugar making 287

Macaque, a pueblo settlement

— mj'thic origin of
, 173

— «eeMATSAKI.
,
517
M aqkatabi, genealogy of 57
Marata, Coronado's account of 560
MacCaulev, Clay, on Menomini Dreamer — identified with^Matyata 357
society 160, 161
— mention of, by Diaz 550
McGee, W
J, researches of xxxviii
,

Mabco Polo, quotation from 571

McKenney, R. T., treaty commissionei;.
McKenney, T. L., treaty commissioner.
21
— , of, compared with CastaQeda.
stories 345
27, 28
Marcos, see Kiza.
Mackinac, myth concerning .• 199
Marcoux, PfeRE, on early mission records 24
Mackinaw, capture of 55
Margaret, a Menoniini, genealogy of 57
McNah, — at Eleazer Williams investi-
,

Marjoram, native American 617

gat ion 24
Magic performed by the Wabeno
— wild, found by Coronado
, 510
161 — wild, of great plains 528
—
,

,Jugglery.
see
Marksmanship of Indians 499, 507
Mago, Opata wonl for poisonous plant... 538 Marques, Isla del, name of, given to
Maguey, use of, for clothing by Indians. 569 Lower California 486
Maize, description of 518 Marquis of the Valley, title of, given
— see Corn.
, to Cortea 473
 .

ETH. ANN. 14] INDEX TO PART 1 627

Page Page
liARQUis or THE Vallky, Bee Cortes. Meloosa, Pablo de, adventure of, at
Makriage among the Xahas 513 Tiguex 496
— at Cibola 518, 521 Melons, native American 516
— of settlers favored by government 374 — stories of, kept by Indians
, 584
Martin, Domingo, floldier with Coronado 597 Mendieta, G. de, cited on work of friars
Martin, M. L., on Menomini land treaty. 26 in New Mexico 401
Masha Manido, meaning of 39 Mendoza, Antonio de, Cabeza de Yaca
Maskotin habitat in 1634 15 entertained by 348
Mason, O. T., on arrow dasaification 275 — unsuccessful expedition of, under
,

— on arrow mounting
,
278 Dorantes 349
— on compound bows
,
281 — , effects of administration of 350
Mastodon in Potawatomi myth 209 — ,
plans of, for exploring expeditions-.. 352
M ATA, a i)ueblo millBtone 522 — , instructions from, ior Niza 354
MatAki. a pueblo millstone 522 — , report on Xiza'a discoveries
of, 363
Matapa, a settlement in Sonora 355 — ,
petitions by, for right of conquest 368
Mats of the Menomini 258 — , endeavors to prevent Cortes' expedi-
— used in housebuilding 255. 514 tions 369
— used in medicine lodge 71-72 — , interference with navigation by 370
Matsaki, Cibola pueblo, description of . 493 — , right of, to explore confirmed 373
— , ruins of pueblo settlement 517 — , importation of cattle by 375
— visited by Corona<lo 594 — , familyof 376
Matshikink, member of Menomini -court 35 — , appointment of Coronado by 474
Matthews, Washington, on llama in — , friendship of, for Coronado 476
pueblo country 549 — ,address to soldiers by 478
Matvata, former New Mexican pueblo.. 357 — ,instructions of, to avoid trouble with
Maunk-hay-haith, Menomini treaty Indians , 496
signer 28 — ,complaints of, regarding arms 540
Maurault, J. A., on Abnaki genesis-.- 87 i
— ,requests for arms by 378
— on Abnaki jugglery
, 145 [
— ,disappointment of, on Coronado's re-
— on Abnaki totemism
, 65,66 ;
turn 401
Maya CODICES, study of xxxvii — ,investigation ordered by 596
MCHEMNiTO in Menomini mythology 207 — , agreement with Alvarado 409
Meal, aacred, use of, at Tuaayan ^.- 488 ;
— , illness of 551
Medal jtreaented to Carron 18 | — , death of 470
Medical preparations of the Menomini.. 69 j
Menomini, investigation of the xxxiii
Medicine defined 105 — memoir on the
, 1, 3-328
—.hunting, of the Menomini 155,213 Menomini b:ver, Menomini name of 39
— mystery in Potawatomi myth 208 Menstruation, mythic origin of 173
— mystic origin of
, 89, 90, 92-93, 119, 208, 209 Mercator, G., map by, cited 403
— practice of, by jugglery
,
140 Mesa, Spanish soldier, cured by quince
— preparations of the Menomini 153 jnice 538
— used in ball game 136 Mesakkummikokwi in Potawatomi myth. 209
— gee Disease, JroGLERY, Magic.
, Mescali, native American liquor 516
Medicine-bags of the Menomini 75, 83-84, 261 Mesqi'ITE, native American fruit 515
— of the AVinnebago 110 Messiah craze among the Menomini 63
— origin of
, 114 — $ee Ghost dance.
,

— in Potawatomi myth 208 Meteors in Menomini myth 210

— repnted power of
. 100, Mexican sorcerers 138, 150-151
102, 104, 111, 113, 156, 221, 262. Mexico, city of, in 1556 363,375
Medicine-lodqk of the Menomini 71,255 Mexico. Gaspar de, native ally of Coro-
—, Menomini, construction of 70,113,136 nado 536
— Menomini, diagram of
, 75 MiCER PoGio, reference to 571
— , Ma'nabrtsh's injunction regarding 199 Michigan, ancient copper mines in xixv
— , orientation of 71, 86, 90, 113, 156 Michilimackinac, siege of 18
Medicine-mkn, authority of 111,360 MiCHOACAN, province in New Spain 473
— of the Menomini 66 — journey of Mendoza across
,
478
Medicine-society of the Menomini 66, 138 Micmac, pictography of the xxxii
Medicine-song in Menomini ceremonial. 94 MiDEWiwiN of the Ojibwa 67
Medicine-women, arrangement of, in Migrations, extent of, of various tribes.. 345
Menomini ceremonial 83 — , southern, of Menomini 218
Helaz, Juan 560 Mills of pueblo women 522
Melgosa, Pablo de, companion of Coro- Mills, N., Menomini treaty comnrv^isioner. 21
nado 477 Milwaukee, Indians at, in 1673 18

— , wounded at Cibola 557 MiNDELEFF, Cosmos, researches by xxxvii

— , exploration of Colorado river canyons MiNDKLEFF, VICTOR, reference to memoir
by 489 by xlviii
 ..

