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ETNOLOGISKA

STUDIER

I n n e h á 1 1:

Henry Wassén:
El antiguo abaco peruano se
gún el manuscrito de Guarnan
Poma 1- 3d

Walter Kaudern:
The Noble Families or Mara-
dika oí Koelawi, Central Ce
lebes • '. 31-124
 THE

PENNSYLVANIA

STATE UNIVERSITY

LIBRARY
♦
ETNOLOGISKA

STUDIER

11

1940

Vtgivare:
Fil. dr. WALTER KAUDERN,
INTENDENT VID GOTEBORUS MUSEI ETNOGRAFISKA AVDELNING
COPYRIGHT Dr. WALTER KAUDERN
PRINTED IN SWEDEN

ELÄNDERS BOKTRYCKERI AKTIEBOLAG

GÖTEBORG 1941
 innehAix
Sida
Henry Wassén, El antiguo abaco peruano según
el manuscrito de Guarnan Poma
(con 8 figuras) I—30

Wa1/ter Kaudern, The Noble Families or Mara-

dika of Koelawi, Central Ce
lebes (with 1 Map, 30 Figures and
3 koloured Plates) 3 1—1 24
El antiguo ábaco peruano según el manuscrito
de Guarnan Poma
por
Henry Wassén
(Museo Etnográfico, Goteborg)

PREFACIO
En 1931 publiqué bajo el título «The Ancient Peruvian
Abacus »* una obra basándome en el manuscrito de Guaman
(Huaman) Poma de Ayala «El primer nueva coronica y buen
gobierno » en Copenhagen, entone >s aún sin publicar, mos
trando que en el imperio de los Inca, para las cuentas en quipu
se usaban evidentemente tableros para la ejecución de opera
ciones aritméticas, esto es, como ayuda para recibir el re
sultado que después se anudaba en los hilos de un quipu.
Varios motivos han justificado una nueva edición de esta
obra. El trabajo nunca fué publicado en ninguna revista
sino que fué impreso en una publicación privada, que natu
ralmente no es tan fácil de conseguir como sería el caso
con una revista. También llegó a mi conocimiento, varios
años después de aparecer la publicación, que el americano
Ic. Iceland Locke, reconocida capacidad en el estudio de los
quipus, un año después de que mi trabajo apareciera y basan
dose en éste, publicó en la revista americana Scripta Mathe-
matica (sept. 1932, págs. 37—43) un folleto que denominó
con el mismo título que yo usé en la relación de mi obra.2
Con la asistencia de mi amigo Dr. Walter Kaudern, editor
de «Etnologiska Studier», me ha sido posible una vez más
imprimir el trabajo, escogiendo el idioma español en vez del
inglés, pues, para los estudios e investigaciones americanistas,
es y será siempre un idioma de transcendental importancia.
2

También he pensado en la nueva elaboración y edición de

la obra de Guaman Poma que ha sido llevada a cabo por
el eminente erudito peruano Dr. Julio C. Tello y que es de
esperar que continúe.3 Como es natural, se basa esta nueva
edición peruana en la edición facsímile del Instituto de Etno
logía de la Universidad de Paris.4
Gracias a la publicación facsímile del manuscrito y los
comentarios del Dr. Tello y otros autores, he podido ex
cluir en esta versión española algunas notas preliminares y
referencias textuales de mi obra de 1931. Por otro lado,
he hecho algunas modificaciones e incluido varios citados de
antigua procedencia española, que parecen corroborar con
la tesis que he expuesto. Es muy probable que se encuentren
aún más referencias de procedencia española y estoy con
vencido de que la activa investigación peruana las publicará
más tarde.
Como en la versión inglesa de este ensayo, deseo expresar
mi sincera gratitud a mi amigo K. G. Tengstrand de Go-
temburgo, por su valiosa ayuda e interés que mostró en 1931
para encontrar una explicación sobre el ábaco de Guaman
Poma. Por último, doy mis más cordiales agradecimientos
por la eficaz ayuda que, en la traducción del manuscrito,
me han prestado la señora Consuelo Quiroga de Gerring del
Colegio Superior de Comercio en Gotemburgo, y Don Fran
cisco Eguiguren H., Cónsul del Perú en la misma ciudad.
Gotemburgo, Octubre de 1940.
El autor.
 3

Datos de Guarnan Poma y otros autores

■ <sEl que procura contar las estrellas, no sa
biendo aun contar los tantos y ñudos de las
cuentas, digno es de risa. »
Dicho sentencioso del Inca Pachacutec
según Padre Blas Valera y el inca Garcilasso
de la Vega (Commentarios Reales, Libro VI,
Cap. 36).

La página 360 del manuscrito de Guaman Poma (figura 1)

muestra un quipucamayoc sosteniendo en sus manos un
quipu. Sobre el dibujo se lee: «Cotador maior i tezorero íauan-
tinsuio quifoc curaca condor-chava.» El título quichua «cu
raca » (jefe, principal) detalla la alta posición oficial que este
personaje ocupaba en el imperio incaico. El manuscrito in
dica además que este curaca era hijo de «apoi>, palabra que
en el diccionario quichua de González de Holguin (1901,
pág. 29) está traducida como «Señor grande, juez superior».
Condor-chava (kuntur chawa) se traduce como insignia de
cóndor.5
Este dibujo no es el único que en el manuscrito muestra
tesoreros o secretarios con quipus en las manos. Ya Mon-
tell {1929, figura 86) reprodujo la página 335 del mismo ma
nuscrito, representando un administrador de depósitos soste
niendo un quipu y dando informe al «topa ynga yupanqui»
delante de los «depocitos del ynga». Se encuentran además
otras figuras con quipus en el manuscrito, en las páginas
202, 348, 358, 800 y 883. (Véase figuras 2, 3 y 4).
Sin embargo, lo más interesante en la página 360 es la
figura que se ve en la parte inferior de la esquina izquierda.
Es un rectángulo compuesto de 4x5 cuadros, marcados
sistemáticamente con pequeños círculos o puntos. Es este
detalle del dibujo que más nos ocupará, pues, no cabe duda
que tenemos ante nosotros un tablero o ábaco, que bien
se puede suponer ser una invención peruana y que, según
sé, no ha sido aún descrita.
4