628 INDEX TO PART 1 [ETH. ANN. U

Page Page
MiNDELEFF, YlCTOR, gronnd plan of Havi- Morse, Jedidiah, on Menomini marriage 35
kuhby 263 — on Menomini population
, 33
— on pueblo mealing troughs
, 522 — on Saux and Fox expulsion
, 19
Miner. Jesse, land-treaty witness 29 — work accomplished by
, 22
Mink in Menomini myth 134, 164, 172 Mortar, substitute for, among pueblo
Minnesota, pipestone qaarriea in xxxv indians 520
MiSHArKEWETT, Ojibwa treaty signer 28 — , Bee Adobe.
Missionaries, Spanish, early saccess of, Mortars of the Menomini 257
among Indians 551 Mohtuary ceremonials, Menomini 73
— Spanisli, introduction of fruit by
, 550 — customs, Menomini 68-60, 239-241
Mississippi river described by Cas- — feast of the Menomini 69
taneda '.
529 — feasts of the Ojibwa 68
— described to Coronado 504 Moses, Bernard, on Casa de Contratacion 351
— , description of 493 Moss, mythic origin of 164
— , Menomini name of 218 Mota Padilla, M. de la, acknowledg-
— , mention of 510 ments to 414
— Narvaez
, mouth of
vrrecked at 347 — , historian of New Galicia 375
Missouri slaves among the Menomini 35 — , description of Cibola by 483
— RIVER mentioned by Caetaneda 529 — , on Chichilticalli 487
MiTAWiT of the Menomini 66-138 — . on Coronado's route from Culincan 386
— origin of the
, 114 — , on death of Friar Juan 401
— ceremonies, decline of . , 137, 157, ] 58 — , on death of Samaniego 480
— form of procession in
. 102-103 —-, on discovery of Colorado river 407
— list of njembers of
, 84-85 — , on Indian giantf* 485
MiTAWOK and Wabenoak compared 155 — , on Btories told by Turk
indiau 492
Mitchell, Mart M., illustrations pre- — , on Torre's administration 474
pared by ilvu — , qnotations from writings of 476, 477. 479,
MixTON peRol, capture of ^ 411 480, 483, 486. 487, 492, 497. 498, 500, 504, 506, 511,
— WAR, causes of 408 518, 519. 520. 521, 522, 523,530, 531, 535, 538, 543
Mnemonic songs of the Ojibwa 106 Motecuhzoma conquered by Cortes 345
MoAZONiNEE, Ojibwa treaty signer 28 Motounia, T. de, correspondence of,
Moccasin game of the Menomini 242 with friars accompanying Coronado 413
Moccasins of the Menomini 268 Mounds, exploration of xxxvii
— use of, by pueblo women
, 517 — on Menomini reservation 36,37
Mochila, settlement of 515 Mountain goat, horns of, seen by Cor-
MocHiLAGUA, Indian settlement of 515 onado 387
Modeling, work in xlvii Mountain lion, itee Lion.
Mohave, foot racing by the 246 Mourning custom of the Menomini 241
— gormandism among the
, 287 Mouse in Menomini myth 182
MoHEKUNNUCK, Stockbhidgk.
See Mozobodo. Ojibwa trea ty signer 28
MoKi, rabbit-hair mantles at 517 MuEQUOMOTA, Menomini treaty commis-
— name for pueblo settlements at Tu-
, sioner 21
sayan 390 Mulberries, wild, found by Coronado. 507, 628, 582
— , tee Hopi, Tusatan. MuSoz, — copy of Alvarado's report
,

Molina on name of Chichilticalli 516 by 594

— on meaning of tlauele 524 — documents copied by
. 572, 580, 584
MONEETO Penayske, Ojibwa treaty signer 28 MuNSEE, land cession to 26, 31
MoNOMiNEE Cashee, Ojibwa treaty signer 28 — land purchase at Green bay 23
Montcalm, Menomini at fall of 16 — population and lauds 31
MoNTEJO, — feats of. in Tabasco
, 540 Music. ^lenomini. character of 105
Montezuma, see Motecuhzoma. — of Pecos indians 491
Moon, folktale of the 209 — of pueblo indians 522,550,594
MooNET, James, memoir by, on ghost- Musical ixstkuments of the Winnebago 111
dance religion 1, Iviil — used in ceremony 112
— ,on identification of Querechos .'
396 MusKRAT in Menomini myth 134
— , researches by xixvi, xxxix. xlv, xlvi Mutiny of Spanish settlers at San Hier-
MooRE, N. n., Menomini treaty commis- onimo 502
sioner 21 Myanmechetnabbwat, Menomini treaty
Moose and the Catfish folktale 214 signer 28
— peo])lo, defeat of the 182 Mysticism among indians U
Mora river, tributary of the Canadian. 397 Mythology of the Menomini 161-239
Morgan, Lewis H on adobe ., 520 — work in
. xliv
Morse, Jedidiah, on death of Tomau ... 55 Myths concerning Menomini totems 39-41
— , on maple-sugar making 287
— , on Menomini food 290 [Link] of the Mexicans 65, 115
— , on Menomini land claims 21 —,»« Jugglery, Magic, Medicine-hen.
 . v

ETH. ANN. 14] INDEX TO PART 1 629

Page I Page
Najeba, birthplace of Castaueda 470 I
NizA. Marcos de, effect ot report of, in
N AM AT AM, genealogy of 57 New Spain -,.-. 365
Nanabcxjjoo, see Ma'nabush. — , reports of, investigated by Diaz. . 480, 547, 553
Na°ni Naio<^ta, folktale of 223 — , doubts raised by Diaz
satisfies 384
Kabvaez, Pa^tilo de, ordered to conquer — , mistakes of, concerning Cibola 673
Cortes 345 — , description of bison by 543
— , imprisoned in Mexico 346 — , on iudian pueblos 520
— , puthority for explorations granted to. 346 — , sermon by 482
— , expedition of 349 — , return of, to Mexico 389,484
— , loses vessel on voyage from Spain 346 NocHiSTLAN, death of Alvaradoat 410
— , route of expedition of 347 NOKOMisin Menomini myth 87,114,126
— , drowned off mouth of Mississippi 347 NoQUET, habitat of the 36
— . loss of expedition of 474 NoTTAWAY, land cession to the 25, 26
— , expedition, rumors of survivors of, Noukek INDIANS identified 15
heard by Coronado 507, 590 KovAcuLiTE quarries in Arkansas xxxv
Katividad. departure of Alarcon from... 478 NtjREZ, Pedro, on effect of Marcos'
Kavaho, collectious from the xzxix report 366
Navarbete, — cited on date of petition of
.

Oats, wild, of great plains 528

Cortes 367
Oaxaca, Marqd^s del valle de, title
Navarro. Garcia, on effect of Marcos*
366
of, given to Cortes 473
report
Obando, Prancisco de, killing of, by
Nebraska, description of, by Castaueda. 528
indians
— location of Qnivira in *. 397 499,500

—
,

, description of Quivira 591

— , OvANDO.
see

Nbeole, use of, among Indians 562

Ockewazee, Ojibwa treaty signer 28

NEGROslave, Eatevan a purchaser of 348 Odebic, Fatheb, Menomini grammar and

Negroes, island of 545
dictionary by 295

— mention of. in New Spain 348, 379, 402, 406

Offensive food 287
,

— with Coronado ; 506, 592

Offering of tobacco by Menomini 252
— death of. accompanying Coronado
, 555. 564
Ogden, D. a., land sale to 22
Nemoak society of the Menoniini 157-161 Ogden land company, effect of Stam-
Nepissing, jugglers among the baugli treaty on 30
62,138
Nevada, arrowpoint material found in. - 283 .
— , oi)eration8 of 22,23
Newfoundland, Spanish name for 513
Ohio, arcbeologic explorations in xxxvii
New G ALICIA, conquest of 372
Ojibwa and Menomini intercourse 269

— domoralizatiou of Coronado's army in.