Fig. I. La pàgina 360 del manuscrito de Guaman Poma con el dibujo de

un àbaco.
 DEPOCÌTOlDELÌIAGA

\t(\C\y»})inm((mm '({((umr,

Fig. 2. La pàgina 335 del libro de Guaman Poma, que representa un ad-
ministrador informando al Inca. Segùn Montell.
6

Fig. 3. Cuatro páginas del libro de Guaman Poma mostrando el uso de

quipus en el imperio incaico. A, pág. 202; B, pág. 348; C, pág.
800 y D, pág. 883.
 7
is

Fig. 4. Dibujo de Guaman Poma de un quipucamayoc. Pág. 358 del ma

nuscrito.
Antes de proceder, veamos si el mismo Guaman Poma
ha anotado algo de interés concerniente a los métodos arit
méticos de un quipucamayoc. Desde luego llama la atención
en el manuscrito la página 361 (figura 5), en la que, sin hacer
correcciones ortográficas o gramaticales, aparte de escribir
con todas las letras algunas abreviaciones, leemos lo siguiente:
8
« Contador I Tezorero Contador mayor deto doeste rreyno con-
dorchaua hijo de apo aeste le llamanan tauantinsuyo runaquipoc
yncap haziendan chasquicoc tezorero mayor dize que este prencipal
tenia grande auilidad para sauer su auilidad el ynga mando contar
y numirar ajustar conlos yndios deste rreyno con la lana del cierto
taruga enparexaua con lalana alos yndios y enparexaua con una
comida llamado quinua contaua la quinua y los yndios fue muy
grande su auilidad mejor fuera en papel y tinta — contador mayor
hatunhuchaquipoc — contador menor huchuy huchaquipoc — cuen
tan en tablas — numiran de cien mil y de dies mil y de ciento y de
dies hasta llegar auna deto do lo que pasan eneste rreyno lo asienta
y fiestas y domingos y meses y años y en cada ciudad y uilla y
pueblos de yndios auia estos dichos contadores y tesoreros eneste
rreyno y contaua destamanera comensando de uno dos y tres sue —
yscay — quinza — taua — pichica — zocta — canchis — puzac —
yscon — chunga — yscaychunga — quinzachunga — tauachunga
— piscachunga — zoctachunga — canchischunga — pozacchunga —
ysconchunga — pachaca — uaranga — chungauaranga — huno
— pachacahuno —■ uarangahuno — pantacachuno ».
Si analizamos los datos que el autor da en un idioma
defectuoso y mezclado con quichua, vemos: Io) que «el con
tador maior », « hatunhuchaquipoc », poseía una gran habilidad
en su profesión; 2o) que el Inca lo mandaba por su reino
para llevar y tomar cuentas y 30) que él sumaba y contaba
la población india con la ayuda de la lana de una taruga6
y quinua, y era más habil en contar de esta manera que
haciéndolo con papel y tinta. También leemos lo que es
de mayor importancia sobre este respecto, que el contador
mayor, hatunhuchaquipoc, y el contador menor, huchuy hucha
quipoc, contaban en tableros y numeraban del 1 al 100.000.
También se dice que había contadores y tesoreros en todos
los pueblos y ciudades del reino que llevaban cuenta de
todo hecho importante, así como también de las »fiestas y
domingos» (semanas en el idioma del autor) y »meses y
años». Este dato es muy interesante ya que en cierto grado
confirma la teoría presentada por Nordenskióld (1923 a—b
y 1931) en sus investigaciones de los quipus, en donde opina
que en muchos de éstos hallados en sepulcros se encuentran
cálculos cronológicos.
 9

6-

b»c yrxcAo tyaxfifab*** cfyai^ cot- k^oiet*

Ci J>«*a. Jo^u-* i«oxv» tt ynjomon* *

j^t^iv yJtMit UoftnCUqar

1AM cl? Xtyiwja. pomace lpu*i<f<\ -ySiStiy unja -jjactyhctK

,.7 TC7 /

Fig. 5. Pagina 361 del texto de Guaman Poma.

10

Son también interesantes otras declaraciones hechas por

Guarnan Poma, por las que se comprende que los quipus
desempeñaban un papel importante en los cálculos crono
lógicos y astronómicos. En la página 235 escribe, en el
capítulo primero sobre las cuentas que los Incas llevaban
sobre los años y meses «los filosofos y astrologos antiguos
contauan la semana dies Has y treinta dias un mes y anci
por esta se seguía y se seruia con ella y conocía por las estrell
as lo que abia de pasar el ano» etc.; y en la pág. 260 dice:
« -de un dia hasta dies es una semana llegauan a treinta
dias o treinta un dia o dos conforme el menguante desde menguante
aquello tenia por orden del creciente de la luna — los dichos doze
meses se contaua un ano y por esta orden hacia quipo de gastos y
multiplico y de todo lo que pasaua en este reyno en cada ano y los
filosofos astrologos para senbrar y coger las comidas y uiandas y
para otras ocasiones y orden y gouierno se regian con sus quipos
y con mucha claridad y distincion lo que se a gastado consumido
en que mes y en que ano paso dauan relacion en ello»
En la pág. 884 confirma el cargo que los indios filósofos
y astrólogos tenían entonces y sabían «las oras y domingos
y dias y meses año para senbrar y rrecoger las comidas de
cada año». En la pág. 260 también nos da informaciones de
observaciones solares directas que se parecen, entre otras,
a las de Garcilasso de la Vega. Dice:
« y para no herrar la ora y dia se ponian a mirar en una
quebrada y miraua el salir y apuntar del rayo del sol de la manana
como uiene por su ruedo volteando como relojo entiende de ello y
no le engana un punto el reloxo de ellos que seis meses voltea a lo
derecho y otros seis a lo izquierdo vuelve y asi comienza del mes»

En la pág. 884 detalla él más sus informaciones acerca

de las observaciones solares:
« se acaua todo el mes al ruedo del andar del sol co-
mensando otra vez de enero en este dho mes se cienta en su cilla
como dho es y ací va cada año y para sauer las oras y minutos dize
el astrologo q apunta muy de mañana el rrayo del sol y la claridad
se a de uer de una uentana la claridad adonde da o q se ponga a
mirar al serro por donde sale y anda y buelbe y se aciente» etc.
 II