, 401
~, ball game of the 128-129

— description of 513
— foot-racing by the
, 246
,

— explored by Xuno de Guzman 351

— influence on Menomini language 61

— uprising in, during Mixtoii war

, 408
— , investigation of the xxxi
New York Indians, land cession to 26
—.jugglery of the 146
25,
— , land treaty with 29
— , land treaty with the 27
— westward removal of
, 23
— , maple sugar among the 288
Nexpa river followed by Coronado 585
— , me<licine societj' of the 67

— , identification of 387
— Menomini country claimed by
, 38
Niagara, Indian council at 18
— mnemonic songs of the
, 106

NiAQTAwApoMi, a Menomini chief 44 — snow-snake game derived from

, 244
— member of Menomini <'Ourt
, 35
— treatment of disease by jugglery 149
— ,
portrait of 50
— , witchcraft among the 143

Nicholas, the Venetian, quotation from. 571

Ojo C aliente visite<l by Alvarado 594
Nicollet, Jean, explorations by 12,15
— a Zufii summer village
, 358
Night, mythic origin of 200
Okemawabox, genealogy of 60

N I6PET, a Menomini chief 44

Old South leaflet, translation of Coro-
—, genealogy of nado's letter in 552
48
— , member of Menomini court 35
Omaha, source of medicine rituals of 62
— portrait of 49
ORATE, Chkistobal DE, acting governor
,

— importance of family of
, 43
of New Galicia 351

NiPiPsiNG regarded as sorrerers 62, 138

— , Coronado entertained by 478

NiZA. Marcos de, visit ot, to Cibola 353

— , defense of New Galicia by 408

— career of, in Peru

, 354
— testimony of
, 598

— , travels of 474
OSate, Count of, appointment of nephew
— , visit of, to seacoast from San Pedro of 477
valley 359 OSatk, Juan de, reduction of pueblos by. 524
— , experience of. after £stevan'8 death. 360 Oneida, Eleazer "Williams among the 23
— , visit of, to valley containing gold 362 — land cession 26
— , selection of, as provincial of Francis- — land purchase at Green Bay 23
cans 364, 476 — population and lands 31
 ...

630 INDEX TO PART 1 [STH. ANN. U

Page Page
Oneida, treaty with the 30 Panther and the rabbit, folktale of 221
— visit to Green Bay 23 Panuco, reference to 592
Onondaga laud purchase at Green Bay . - 23 — bay, location of 346
Onorato, compan ion of Friar Marcos 355 Papa, title of, given to priests at Zuhi. .. 518
Opata, a tribe of Sonora 537 Parkman, F., on d'lberville's coloniza-
— , houses of the 515 tion li
Opcntia Tuna. See Tcna. — on French and English relations with
,

Oregon, coast of, explored by Cabrillo 411 . . Indians 17

Obientation in juggler ceremony 147 —, on Niagara indian council 18
- of medicine-lodge 71. 86, 90, 156 — on the Pontiac conspiracy
, 130
Ornamentation of pipes 248 PASyuARo, visit of Mendoza to 478
— of quivers 281 Pateatlan, see Petatlan.
Ornaments of the Menomini 75, 137, 264 Pawnee mode of Iiair dressing 394
Oronhiateku a, a Caughnawaga chief ... 24 — slaves among the Menomini 35
Orozco y Berea on Mexican uahualism. 151 Peace ceremonies at Tigaex 496
Ortiz, surWvor of Narvaez' expedition 348 . . — , form of making, at Acoma 491
Osage slaves among Menomini 35 Peace p(pe of Menomini tradition 218
Oskashe, Menomini treaty signer 28 Peaches, introduction of, into pueblo
OSHKOSH, agreement of, to land treaty... 31 country 550
— biographic notes on
, 46,47 Pearls on coast of Gulf of California 350
— importance of family of
, 45 Pecos, labors of Friar Bescalona at 401
— ,
genealogj' of family of. 45 — Tieited by Spaniards 1 vii, 391

— , of pure blood
family of, 35 — ««ClCUYE.
,

— genealogy of
,
46 Pkcos RIVER crossed by Span iards 504
— grave of
,
240 Pemabeme. Menomini treaty signer 28
— meaning of
,
46 PEMMiCANused by plains tribes 528
Ottawa and Potawatomi intermarriage. 44 Penetration of arrows 280
— and Potawatomi relationship 44 Pennyroyal, native American 517, 528
— , enslavement of captives by the 35 Penoname, Menomini treaty commis-
— Indians at Braddock's defeat 16 sioner 21
— original totem of the
, 44 Peorta language, study of the xli
— sleight of band 105 Perez, Alonso, companion of Coronado . 597
Otter in Menomini myth 91, 134, 190 Perez, Melchor, mention of slave of 592
— in pueblo region 518 Perez de Bocanegra. Hernant), testi-
OvAXDO, Francisco dk, treatment of, by mony of 596
indiann 522 Perez de KiBASt Andres, see Ribas.
— companion of Coronado
, 477 Personal names in Menomini myth 165,166
— see Obando.
, Peru, Alvarado's exi>e<lition to 352
OviEDo Y Valdez, G. F. ue, on Corazones. 484 Pestles of the Menomini 257
— on Indian clothing
, 515 Petates, or mats, used for houses 515
Owanoqnio, genealogy of 58 Petatlan or Petlatlan, indian settle-
Owens, J. G., on Hopi dress 517 ment in New Galicia 355
— on Hopi mealing troughs
, 522 — , description of 514, 538
Owl in Menomini myth 91, 173, 200 — , description of, by Jaramillo 584
Oxitipah, district of, in New Spain 472 — , description of Indians of 568, 572

PACASAS, Ternanx's name for Pacazes. . 514 — , indian from, captive and interpreter
at Cibola 563
Pacaxbs, indian tribe of Cullacau 514
Paddles made by the Menomini 294 — , friendly Indians at river of 548

Padilla, Juan de, leader of friars with — , river of, in Sinaloa 348

Coronado 400 Peteatlan, $ec Petatlan.