Me ha parecido interesante hacer resaltar brevemente estos

datos de Guarnan Poma, que confirman los siguientes del
Padre Christoval de Molina, de Cuzco, por los que se de
duce que el quipu también fué usado como especie de calen
dario:
« , no obstante que ussavan de una quenta muy subtil de
unas ebras de lana de dos ñudos y puesta lana de colores en los
ñudos los quales llaman quipos entendíanse y entiendense tanto por
esta quenta que dan razon de mas de quinientos años de todas las
cossas que en esta tierra en este tiempo an passado: tenían yndios
yndustriados y maestros de los dichos quipos y quentas y estos yban
de generacion en generacion mostrando lo pasado y empapandolo en
la memoria a los que avian de entrar, que por maravilla se olvida
ban cosa por pequeña que fuese tenian en estos quipos que cassi
son a modo de pavilos con que las biejas recan en nuestra España
salvo ser remales tenian tanta quenta en los años messes y luna detal
suerte que no avia lunar, luna, año ni mes aunque no con tanta
pulicia como después que Ynga Yupanqui empeco a señorear y con
quistar esta tierra; porque hasta entonces los yngas no avian salido
de los alrededores del Cuzco. Como por la relacion que V.a S.a
Rma. tiene, parece este ynga fue el primero que empeco a poner
quenta y razon en todos las cossas y el que quito cultos y discultos
y ceremonias que en cada uno dellos hacen, porque no obstante que
antes que reynasen sus antecesores, tenian meses y años por sus
quipos, no se regían con tanto concierto como después que este fue
señor que se regían por los ynviernos y veranos». (Molina, 1913,
págs. 125—126). 7
Estas notas son importantes ya que este autor conocía a
fondo la lengua quichua y empezó a escribir relativamente
temprano, por lo que puede considerarse como muy verídico.
También en el documento publicado por Marcos Jiménez
de la Espada, en 1892, bajo el título Una antigualla peruana
y que, según Means (1931, pág. 566), fué escrito para el
Gobernador C. Vaca de Castro que gobernó el Perú de 1541
hasta 1544, hay datos sobre los quipucamayocs, y como
éstos habían ejecutado y llevado cuentas cronológicas con
sus quipus. He aquí parte de los datos del manuscrito:8
«Estos quipucamayos habian sido á manera de historiadores ó
contadores de la razon, y fueron muchos, y en todos ellos habia
12
conformidad en sus quipos y cuentas; no tenian otro ejercicio más
de tener gran cuenta con sus quipos ansí del origen y principio de
los ingas, como de cada uno en particular, desde el dia que nascian
cada uno, como de las demás cosas acontecidas en tiempo de cada
señor déllos ...» (Pág. 6).
«Por las cuentas de los quipos que estos contadores de los ingas
daban, era desde el dia que nacia el inga y del tiempo y años y
edad [en que] tomaban la posicion (sic) del señorío y la edad que
tenia al tiempo que la tomaba cada uno de ellos, y los años que
reinaba, hasta su fin y muerte, y entraba otro sucesor con la misma
cuenta así subcesivamente desde el primer inga, que fué Mango
Capac, hasta el postrero, que fué Vascar Inga; y éste, por la cuenta,
no se halló que habia señoreado más de dos años y cuatro meses,
que luego le mataron. Estos años y meses que daban por cuenta,
eran meses y años lunares, dando á cada mes de una conjunción de
luna á otra; y destos meses, lunares daban doce al año, dando su nombre
á cada mes.» (Pág. y)'
También tiene interés comparativo citar algunos datos que
el padre Nicolás Armentia trajo de su viaje por el circuito
del Rio Madre de Dios en 1885, en que visitó los Araonas
y Cavinas («viven en el rio Manuripi, en las inmediaciones
del Madre de Dios, en ambas bandas». Viaje del Padre
Armentia, pág. 50). Armentia dice en la página 64 de los
Araonas:
«Llevan también en sus templos la cuenta de los años; por me
dio de marlos de maiz, que representan las chacras que han hecho
y campamentos que han ocupado. También llevan la cuenta de
las lunas, por medio de piedras: y al terminar una lima, retiran la
piedra que la representa; y que todo el tiempo de la duración de la
luna, ha estado en medio, separada de las demás. Al aparecer la
nueva luna, la saludan estrepitosamente, y el Yanacona [sacerdote]
separa una nueva piedra».
De la relación de Armentia se tiene la impresión que esas
tribus de tierra baja aprendieron en lo que se refiere a los
cálculos cronológicos, de los pueblos de las montañas occi
dentales.10 Según Armentia, los Araonas contaban con 12
meses y además un décimotercio uipabadi «que es luna
complemental, y la añaden cada tres años» (págs. 64—65).
Volviendo al dibujo en la página 360 en el manuscrito de
 13

Guaman Poma (figura 1), opino que el rectángulo a cuadros

representa un ábaco — con cuya ayuda podían los indios
ejecutar sus operaciones aritméticas — y que los resul
tados eran después anudados en los hilos del quipu. Quien
haya visto varios quipus, comprenderá que hubiera sido poco
práctico, si no imposible, llevar cuentas deshaciendo los
nudos a veces muy fuertes y bien hechos. Por eso opino
que los quipus deben ser considerados generalmente como el
resultado y registro de las cuentas. Por lo mismo no puedo
estar de acuerdo con lo que Nordenskióld dice en 1925 b,
pág. 21:
« but we must remember that counting with quipus
must have been very easy owing to the clear disposition of the
numbers, which had a value according to their position. If we lay
out a quipu so that all the units lie properly in place, and all the
tens, etc., it is almost as easy to add and subtract with a quipu as
working with Arabic characters on a piece of paper. We may be
sure that an Indian did not have to have to sit long fingering the
knots in order to discover their value; his eye would certainly be
able at a glance to distinguish between a 5-knot and a 6-knot, etc. »
Iceland Locke opina del mismo modo que yo, diciendo
(1923, p. 32):
« The quipu was not adapted to calculation. For this purpose small
pebbles and grains of maize were used. These facts are known both
from numerous statements to this effort and also from the archaeolo
gical specimens of the pebbles and tables of stone separated into
compartments for the purpose of calculation. The so-called Quichua
language was rich in number words ».
Con la asistencia del dibujo de Guaman Poma se ve que
el ábaco consistía en 4x5 cuadrados con 5, 3, 2 y 1 agujeros,
respectivamente. Para contar se usaban piedrecitas, granos
y semillas, o cosas por el estilo. Que se usaban piedrecitas
es confirmado por las siguientes citas, entre otras:

Bertonio (1879, [1612] tomo 1).11

« Contar por piedrecitas : Calana apanocatha, iranocatha, saraatha,
vel inocatha. » (p. 139)
14
«Piedra cuenta para contar lo que se deue: Cchaara. Para lo q se
ha pagado: Hanko. Contar con ellas: Iranocatha, Apanocatha. »
(P- 367)

ibid, (tomo 2):

«Cchaara: Piedrecila de contar lo que se deue dela tassa, y otras
cosas. » (p. 72)
«Inocatha: Contar con piedras. Calaro inocama. » (p. 174)
« Cala paachatha: Poner dos piedras enla cuenta, quando no ay
mas de vna. » (p. 240)
« Phiscachatha: Poner cinco en la cuenta quando la hazen por piedre-
citas. » (p. 270)

Joseph de Acosta {18Q4 [1590], t. 2, págs. 167—168):

« ; pues verles otra suerte de quipos, que usan de granos de
maíz, es cosa que encanta; porque una cuenta muy embarazosa, en
que tendrá un muy buen contador que hacer por pluma y tinta, para
ver á como les cabe entre tantos, tanto de contribución, sacando
tanto de allá, y añadiendo tanto de acá, con otras cien retartalillas,
tomarán estos Indios sus granos, y pondrán uno aquí, tres allá,
ocho no sé donde; pasarán un grano de aquí, trocarán tres de allá,
y en efecto ellos salen con su cuenta hecha puntualísimamente sin
errar un tilde; y mucho mejor se saben ellos poner en cuenta y razón
de lo que cabe á cada uno de pagar ó dar, que sabremos nosotros
dárselo por pluma y tinta averiguado. Si esto no es ingenio, y si
estos hombres son bestias, juzguelo quien quisiere, que lo que yo
juzgo de cierta es, que en aquello á que se aplican, nos hacen grandes
ventajas. »

Garcilasso de la Vega (16og, Libro II, Cap. XXVI: «De la

Geométrica, Geographia, Aritmetica, y Musica que alcan-
caron»):
« De la Geometrica supieron mucho, porque les fue necessario para
medir sus tierras, para las ajustar y partir entre ellos: mas esto fue
materialmente no por altura de grados, ni por otra cuenta especu-
latiua, sino por sus cordeles y piedrezitas, por las quales hazen sus
cuentas y particiones, que por no atreuerme a darme a entender,
dexare de dezir lo que supe dellas. »
« De la Aritmética supieron mucho, y por admirable manera, que
por nudos dados en vnos hilos de diuersas colores dauan cuenta de
todo lo que en el reyno del Inca auia de tributos, y contribuciones
 15
por cargo y descargo, sumauan restauan, y multiplicauan por aquell
os ñudos, y para saber lo que cabía a cada pueblo hazían las parti
ciones con granos de Mayz, y piedrezuelas, demanera que les salía
cierta su cuenta. »12

Martin de Morua {1g22, t. IV, Cap. 25: «De los conta

dores que el Inga tenia y llamaban entre ellos quipuca-
mayos. » Crónica del siglo XVI) :

«También hacían sus cuentas por piedras y por ñudos, como está
dicho; en cuerdas de colores, luengas, contaban uno, diez, ciento,
un mil, diez cientos, diez mil, diez cientos de mil». (pág.
!77)-

Antonio de Herrera (1728 [1601—15], Decada V, Libro IV,

Cap. 1):
« Para tener cuenta, i ragon, vsaron los que llaman Quipos, i tenían
vn Aposento colgado de ellos, que servían de Libros: estos son vnos
Ramales de cuerdas, anudados con diversos nudos, i diversas co
lores, con los quales suplían quanto pueden decir Historias, Leies,
Ceremonias, i Cuentas de negocios, con mucha puntualidad; i para
tener estos Quipos havia Oficiales señalados, que oi día se llaman
Quipo Camayo, los quales, como los Escrivanos eran obligados á
dar cuenta de cada cosa, i se les daba entero crédito, porque para
Guerra, Tributos, Govierno, i Cuentas, havia diversos Quipos; i asi
como nosotros con veinte i tres letras sacamos tantos vocablos: asi
los Indios, con sus nudos, i diferencia de colores, sacaban inume-
rables significaciones de cosas: » (P. 83)
« , ni sirven sino solamente para la memoria, porque el
que las inventó, no lo higo para significar palabras, sino para de
notar aquella cosa; i asi nunca los Indios tuvieron Letras, sino Cifras,
ó Memoriales, en la forma dicha. Por vnas Cuentas de Pedreguelas
aprenden quanto quieren tomar de memoria: por los Granos de
Maíz suelen tambien hacer vn gran repartimiento de cuenta mui
dificultosa, dando á cada vno la parte que le cabe; i de esta manera
suelen tomar cuentas: i tales Contadores embiaban los Ingas, para
tomarlas á los Cogedores de sus Tributos, tan bien como el maior
Contador de guarismo. Sus escrituras, como no eran letras, sino
dicciones, sin necesidad de travarse vnas con otras, las ponían de
arriba abaxo; i de esta manera, con sus Figuras se entendían. »
(P. 84)»
16

Juan de Velasco escribe bastante tarde (1789), pero se

nota que tuvo acceso a libros más antiguos que después
desaparecieron. En su Historia del Reino de Quito en la
América Meridional (t. II, pág. y), dice que los Caras que
habitaban al Sur de Pasto tenían un cierto modo de escribir:
«Se reducía á ciertos archivos ó depósitos hechos de madera, de
piedra ó de barro, con diversas separaciones en las cuales colocaban
piedrecillas de distintos tamaños, colores y figuras angulares, por
que eran excelentes lapidarios. Con las diversas combinaciones de
ellas, perpetuaban sus hechos, y formaban sus cuentas de todo. »
Verneau y Rivet (1912, pág. 250) tienden a identificar los
objetos descritos por Velasco con los tableros de juego
hallados arqueológicamente en Perú y Ecuador. Como es
sabido, varios de estos «contadores» de diferentes mate
riales (Verneau y Rivet, 1g12, lámina XV) han sido explica
dos como modelos de fortalezas o algo parecido, pero Norden-
skióld (1918) pudo probar que se trataba de tableros para
juego. De la misma opinión es Means (1931, pág. 328):
«My personal opinion is, however, that these objects were parts
of the game of chuncara which is described by Cobo thus: «Chun-
cara was another game of five small hollows scooped out in some
flat stone or in a board. They played it with beans of various colours,
throwing the die, and, according to how it fell they moved their
beans through their houses until the end was reached. The first
house counted ten, the rest mounted up by tens until the fifth was
reached, which was worth fifty. » I concede that this description
does not fit perfectly with the arrangement of the objects under
consideration; but they may have been unusually elaborate chun-
cara-boards. As a matter of fact, the « counter » theory may be
correct, in which case these objects may well have been extremely
useful for calculations, much as the abacus was to the people pos
sessing it. »
También debo mencionar aquí la interesantísima relación
de Horacio Urteaga «Planos de piedra, contadores o abacos,
La Apaytalla», en su colección de estudios «El Perú» (págs.
97—102) y siento no haberlo podido hacer en 1931 por no
haber tenido acceso al libro. El doctor Urteaga menciona
la discutida opinión de Monseñor González Suárez en el «Alias
 17