— , visit of, to Tusayau 488 Phelps and Gorman indian land pur-
— accompanies Alvarado
, 391 chase 21
— report of discoveries by
, 594 Philip, King of Spain 474
— journey of, to Quivira
,
571, 579, 592 Philippine islands 545
— remains in Quivira
, 529, 534 Philosophy of the Menomini liii

Paez, Juan, report of Cabrillo's voyage by 411 Photographic work xlviii

Pahos. reference to 573 PiCONES, native American fish 517

Paint found in graves in Sikj^atki 519 Pictography, mnemonic, of the Ojibwa. 106
— , sacred, origin of 91 — work in
, xxxi
Painting of pueblo indiaus 558 PicuRis, pueblo of 519
Paiute, stone arrowpoints of the 282 — , name for Acoma among 492
PALMOS, RIO DE, probable identification of. 346 — , name of Taosamong 675
PANA31INT, stone arrowpoints of the 282 Pigeon in Menomini myth 233
Paniagua, Jcan, miraculous recovery of. 500 PiKE, Z. M., quoted on the Menomini 34
pANico, tee Pancco. — ,
quoted on Tomau 54
 ..

ETB. ANN. 14} INDEX TO PART 1 631

Pago Page
FiLLiNO, J. C, bibliographic work of xlii, Pueblo, use otf term by Niza 358
xlviii, xlix — method of building 520
FiMA, cnltivation of cotton by the 350 — settlements, description of, by Colorado
— Friar Marcos among the
, 356 river Indians 404
FiNENCTS, UHCof. as footl 517,518 — settlements, description of, by Sonora
FiSoN NUTS, uROof, aa food 517,522 Indians 366
FiPES of the Menoniini 159,247,253 Puerco river, pueblos on 491
— found at Sikyatki 519 [Link]. — , on proportion of warriors to
FiPEBTONE quarries in Minnesota xxxv population 33
FiTAHAYA, native American fruit 515 FuHiFiCACiON, defense Mixton war. of, in 409
FizAKRO, Francisco, purchases Alvara- Pyromancy among Algonquian tribes ... 153
do'a expedition 352
— struggles of, in Feru
, 37€
QUACHICHULBS, Set GUACHICHULES.
PtAiNS, Spanish soldiers lost on 508
QuAREZ, Agoxiez, wounded at Cibola 557
— descriptions of Indians of
, 527, 578. 580
Quebec, Menomini at siege of 16
— , fife Great plains.
QuERKCHOs, description of 527, 578
Flants used as tobacco 250
—, description of, by Coronado 580
— f« Medicine.
,
—, description of, by Jaramillo 587
Plums of great plains 528
— identified with Tonkawa 396
Flumstone game of the Henoiuinl 241
— manner of life of 504
— in Menomini myth 188
,

QUERES, PUEBLOS of the 525

FOBABES, death of
F., 499,500
Quince juice, use of. as poison antidote. 537, 541
Foison, native, of Souora ^ 537. 541
QuiRix, Spaniards visit i»rovince of. 503. 519, 525
— use of, by indiana
, 500,502
— ,[Link]
.

Poisoned arrows discussed 284

Quivers of the Menomini 281
PONTIAC, hostility of, toward English ... 18
QoiViRA, causes for stories of Turk regard-
—, ball game during conspiracy of 130
ing 588
— Menomini participation in conspiracy
,
— cartographic history of
, 403, 544
of 51 — descriptions of. received by Coronado.
, 393,
Population of the Menomini 17, 32
576, 580
— ,
proportion of warriors to 33
— departure of Coronado for 503
— statistics, ditficulties of obtaining 33
,

— visited by Coronado Ivii, 508, 396

Porcupine, folktale of the 210 — description of
, 521, 577
— found by Coronado at Cibola 560
— description by Coronado
, of, 582
PoTAWATOMi and Ottawa intermarriage.. 44
—.description by Jaramillo of, 589
— and Ottawa relationship 44 — mention of
, 492
— at Braddock's defeat 16 —, death of Friar Padilla at 401
— dreamer society of the
, 157
— habitat of, in 1634
, 15
— story of Nanaboojoo 207
Rabbit and the panther, folktale of 221

Potsherds in Wisconsin mounds 38

— and the saw-whet, folktale of 200

Pottery formerly made by Menomini 257

— in Menomini myth 87,113,126

— found at Sikyatki — in Fotawatomi myth 207

519
— of pueblo Indians 522
— rock, myth of the 117

Poultry houses of the Menoniini 255

— skins, use for garments of, 517

Powell, J. W., on Indian linguistic

Raccoon and the blind men, folktale of. . 211

stocks 525
Races of the Menomini 245

— ,stone knives collected by 283

— , see Foot-race.
PowoiYSNOiT, Menomini treaty signer ... 28
Rafts made for Diaz by Colorado river
Indians 407
Prairie doos seen by Coronado on great
plains 510, 528
— use of, in crossing Colorado river
, 486
Rain, worship of, by pueblo indians 561
Presents, distribution of, at Mitawi t cere-
mony 104
^ceremony of the Menomini 150

Price, C. M., Menomini treaty commis- — Menomini mythic origin of

,
40

sioner 21
Rainmaker among the Menomini 150

Prickly pear, see Tuna. Ramirez deA'^argas, Luis, see Vargas.

'

Ramusio, G. B., translation of Mendoza's

Priests of pueblo Indians 518
349
— f«e Medicine-men.
,
letterby
Property. Menomini inberitAnce of 43
— , translation of Coronado's letter by 552

— marks on arrows 278

— quotation from
.
554, 556

Prosopis juliflora, see Mesquite. Rattle described and figured 148

Prostitution among the Tahus 513 —, gourd, of the Menomini 77,78

Prunes, wild, found by Coronado 507,582,591

— in Menomini ceremony SI

Psychology, work in xlv — mystic origin of

,
93
Ptolemy, maps in geograpliy of, cited 403 . . . Reaume, Judge, on Menomini intermar-
Puala. Espejo's name lor Tiguex pueblo. 496 riage 35
Publications, report on xlviii Redbird in MenoxuiDi myth 235
 ... ..