Arqueológico Peruano» (1892), de que los hallazgos arqueoló

gicos del tipo arriba citado son planos de fortalezas, como
también la opinión de Charles Wiener en «Pérou et Bolivie»
(1880) de que se trata de contadores. Urteaga (pág. 100)
traduce a Wiener:
«Los contadores estaban dispuesto en diferentes planos; en el
plano inferior se marcaban espacios de diferentes tamaños. La con
tabilidad se hacía con granos o piedrecitas de diferentes colores.
Una piedra o un grano marcaba una unidad en el campo pequeño
y doblado su valor en un campo más grande; lo triplicaba en el
campo central, y lo sextuplicaba en los espacios del segundo plano,
teniendo dos veces más valor en el plano superior o en el tercero.
El color de los granos o de las piedrecitas indicaba, o la tribu o la
naturaleza del producto».
Sin embargo no se conoce de donde sacó Wiener su de
tallado conocimiento de evaluar las marcas. Después de
estudiar a Martín de Morua «Origen de los Incas», llega
Urteaga al resultado de que se trata de un tablero para
juego, con lo cual se coloca en el mismo plano que Wiener.
Pero en vez de chuncara escribe Urteaga paytalla, según
Morua, a quien cita (pág. 101):
«Hay entre los indios un juego llamado por ellos paytalla; es un
género de fríjoles redondos de diversos géneros y nombres e hizo (;)
en el suelo con la cabecera alta de donde sueltan los tales fríjoles,
y el que de ellos pasa adelante y hace ruido, más gana a los otros;
está con sus rayas y arco a manera de surcos, y tiene sus nombres
particulares el juego como son apaitalla y otros, así los anquíes que
son Infantes, dotados de los hijos de los Ingas, jugaban así a este
juego como acto que es muy ordinario, estos indios llaman lapisca
con su tabla y agujeros o señal donde iban pasando los tantos. »

Interpretación del ábaco peruano

Independiente de lo dicho anteriormente, es muy probable
que la descripción de Velasco sea la de un ábaco, aun cuando
no es posible hacerse de ella una imagen del todo clara. En lo
que se refiere a la figura en el manuscrito de Guaman Poma,
está por demás decir que allí no se trata de un tablero para
juego. Primero, no hay ningún parecido entre el dibujo en
2
18

J8. c J?

o o o o
10000 OStIOOOO Z'/SOOOO o o.
300000
o o o o

O O o o
¡000 1*15000 o &
30000
O o o o

o o o o
M Os* wo X-1500 O c.
3000
O O o o

O O o o
IP 05*10 i* 150 O

O o o o

o o o o
O*/ 7>S O O ft

o o o o
/ s /i-
Fig. 6. Dibujo esquemático del ábaco de la figura 1. Explicación en el
texto.

Guaman Poma y los tableros de juego reproducidos por

Verneau y Rivet, y otros; después, este rectángulo está
tanto en palabras como en el dibujo muy asociado con el
texto del autor, de tal manera que no cabe duda alguna que él
se ha esforzado por describir un ábaco. Esto no quiere decir
que un tablero de juego en forma alguna no haya podido ser la
causa de la invención de un ábaco de esta clase, aunque por
 19

otro lado puede haberse verificado lo contrario, como también

se pudieran haber usado en combinación, como opina Means.
Ahora paso a una aclaración de la figura 6, donde está
trazado un sistema explicando el dibujo de Guaman Poma.
De los dos ejes del rectángulo, opera el vertical, por ejemplo
la linea A, de acuerdo con el sistema decimal que según
está probado fué usado para las cuentas en quipu, y cada
linea vertical representa, pues,
un hilo de quipu (figura 7) con
nudos de unidades, decenas, cen
tenas, etc. principiando de abajo.
Si esta linea vertical A contiene
5 cuadrados — como es el caso
en el dibujo — todos los números
en la linea horizontal a son múl
tiplos de 10.000.
En lo que concierne al valor
nominal de las lineas horizon
tales, supongo que está basado II)-
en el número 5, o sea los dedos
de una mano, que ocupa un papel
muy importante entre las tribus »9 90 99 ion
americanas y sin duda alguna ha Fig. 7. Dibujo esquemático de
un quipu. El valor de
sido el origen del sistema decimal los nudos depende de
en el Perú. Pongamos, por ejem la posición, de acuerdo
con el sistema decimal.
plo, 3 piedrecitas u otras marcas Según Nordenskióld.
en el cuadrado depara simbolizar
el número 3 de cualesquiera objetos. Si quisieramos agregar
3 unidades más el cuadrado se llenaría; pero cambiando una
piedra al cuadrado Be podemos reducir el número de marcas a
dos y determinar la cifra 6 si marcamos un 1 en A e y un 5 en
Be. Del mismo modo podemos continuar marcando y redu
ciendo. Este ejemplo ha sido, a propósito, tomado muy sen
cillo; pero de esta manera vemos que sumando varias can
tidades se ejecuta automáticamente una reducción a los
números más altos, y que el resultado que se adquiere está
20
 21

listo para ser anudado en el sistema decimal del quipu.