632 INDEX TO PART 1 [BTH. ANN. U

Page Page
Red rtyer, Identification of, witk Ztifii Sahanieoo, Lope de, death of 383. 480, 547
river 482 — testimony concerning
, 597
— ,
possible southern limit of Coronado's Sanbenitos, description of 507. 515
route across plains 399 Sanchez, Alonso, soldier with Coronado. 597, 598
Reginald, a Menomini. genealogy of 49 Sanchez, Peho, effect of Friar Marcos'
Relationship among the Menomini 43 report 366
Release of arrows 280 Sandia, name for Acoma at 492
Relioion of plains Indians 578 San Diego, pueblo of 525
— of pueblo Indians 573 San Felipe, pueblo of 525
— of the Potawatomi 207 San Francisco bay overlooked by Ferrel 412
— oftheTahus 513 San Gabriel, vessel in Alarcon's fieet . . 385
— of Tigut'x iudians 575 San Hieronimo de los Corazones, found-
— comparative, study. In Ik • ingof 484
Religious beliefs, classification of Ix — settlement of, under Diaz
, 406
Residencia, definition of 474 — description of town of
, 615
Revolt of pueblo indians 392 — events in, during Diaz' absence
, 501
Revolction, Menomini warriors In 18 — destruction of
, 530
RiBAS, Andres Perez de, on Petlatlan . . 515 San Juan, pueblo of 510
RiBEROs, el Factor, companion of Coro- San Juan river named by Coronado 586
nado 477 Sanjuhjo, Alvaro de, representative of
Rice in Menomini mythology 40 De Soto in Mexico 380
— [Link] by Menomini
, 290 San Lucas islands, death of Cabrillo at 411
Rice. Jean R., a Caughnawaga chief 24 San Pedro bay visited by Ferrel 412
Rice,Mary Ann, mother of 'Williams 24 — RIVER in Arizona 387
RiGGS, S.R., linguistic manuscript by xl — VALLEY visited by Niza 359
Rio de la Plata misgoverned, by Cabeza Santa Ana, pneblo of 525
de Va«a 348 Santa Barbara, visit of Ferrel to 412
Rio Grande, disappearance of, nnder- Santa Clara, visit of Ferrel to 412
gronnd 511 Santa Cruz, colony at, under Cortes 351
— discovery of, by Alvarado
, 575,594 — ISLAND, visit of Ferrel to 412
— ice of, crossed by Spaniards
, 503 — RIVER in Arizona 387
— limit of Narvaez' territory
, 346 Santa Cruz, Alonso de, early map of city
— pueblos near
, 519, 524 of Mexico by 363
— visite*! by Spanish soldiers 390 Santiago, use of. as war cry 388, 483, 565
Rope-makinq by the Menomini 260 Santo Domingo, pueblo of 525
Rose-bushes, wild, found by Coronado . . 507. Sar-ray-nuh-nee, Menomini treaty sign-
510. 517 er 28
Rowland, Thomas, land-treaty witness, 29 Sauk, enslavement of captives by the 35
RuDO Ensayo, quotation from, on poison. 538 — , expulsion of the 16
Ruins, discovery by Alvarado of, 594 Sauk and Fox expelled from Green bay . 19
— see Mound, Pueblo.
, Sau-say-man-nee, Menomini treaty sign-
Rushes used for mats 259 er 28
Savage, James, on natural products of
Saabedra, Feenandarias de, appoint-
Nebraska 528
ment of, at Chiametla 481
Savage, T. H., mound investigation by.. 36
Saabedra, H. a. de, mayor of Culiacan . . 533, 534
Saw-whet, rabbit and the, folktale of 200
Sacatecas, see Zacatecas.
ScARAMOio. name for a Spanish grass 555
Saint Regis land cession 26
Schoolcraft, H. K., land-treaty witness. 28
Salazar, G. db, royal factor for New
Sebastian, native companion of Padilla. 400,535
Spain 596,597
Saldivak, Juan de» companion of Coro-
— , negri> slave of Jaramillo 592
Sedelmair, Padbe, on indian giants 485
nado 477
Selish, beadwork introduced among 269
— lieutenant to Diaz
, B48 — myth of the coyote 205
— carries Diaz' report to Mendoza
, 382
Seminole, proportion of warriors to pop-
— .explorations by 480
ulation 33
— adventures at Tiguex
, of. 496
Sen'Eca land purchase at Green bay 23
—, Indian village captured by 500
— escape of indian woman from
. 510
— removal of, to Green bay
. 23

Salishan bibliography, work on xliii

SeKora, see Sonora.
Salt among pueblo indians 550, 559 Sergeant, John, Stockbridge missionary 22
— found at Zuni 389 Sebi, Coronado's account of 554
— found by Spaniards on great plains 510 —.use of poison by 538
— , natural crystals, finding of, in Ari- Serpent in Menomini mj-th 132
zona 490 Serrano. Francisco, on effect of Marcos'
— not used by the Menomini 286 report 366
Samanieoo. Lope de, appointment of, as Serrano de Cardona, Antonio, testimo-
army<master 477 ny of 597

/
 .. .

ETU. ANXKl INDEX TO PART 1 633

Page Page
Servantes, Ckrvaxtes.
tee SiLVBB, nse of, by pueblo indians for glaz-
Seven Cities, storiea and legends con- ing 526
ceruing 363, 553 — use of. in Indian trade
, 472
— expedition to, undftr Guzman
, 473 — workers, stories of 473
— ace Cibola, ZuSi.
, Simpson, JamesII., onlocationof Quivira. 397
Shamans of the Henomini 61-62 — on location of Tiguex 491
— see Medicine-men.
, Sinew used for bowstrings 275
Shanot, genealogy of 57 — used in arrow-making 276,277,278
Shashamanee, Menomini treaty commis- — used in blade-mounting 284
sioner 2X SiNALOA, river and settlement of 515
Shawano or Shawnbb dance of the Me- — ,5eeClNALOA.
nomini 248 Sioux, ceremonials of the lU
— language, study of the xU — .ghost dance among tlie xxxix
— .meaning of term 247 Sisseton, poisoned arrows used by the. . 285
— migrations of the
, 345 Sitting Bull, character of 63-64
Shea, J. G., on Cabeza de Yaca's route . . 348 Six Nations, Wisconsin land treaty with. 31
— on Menomini language
, 60 Skin-dressing by the Menomini 261
— on Menomini native name
, 12 Skulls used by Acaxes to decorate bouses 514
— on Menomini population
, 33 Skunk, folktale of the 213
— .on possible conjnnction of Coronado — in Menomini myth 239
and De Soto 371 Slavery among pueblo indians 548
Sheeoad, Ojibwa treaty signer 28 — at Pecos 491
Sheki" given to friars by CoroAado 592 — among the Menomini 35
— merino, imported by Mendoza
, 375 Slaves, captive indians used as, by Span-
— mountain, description of, by Castaneda
, 487 iards 499-510
— native American
, 516 — in army of Coronado 402
— taken by Spanish soldiers for food- 501,535,542 Sleight of hand, see Jugglery.
—,«ec Mountain goat. Smet, p. J. de, on story of Nanaboojoo 207
Sheewanbeketoax, Ojibwa treaty signer. 28 Smith, Buckingham, Cabeza de Vaca's
Shekkatshokwehac, see Tbhbkatsha- relation translated by 347, 474
KEMAtJ. — copy of Al\;arado's report printed by.
, 594
Shell, magic, of the Menomini 75 — documents printed by
, 572. 584
— , sacred, described and figured 101 — quotation from document printed by
.
. 590
— , sacred, given to Ma'niibtish 91 Smoke offering by the Potawatomi 209
^, sacred, in pictography 109 Smoking among the Menomini 251
— , sacred, mystic power of 102-104, 112 — ceremonial, by the Menomini
, 78,
—.sacred, of the Winnebago 110 80, 81, 83, 85, 88, 99, 158, 159
— used as spoons 256,257 — , ceremonial, in pictography , 109
— used in bead- working 265 Snake-bag trick 97
— working by California tribes 266 Snake ceremony of the Menomini 36
[Link] Wossin, Ojibwa treaty signer. 28 Snake dance, significance of 561
Shi vwits, stone knives among the 283 Snake poison, use of, by indians 500
Shoankay-paw-kaw, Menomini treaty Snakeroot, use of, by the Menomini 291
signer 28 Snakes, absence of. on great plains 513
Shoank Skaw, Menomini treaty signer.. 28 — ,Menomini myth
iu 132
SHOANKTBHimKSiAP, Menomini treaty — , of, among Tahus
worship 513
signer 28 Snares of the Menomini 274
Shoshoni, linguistic affinity of the 525 Snow, mythic destruction of 216
— stone arrowpoiuts of the
, 282 Snowshoes in Menomini myth 179
Shrines of Sonora indians 515 — of the Menomini 263
Shunien, genoalogy of 58 Snow-snake game of the Menomini 244
— ,
portrait of 59 SOBAiPURi, Friar Marcos among the 356
Si A, pueblo of 525 ~, knowledge of Cibola among 358
— mentioned by JaramiUo... 587 Societies, cult, of the Menomini 66
— report on the
, iliv Sociology, work iu xix vii
— $ee Chi A.
,
Sodomy, absence of, at Cibola 518.522
SiBOLA, see Cibola. — among indians of Petatlan 515
SiBU'LODA', Isleta name for buffalo 517 — among indians at Suyu 516
Sign LANQi-AGE, work in ixxi — among Pacaxes 514
Signaling by various means xxxii SoLis, Francisco ue 529
Signs, use of, by plains indians 504, 527 SoLis, IsiDORO de, mention of, by Jara-
SiKVATKi, excavations at 519 millo 592
Silver found by Coronado at Cibola 563 SoLis DE Mesas, Gonzalo, mention of,
— found by Spaniards at Tuqneyunque. 511 by Jaraniillo 592
—.reports of. from Quivira 503,504,512 Solomon. S., Menomini treaty commis-
— mines in Culiacan 514 sioner 21

^
 . ....

634 INDEX TO PART 1 [ETH. ANN, U

Page Page
SOMATOIOOIC classification of indians xxvii Sumac, wild, in Quivira 591
Sung, mnemonic, of the Ojibwa 106, 107 Sun and the young hunter, folktale of 181
— oftheMenomini 114,115,126 — ceremony determined by position of..
. Ill
— of the moose 193 — in Menomini mythology 92. 132, 209
— rabbit, iu Menomini folktale
, 221 — priests at Tusayau 518
— see Chant.
,
— worship b}- plains iudians 578
SoNORA. description of 515 — see Orientation.
.

— description
, of, by Jaramillo 585 Surgeon, niention of, in Spanish army. . 498
— food supply in
, 554 Sutherland, —
on descent of Menomini
,

— river and valley 387 chiefs 43

— valley, location of 355 Sltta, San Hieronimo removed to 502
— valley, Spanish Bcttlemeut iu 484 — , dcBcriptifiu of 515
— settlement of, by Spaniards
, 572 — , massacre of settlers at 408
— traversed by Friar iMarcos 355 —, destruction of 399, 633, 578
SoHCEKEE, fee Jugglers. Swan in Menomini myth 203
Sorcery among the Menomini lii^ Sweat-bath before medical treatment 149
— amon;:; Pacaxes 514 — , efficacy of 104-106
Soto, Hernando de, account of meeting — importance of
, 117
with Ortiz 348 — mystic origin of
, 92
— soldiers of, hearof Cnrona<lo
, 510 Sweat-lodge, constrnction of. 117
— reputed route of
, 545 — of the Menomini 255
— discoveries of
, 370, 491 Symbols of flight 129
— on great plains
, 529 Synonymy, work on xlv
— right of, to Xiza's discoveries
, 371
Sotomayor, Hernando dk, on effect of TAaivalone, a stronghold near Zuui 390
Kiza's report 366 — see Thunder mountain.
,

Sotomayor, Juan de, companion of Coro- Tabu of animals among the Algonquian.. 64-65
nado 477 — of animals by Menomini 44
Sotomayor. P. de, chronicler of. Cardenas' Tahus. a tribe in Cnliacan 513
expedition 490 Tanning by the Menomini 261
Spearheads, copper, on Menomini re- Tano, a pueblo tribe 623
serve 36, 37 Taos, pueblo of 525
Spinosa, »ee Espinosa. — mentioned by Jaramillo 587
Spirituauty among the Indians 39, 66 -^ called Valladolid by Spaniards 611
Gourd, Melon.
Sc^i'ASH, see — , name for Acoma at 492
SQUiRRELin Menomini myth 126,132 — , visit of Alvarado to 575
— , see Praikie dog. Tarahum ARA foot-racing 247
Stambaugh treaty 29 Tarasca, a district in Michoacan 473
Starlikgs in i)ueblo region 521 Tareque, Indian village on great plains. 577
Stephen, see Estevan. Tartars, use of dogs by 571
Stevens, John, quotation from dictionary Tatarrax, name of indian cliief 492
of 66,547 Tattooed Indians visit Friar Marcos 356
Stevenson, James, reference to memoir Tattooing among plains iudians 506
by xlviii — ,
among Indians
practice of, 516
Stevenson, Matilda C, memoir revised Tecumth A among the Menomini 65
by xlviii —, pipe of 248
— researches by
, xliv, 359 — war message to Menomini by
, 18
Stickney, G. p., cited on use of wild rice 291 Tegui hrauth of Opata indians 537
Stockbridge land cession 22,26,31 Tejo, stories told by 472
— land purchase at Green bay 23
TemiSo. Spanish soldier, death of 538
— population and lands 31
Tents of plains indians, description of . 501,
578. 581, 583, 588. 591
Stone art, [Link] xxxvii
Teocomo, river and settlement of 515
Stone CHIPPING by Arizona tribes 275
Teredo navalis, damage to Alarcon's
Stone implements of Arizona tribes 256
ships by 407
— of the Menomini 266 Ternaux-Compans, Henri, translation of
Stoves of the Menomini 266 Castafieda by Iv, 413
Strada, see Estrada. — translation of Coronado's letter by
, 580
Sturgeon in Menomini myth 202 — translation of Jaramillo by
, 584
— scales used in medicine 93 — .mistake iu translating 398
SUAREZ, Aganiez. wounded at Cibola 388 — .mistake regarding Ispa
of, 685
SUAREZ DE Figuekoa, GoMEZ, see FlG- —.quotations of translation of Castafieda
UEROA. by 472,
SuAREZ DB Peralta, Joan, reminiscences 481, 489, 494, 496, 499. 501, 502. 503,
of Coronado's departure 364 505. 506. 507, 508, 510, 511, 513. 514,
— on retnm of Coronado
, 402 515. 517. 518. 521. 523. 524. 526, 527,
Sugar, set Mapl£ sugar. 529, 531, 532, 533, 538. 539, 542, 545
 ..