Experimentando se puede formar una idea como las adi
ciones más complicadas pueden ser efectuadas rápida y efec
tivamente. Podemos estar seguros de que los tesoreros y
quipucamayocs del antiguo Perú alcanzaban una gran
agilidad, 'como se puede aún observar en China, Japón,
Rusia y otros países, donde todavía se usan los ábacos en
distintas formas.
Claro está que además de sumar, también las otras tres
simples operaciones aritméticas pueden ser ejecutadas en un
ábaco de esta clase. Para multiplicar, por ejemplo, se marca
simplemente el más alto de los 2 factores en el tablero tantas
veces como indica el multiplicador. Después se hace la
suma y reducción del mismo modo que la adición. Para la
división probablemente se usaba un método parecido aun
que invertido. Sin embargo, es muy poco probable que
el uso de las divisiones fuera muy propagado en el Perú
antiguo. En lo que se refiere a una substracción, se puede
efectuar muy facilmente en uno de estos ábacos, en caso
de no ser necesario tomar prestado de otros factores. Siendo
así se tendrá que hacer primero una reducción hasta tener
un grupo de unidades de las cuales se pueda tomar prestado.
Supongamos que el valor máximo de estos cuadrados en
la línea vertical A, contando desde abajo es 5, 50, 500 etc.
y moviendo a la derecha cuando los espacios estén completa
mente marcados, vemos que los agujeros en la línea ver
tical D, contando de abajo, obtienen el valor de 30, 300,
3.000 etc. La importancia de estos agujeros para las cuen
tas de días, meses y años, está a la vista.
De lo que se lleva dicho, se ve como se pueden llevar
a cabo operaciones aritméticas empleando solamente las
líneas A y B. i Cual es entonces la función que las líneas
C y D desempeñan? Si no tuvieran función alguna, sería
indicio en contra de la teoría sobre el uso del ábaco que
vengo desarrollando. Pero tan pronto como se trata de su
mas altas vemos que es difícil llevar a cabo estas opera
22

ciones sin la ayuda de las líneas C y D, esto es, si queremos

un método relativamente fácil.
Antes de continuar quiero añadir, que este estudio ha
tenido ante todo el objeto de demostrar la utilidad de un
ábaco con las cuentas quipus, pero es naturalmente muy
difícil comprobar definitivamente sin datos exactos el sistema
que vengo desarrollando. Que los valores de las marcas en
la línea horizontal a son múltiplos de 10.000, sin embargo,
lo encuentro confirmado por lo que dice Garcilasso de la
Vega en sus Comentarios Reales (Libro VI, Cap. VIII »Con-
tauan por hilos y ñudos auia gran fidelidad en los conta
dores») que muy pocas veces se contaba con mayores su
mas:
«Los ñudos se dauan por su orden de vnidad, dezena, centena,
millar, dezena de millar, y pocas vezes o nunca, passauan a la cen
tena de millar: por que como cada pueblo tenia su cuenta de por
si, y cada metropoli la de su distrito, nunca llegaua el numero destos,
o de aquellos a tanta cantidad que passasse al cetena de millar,
que en los numeros q ay de allí abaxo tenia harto. Mas si se ofre
ciera auer de contar por el numero centena de millar también lo
contaran: por que en su lenguaje pueden dar todos los numeros del
guarismo como el los tiene mas por q no ama para que vsar de los
numeros mayores no passaua del dezena de millar. »"
Paso a examinar las razones por las que opino que el
ábaco dibujado por Guaman Poma es de origen completa
mente indígena del Perú. Ante todo, examinemos breve
mente los métodos que se usaban en el Viejo Mundo para
calcular en ábacos.
La idea de usar piedras y un tablero para contar es de
origen muy antiguo, y se encuentra extendida por varias
partes del mundo. Los griegos tenían su abax y los roma
nos llamaban a su tablero abacus, palabra que tomé en la
versión inglesa para evitar confusiones con las tablas de
juego. Las piedrecitas con que eran marcadas estas cuentas
se llamaban calculi.
Suan-pan (swan-pan) o los tableros chinos figuran bajo
la misma categoría. Ya que se ha escrito mucho sobre la
 23

existencia de los tableros en el Viejo Mundo y toda esta

literatura está al alcance de los interesados, no es necesario
disertar más sobre las diferentes opiniones que existen sobre
el origen de estos tableros.15 Tenemos, sin embargo, mo
tivos para admitir que fué relativamente tarde que los chi
nos recibieron la idea para el suan-pan de las antiguas civi
lizaciones en las regiones del Eufrates y Tigris, por vía de
la India. Suan-pan a su turno es la procedencia del soroban
japonés.
Por lo tanto, las ideas sobre el país de origen del ábaco
difieren mucho. Mientras que C. G. Knott (1885, pág. 19)
dice: «It seems certain that its original home was India,
whence it spread westward to Europe and eastward to
China, assuming various forms, no doubt, but still remaining
essentially the same instrument »; escribe el aleman Feld-
haus {1931, págs. 143—144):

«Zu den sehr alten chinesischen Erfindungen gehort der Rechen-

apparat, der aus kleinen Stáben besteht, auf denen sich abgeplattete
Kugeln verschieben lassen. Alie Stabe sind durch eine Querliste in
kürzere und lángere Abschnitte geteilt. Auf dem kürzeren Stück
gilt ein an den Querstab gerückter Knopf 5 Einheiten; auf dem
lángeren Stück gilt er 1 Einheit. — Von China gelangte dieses
Rechenbrett im 16. Jahrhundert nach Russland, wo es heute noch
zum Rechnen unentbehrlich ist. Nach Japan kam es aus China
im 16. Jahrhundert. Der um die Theorie der Mechanik verdiente
und als Erfinder einer Wasserturbine bekannte Franzose Poncelet
lernte das russische Rechenbrett als Kriegsgefangener in den Jahren
1 81 2/14 kennen, machte es in Frankreich bekannt und wurde so
der Vater unserer aus Dráhten und Kugeln bestehenden Rechen-
maschine fur Kinder. »