ETH. ASH. 14] INDEX TO PAKT 1 635

Page Page
TE-rATHA or Taos 511 Toxemic marks ou graves 74, 240
Teules, a Mexican tenu 524 — organization of the Menomini 42
Te wa pueblos 525 ToXEMS of the Menomini 39-42
Texas, coitperfoandiu, byCabezadeVaca. 350 Totoxxeac, cartographic history of 403
— ,intended destination ot* Narvaez 346 — Coronado's account of
, 560
— limit of De Soto's government
,
370 — cultivation of cotton at
, 550
Teyas, Cicuy e besieged by 524 — identified with Tusayan 357
— met by Coronado 507,527,578 — see Hopi, Moki, Tusatan.
,

—, description of, by Coronado 581 TovAR, Fernando de, position of 477

— identified with Comanclie 396 TovAR, Pedro de, appointment of, as
Thomas, Cybus, researches by xxxvii ensign 477
Threads of basswood fiber 259 — ,accompaiiies Gallego to Corazoucs 395
Thunder in Potawatorai myth 209 — ,
journey of, from Tiguex to Corazones- 577
Tuundeu mountain, mean near Zuni 390 — ,San Hieronimo
at 502
— , ruins at 517 — flight of, from Saya
, 530,533
— , visit of Coronado to 565 — discovery of Tusayan by.. Ivii, 390, 488, 562, 574
,

THUNDERERSin ilenomihi myth . 39, 40, 92. 131, 195 — wounded by indians
, 557
TiBEX, fee TiGUEX. — use of papers of, by Mota Padilla
, 536
TiBURON ISLAND in giilf of California 554
TowANAPEE, Menomini treaty commis-
TiENiQCE, possible printer's error in sioner 21
Pacheco y Cardenas for Cicuye 587
Trade between plains and pueblo Indiana 578
Tigers found in Cibohi by Coronado 560
— among plains indians 527
TiGt'A, name of Acoma among the 492 — of Sonora indians with Cibola 357
TiGUEX, cartographic liistory of 403 — of Spaniards with Colorado river in-
—, description of 519,520,524
dians 406
— , description of, by companions of Cor- — iudian stories of
, 472
onado 569. 575
Tradixions preserved by medicine society 67
—, description of, by Jaramillo 587
Trail, method of marking, on great
— , discovery of, by Alvarado . ; - Ivil, 390, 491, 594
plains 505, 509, 571
— , Indians of, refuse to trust Spaniards. . 499, 503
Transportation, see Doos, Tbavois.
— , revolt of indians at 576
Traps of the Menomini 273
— , siege of, by Spaniards 497,500
Travois, dog saddle used by plains in-
— death of Friar Juan at
,
401
dians 527
— riverof,identifiedwithRioGrande
,
390
Treachery of indians in Mixtonwar 408
TiRiPiTio, meeting of Alvarado and Men- — of indians toward Spaniards 498
dozaat 409
Treaties with the Menomini 20-31
TizoN, RIO DEL, Spanish name for Colo-
Treaty of Butte des Morts 27
rado river 407
Tree-burials of the Menomini 241
— reason for name of
,
485
Trees, mystic, in Menomini ceremonial, 90
— , tee Colorado river. Trejo, Hernando, death of brother of . 500
Tlapa, estate at, given to Coronado 379
Trenxon gravels, study of the xxxv
Tlauele, Mexican word 524
Troughs of the Menomini 257
Tobacco ceremony of the Menomini 215
Trowbridge, — Menomini and Winne-
—
,

dance of the Menomini 247

bago treaty by 25
— in Menomini myth 187
Truxillo, adventure of, with devil 481
— mystic origin of
, 205, 253
Tshayroxshoan Kaw, Menomini treaty
— offering in Menomini ceremonial 85
signer 28
— oflerings to the dead 69
Tshekaxshakemau, genealogy of 45, 52
— used in ball game 128
Tshisaqka, Jcgglers. see
— , use of, by Menomini 249-253
Tu-axA', native name of Taos 575
— Smoking. , see
Tubes, bone, used in treatment of disease 149
ToBAR, ftee Tovab. Tuf-AN or TucANO, see Tusayan.
Tomau, genealogy of 54, 58
Tuna, native American fruit 515
—, death of 55-56
— preserve made from 487
,

ToMSON, Robert, on Mexico in 1556 363,375

TuopA, Picuris name for Taos 575
— quotation fnnu
,
507
Tcrk, name of indian slave who de-
Tonala, settlement of, by Guzman 473
scribed Quivira 394
Tonka WA identified with the Querecho . 396 .
— , communications of, with devil 503
TopiA or ToPiRA, in Durango 353
— , stories of 491
476
ToPiRA, expedition of Corona<lo to — , by Castaiieda
stories of, told 492
Torre, Diego Perez de la, appointed to — , Coronado's version of stories of 580
replace Nufiode Guzman 357 — , reports of stories told by 576
— , administration of 474 — , motive ol', in misleading Coronado 588
— , mention of son of 592 — , execution of 509,589,590
Torres of Panuco, wounded at Cibola.. 557 Turkey plumes, uee of, for garments 517
Toxemic marks of the Abnaki 65, 66 Turkeys in pueblo region 491, 521
 . ....

636 INDEX TO PART 1 (ETH. ANN. 14

Page
TURQUOIS brought from north by Sonora Vetancurt, a. de, on date of I'adilla's
iudiaua 357 martyrdom 401
— collection of, by Esteran
, 474 Violiega, horse of, killed at Cibola 657
— of pneblo Indians 489, 518, 549, 561, 573 Villalobos, R. G- de, voyage of, across
— presents of, made to devil
,
513 Pacific 412,526,539
Turtle in Menomini myth 91, 189, 218 — , expedition, reports of, to Council for
— mystic power of the
,
148 the Indies 370,371,373
TnSAYAN, ceremonials at 544 Villagra, G., on marriage of pueblo In-
— cult ivation of cotton at
,
550 dians 520
— description of
, 519, 524 ViMOPfT, B., record of Nicollet's journey
— description of, by Jaramillo
,
S8G by 15 .".

— description of, by Zuui Indian

, 488 Virgins among the Tabus 514
— known to Sonora Indians 357 — treatment of, among pueblo Indians 522, 523
, .

— visit of Tovarto
, lvii,390, 562, 593 VocABULAEY of the Menomini 294-,328
— Tucano identified with
, 390 — of the Menomini, reference to liv
— , see nori, lIoKi.
Tusk AEOBA land cession 2fi
WAbeno, shamans of the Menomini. 02,66, 151-157

TuskaeobaEnglish dictiokabt, work Wabeno MiTAMU, genealogy of 60

xlii
"Wabosso Menomini myth
in 207

TUTAHACO pueblos 519, 525

Wacaquon, Menomini treaty commis-
— , Corona*lo*a visit to 492 siouer 21

— , description of, by Jaramillo 587 [Link] bibliography, work Oil xlHl

\Valapai, stone implements of the
— worship of cross at
, 544 256,283

TUTAHAIO, Tigua name for Acoma 492 Walnuts, wild, found by Coronado 507
AV.\MP VM exchanged for prisoners 17
TUTHEA-NAY, Tiguii nante for Acoma . . . 492
TuxEQUE, Indian A-illagft on gi-eat plains. 577 "Wapa ka river, Menomini name of 199

TuzAN, see Tusavan. War ok 1812, Indians in 19

TwiNE-MAKlNd by the Menomini 260 — , revolutionary, Indians in 18

"Warbano, Menomini treaty commis-
Ubkda, F. Luis de, see Luis. sioner 21
TJLLOA, Fkancisco DE, explores gulf of \Vaeren, W. yr., on Ojibwa ceremonial
California 369 terms 61
— , limit of explorations of 404 "Warriors, proportion of, to population. 33
Umbwayqeezhig, OJibwa treaty signer .. 28 Wash, R., Menomini treaty commissioner 21
Upathico, settlement of 615 Water, worship of, by jiueblo Indians .. 561
Uraba, Indian village mentioned by Jar- Watercress, native American 617
amillo 587 Water demons in :Menomini myth 227, 234
— , Bbaba, Taos, Tubaba.
»e« Watermelons, introduction of, into pue-
TTrine, use of, as mordant 522 blo county 550
IJRREA, Lope i>e, companion of Coronado. 477 Wau-kaun-hoanoa-nick, Menomini
— Indians interviewed by
, 499 treaty signer 28
XT TE linguistic affinity 525 Waunk-tshay-hee-sootsh, Menomini
— stone knives 282, 283 treaty signer 28
Utensils of the Menomini 256 Wauwacnishkac, Ojibwa treaty signer 28

Vacapa, identification of 355

Wayishkee, Ojibwa treaty^igner 28

Vacapan, province crossed bj' Coronado. 487

Weapons, Indian 498

[Link], Spanish name for Braba 511, 525

— , lack of, in New Spain 540

Valle de LOS Vellacos, see Valley of — , mystic power of 225

Knaves.
— of the Jlcnomiiii 274

[Link], settlement of 615

— of pueblo Indians 404, 548, 563
Weaving, see Bead-wobking, Mats.
Valley ok Knaves, rebellious indian.s in 502
Vargas, Luis Kamirez de, coiupnuion of Weekay, Menomini treaty commissioner. 2\
Coronado 477
Well dug by besieged Indians 499

Vaudrecil, Marquis dk, Canada surren Wheank-kaw, Menomini treaty signer . 28

dered by 16-17
Whiskers, name given to Cicnye Indian 490, 497

Vegetation of great plains 527

— taken prisoner by Alvarado 493
— of pueblo country 586 — , releaseof 503

Vera Cruz, port of New Spain 348 White Mountain Apache reservation
Verjiejo, RIO, crossed by Coronado 586
traversed by Niza 359

— identified with Colorado Chiquito

, 482
— crossed by Coronado 387

Vermejo, Hernando, companion of Cor- Whittlesey, Charles, on Menomini cbar-

onado 565 acteristica 34

— , see A'ermizzo. Wichita language, study of the xl

Vermizzo, Hernando, companion of Cor- Wichita, Ka>'SAS, location of Quivira

near 397
onado
— with Coronado at Cibola
,
Wicker baskets among pueblo Indiana 562
 1

ETH. AKN. U] INDEX TO PART 1 637

Page Page
Wigwam, etymology of 70 Xalisco, settlement of, byGuzman 473
Wildcat, native American 517 — destination of Alarcon at
, 478
— in pueblo region 518 Ximena, i>ueblo of 523, 525
Williams, E. H.,jr., on Eleazer Will- — , name of, forgotten by Jaramillo 587
iams 23-24
AViLLiAMS, Eleazer, sketch of 23-24 Yaqui or Yaqulmi, river and settlement
— effect of Stambaugh treaty on
, 30 of 515,553
Wind, mystic origin of 92 — river followed by Coronado 584
Wine, native American, of pitahaya 516 — river north of Galicia 386
Winnebago at Braddock's defeat 16 Yokes made by Menomini 289
— ceremony, Ojibwa embellishment of... 62 YsoPETE, a painted plains Indian 505, 507
— earl status of the
,
J"
19 — supplants Turk in oonfidence of Coro-
— effect on Menomini ceremonial 1C9 nado 509
— habitat in 1634 15 — , guide Coronado
efforts of, to 588
— land claims of the
, 25 Yucatan explored by Alvarado 352
— laud treaty 27 Yucca fiber, use of, for garments 517
— medicine ceremonial described 110 — preserve made from
, 487
— origin of name
, 205 YUGEUiKGOE pueblo 525
— physical character of the
, 25 — Indian form for Yuqueyunque
, 510
^, witchcraft among the 143 Yuma indiaxs. Coronado's account of 554
WiNSHiP, G. P., memoir by, on Coronado — , description of 485
expedition 1. li v, 329-613 Yuqueyunque, pueblo of 525
WixsoR, Justin, acknowledgments to. 339, 413, 699 — , visit of Jiarrionuevo to 500
— quotation from
,
501 — , Yugeuingge.
see
WiscoxfciN, early history of 14 Yubaba, visit of Alvarado to 575
Witch in Meuomini myth 233 — see Braua, Uraba.
,

Witchcraft among Pacaxes 514

— , UGGLERY. see J Zacatecas, a Mexican province 545
Woiniss-atte, Menomini treaty "signer.. 28 — missionary work in
, 401
Wolves in Menomini myth 115, Zaldyvar, see Saldivar.
116,172,183,201,233 Zaragoza, Justo, editor of Suarez de Pe-
— on great plains 528 ralta 364
Women, functions of, in pueblo ceremo- — on murder of Cortes' wife
. 473
nies 518 ZArate-Salmeron on native American
— , surrender of, by Indians 499 liquor 516
—, work of 294 ZuSi, burial customs at 519
WOODENW^RE of the Menomini 256, 257 — ceremonials of
, xlv, 544
Woodpecker in Menomini myth 229 — discovery of
, Ivii
Wood- WORKING by tho Menomini 241 — foot-racing by the
, 247
— , see Canoes. — fruit preserves made by
, 487
Wright, Mary I., illastrations prepare<l — nameof Acoma among Indians of
, 490
by xlvii — salt supply of
, 550
— tame eagles among
, 516
Xabe, indiau from Quivira, with Coro- — treatment of Mexicans at ceremonies.. 361
nado 504, 51 — RIVER crossed by Coronado 482
S1SOVM a>ivM>i3g
WVmOWaiAI HI