Lo que tienen de común los tableros arriba mencionados,

es que están divididos en un número de espacios por medio
de ranuras verticales en las que botones u objetos pare
cidos son movidos a guisa de marcas, o bien están divididos
en espacios verticales por medio de bastoncitos en que co
rren esferas perforadas. Las esferas que estaban en la pri
mera línea, marcaban las unidades, después continuaban
24

las decenas, etc. En tiempos antiguos consistía cada línea

de 1o esferas. Poco a poco se simplificó este procedimiento,
añadiendo una línea horizontal, representando así las bolas
en la parte superior cantidades de 5 cada una. Para repre
sentar por ejemplo el número 99, no se necesita más que
un 5 en la parte superior y cuatro marcas en la línea de las
decenas, y un 5 y cuatro marcas en la línea de las unidades,
mientras que antes hubiera sido necesario usar 9 esferas
en cada una de estas líneas.
El conocimiento de los métodos empleados en Europa y
sobre todo en España a fines del siglo XV y mediados del
siglo XVI, es de gran importancia para decidir si el dibujo
de Guaman Poma es de origen peruano o no. Guild (1882,
pág. 9) escribe:
«The use of counters as a means of calculations was very general
throughout Europe as late as the end of the 15th century. About
that period they had ceased to be used in Spain and Italy, where
the Arabic figures had been introduced and had come into general
use, through the number of treatises on practical arithmetic which
had been compiled. They were still used in France until a later
period, and had not disappeared in England and Germany until
the middle of the 17th century.»
Parece, por consiguiente, que tableros sencillos para cál
culos hayan sido usados en España o por los españoles en
el Perú a fines del siglo XVI, que fué cuando Guaman Poma
escribió y dibujó su obra. Estos tableros no tienen, sin em
bargo, parecido alguno con el dibujo de Guaman Poma, de
lo que se deduce que el autor describe un objeto de cultura
puramente indígena.
Leland Locke confirma, refiriéndose al primer artículo,
mi opinión de que la figura de Guaman Poma representa
un objeto de la cultura peruana y escribe (1932, pág. 41):
« While not subscribing in full to Mr. Wassén's assignment of
values to the columns, I take the liberty of reproducing his dia
gram. With five given to each dot in the second row it is possible
to indicate fifteen in one of these squares, which is of some advan
tage in calculating. This is paralleled somewhat on the Chinese
 25
swan pan, on which two beads are found in the five compartment,
thus registering fifteen in the units' column, before a carry is per
formed. The soroban of the Japanese has but one bead in this com
partment. There is a possibility of other assignments of values, as
five in each of the columns C and D, or ten in D, as shown in the
diagram. It may be that the artist inadvertently omitted a four
column, and that each dot might carry the value of one. The dissi
milarity of the arrangement from any known form of the European
reckoning table would justify the conclusion that it is of Inca origin. »
Fijándonos en el dibujo de Guaman Poma, vemos que éste
ha llenado varias de las marcas circulares en los cuadrados,
por lo visto para enseñar como se usaban para contar, y
admitamos con la mayor probabilidad que estas marcas en el
dibujo fueron hechas sin intentar marcar un número definido.
Me parece interesante mencionar, como conclusión, que
aún en nuestros días se puede observar el uso de granos de
maíz, etc. para cuentas entre ciertos campesinos peruanos,
según relata el director del Museo Arqueológico « Rafael
Larco Herrera» en Trujillo, Sr. Rafael Icareo Hoyle, en el
segundo tomo de su obra «LOs Mochicas». Nos presenta un
viejo pastor de la hacienda Tulpo (Santiago de Chuco), « quien
llevaba cuentas de grandes cantidades de ganado en el
sistema de los quipus y en el maíz» (1939, fig. 178) y dice
(págs. 118—119):
«... un curioso sistema que se emplea actualmente en la sierra
por algunos campesinos, el mismo que se ha usado por los viejos
pobladores de Paiján y otros pueblos indígenas del Valle de Chicama.
Es éste: en la cosecha en los fundos de la sierra, los habitantes que
no entienden de números pero que saben contar, llevan la estadística
de su chacra y de sus ganados en pequeñas bolsas de diferentes co
lores a las que denominan «talegas». Cada bolsa corresponde a una
de las chacras conocidas con su nombre. De acuerdo con el número
de sacos que produce cada chacra, se pone en la talega el número
correspondiente en ñuñas o maíz, de conformidad con el vegetal y
la cantidad producida. También llevan las cuentas de su ganado
en la misma forma, utilizando en cada clase los granos diferentes y
señalando hasta el colorido. Las ovejas están representadas por los
chochos, las vacas por las ñuñas, etc.
En la costa también se ha utilizado el mismo sistema para la
26
cuenta del ganado, empleando para el caso los frijoles y los pallares
y de ahí que hasta hoy se llamen todavía « canteritos » a los frijoles
y «vaquitas» a los pallares, por la asignación que tenían antes de
la cuenta. » . . .
No hay que imaginar que un ábaco peruano tuviese que
ser invariablemente de un material más o menos sólido como
piedra, madera, etc. Es muy probable que a veces consis
tiese nada más que de la figura de un ábaco delineada
rápidamente sobra la arena, o sobre un pedazo de tela, etc.
y el resultado final anudado en el quipu.

Notas
1 Véase la bibliografía.
2 Tal procedimiento de un crítico, de usar exactamente el mismo tí
tulo que usó el autor anterior, ocasiona inútiles equivocaciones en las citas.
Por ejemplo en la reseña de la edición francesa de Poma de Ayala en el
«American Anthropologist », Vol. 39: 4, p. 683, 1937, escribe Wendell C.
Bennett: »Montell has already utilized some of the leads on spinning and
weaving technique as well as the costume information. L. Leland 1/ocke
has written an article The Ancient Peruvian Abacus commenting on the
drawings of quipus and a calculating device».
» Tello (1939).
* Université de Paris. Travaux et Mémoires de ¡'Instituí d'Ethnologie,
XXIII, 1936. — Teniendo en cuenta las investigaciones actuales y fu
turas sobre el texto y material de ilustraciones en esta crónica india, es
de lamentar que el editor, profesor Paul Rivet, no haya redactado una lista
más minuciosa sobre las obras científicas que se basan en el manuscrito antes
de ser publicado en facsímile. Compárese la lista complementaria en la
reseña de la edición francesa por Georg Friederici en el Góttingische Ge-
lehrte Anzeigen, año 200, Núm. 1, págs. 38—45, Gottingen 1938. También
hay que mencionar que el asistente del Museo Nacional de Copenhagen,
Dr. Jens Yde, desde hace varios años se ocupa en una versión inglesa del
manuscrito.
8 TeUo {1939) pág. 73.
• Bertonio (1879, t. 2, pág. 338): uTarukha: Venado con cuernos, y
pelo pardo».
7 Compárese Nordenskióld (1925 b, págs. 10—11 y citado), Locke (1923,
Pág- 36).
8 Parece que este documento también fué aprovechado por Garcilasso
de la Vega. Compárese el principio de la pág. 7 en Una antigualla pe
 27
ruana: «Dieron este cargo á personas de mucha curiosidad por interpreta
ción de Pedro Escalante, indio ladino en lengua castellana, el cual servia á
Vaca de Castro de interprete ...» con el citado de Locke (1923, p. 42) de la
traducción de Los Comentarios Reales por Markham: nThere were in the
employment persons of much inquisitivness for the interpretation of Pedro
Escalante who were well versed in the idiom of the Spanish language, they
who served as interpreters for Vaca de Castro ...» Este documento tam
bién fué editado por los doctores Urteaga y Romero, de Lima, en 1920,
bajo el título de Discurso sobre la descendencia y gobierno de los Incas.
' Las letras cursivas son mías.
10 Compárese los datos de los Cavinas en Nordenskióld (1915, p. 547)
y la traducción alemana (1924, págs. 268—269): »Sie sagen selbst, dass
die Alten Aymará sprachen. Das erscheint ganz ungereimt, und doch
kann es nicht geleugnet werden, dass die Cavina-Indianer aus der Ay-
marásprache Wórter entlehnt haben, dagegen nicht aus dem Quichua,
z. B. mehrere von den Zahlwortern. Es ist daher doch móglich,
dass die Aymaráwórter in vorcolumbischer Zeit, ais der Aymarástamm
eine viel grossere Verbreitung und Bedeutung hatte ais jetzt, in die Ca-
vinasprache übernommen wurden. »
11 Del Vocabulario de la Lengua Aymara de Bertonio escribe Markham
(1902, p. 37): »Ludovico Bertonio, Jesuíta italiano, que escribió una gra
mática y un voluminoso diccionario del idioma viciado que se hablaba en
Juli, cerca de la orilla occidental del lago Titicaca, por una mezcla de
muchas tribus reunidas allí y originarias de todas partes del Imperio In
caico. Llama «Aymara» á este idioma (1612).»
u Compárese Locke (1923, p. 39), traducción inglesa.
13 Compárese Locke (1923, págs. 38—39), traducción francesa según Bras-
seur de Bourbourg.
14 Compárese Locke (1923, pág. 40) traducción inglesa.
16 Véase, por ejemplo, la descripción de varios tipos de ábacos en D. E.
Smith (1928, págs. 156—196).

BIBLIOGRA FÍA
ACOSTA, Joseph de
1894. Historia Natural y Moral de las Indias. Madrid.
ARMENTIA, Nicolás
? Viaje del Padre Armentia. La Paz?, año?
BERTONIO, Ludovico
18J9. Vocabulario de la Lengua Aymara, t. 1 —2. Leipzig (Edición
Platzmann) .
28
FELDHAUS, Prans M.
1931. Die Technik der Antike und des Mittelalters. Leipzig.

FRIEDERICI, Georg
1938. Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva Coránica y Buen Go
bierno. (Góttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, Jahrg. 200, Núm. 1),
Góttingen.

GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA
16og. Commentarios reales, qve tratan del origen de los Yncas, Reyes
qve fveron del Peru etc. Lisboa.

GONZALEZ DE HOLGUIN, Diego

1901. Arte y Diccionario Qquechua-Español. Lima.

GUILD, James, Wyllie

1882. The Origin of Arithmetic and Theory of Number. An Address
delivered to the Institutes of Bankers and Accountants. Glasgow.

HERRERA, Antonio de
IJ28. Historia General de los Hechos de los Castellanos etc. Decada
quinta. Madrid.

JIMÉNEZ DE LA ESPADA, Marcos

1892. Una antigualla peruana. Madrid.

KNOTT, Cargill, G.
1885. The Abacus, in its historie and scientific aspects. (Transactions
of The Asiatic Society of Japan, Vol. XIII), Yokohama.

LARCO HOYLE, Rafael

1939. Los Mochicas, t. II. Lima.

LOCKE, L. Leland
1923. The Ancient Quipu or Peruvian Knot Record. New York.

1932. The Ancient Peruvian Abacus. (Scripta Mathematica, Sep

tiembre). New York. [Reseña].

MARKHAM, Clemente R.
1902. Las posiciones geográficas de las tribus que formaban el imperio
de los Incas. Versión castellana por Manuel V. Ballivián. La
Paz.
 29
MEANS, Philip, Ainsworth
1931. Ancient civilizations of the Andes. New York.

MOLINA, Christoval de
1g13. Relacidn de las fábulas y ritos de los Ingas. (Revista Chilena
de Historia y Geografía, año 3, tomo V). Santiago de Chile.

MONTEIS, Gósta
1929. Dress and Ornaments in Ancient Peru. Góteborg.

MORUA, Martin de
2922. Reyes del Perú, (Colección de libros y documentos referentes
a la historia del Perú, t. IV, 2a serie). Lima.

NORDENSKIÜLD, Erland
1915. Forskningar och dventyr i Sydamerika 1913—1914. Stockholm.
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1924. Forschungen und Abenteur in Südamerika. Stuttgart.
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30
VERNEAU, R. y RIVET, P.
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WASSÉN, Henry
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The Noble Families or Maradika of Koelawi,
Central Celebes
by
Walter Kaudern

The Koelawi district in N. W. Central Celebes is a val

ley-basin surrounded by mountain ranges chiefly running
N.N.W. and S.S.E. (Fig. 1 p. 33) It communicates in
the north with the Paloe Valley, in the south with the
valleys of the Mewe and the Koro (Map p. 32). The inhab
itants, the To Koelawi (To means man, men, people) have
cultivated the plain and grow chiefly paddy. In 1918,
during which year I stayed for about ten months in Koe
lawi, it had a population of more than two thousand per
sons.
The To Koelawi like other Toradja tribes do not represent
a homogeneous race, but the admixture of foreign blood
seems to be rather of old date. Of quite recent date, i. e.
after 1900, only a few cases of mixed breed are known. In
one of these the father was a Sangi man, in another a Mi-
nahassa man, in a third case he was an American. Here
and there I met with native children whose father was said
to be a man from New Zealand. Judging by the looks of
the children the man is likely to have been a bastard of
European and Maori stock. Occasionally I noticed a native
with purely Semitic features, but no admixture of Arabian
or Semitic blood is known by the natives themselves.
Like all Toradja tribes the To Koelawi are rather small
of stature, but they are strong and have a fine figure. The
colour of the skin is brown, the hair as a rule black, coarse
32

Map of Koelavi and adjacent districts

 0000
PW.Khauodteron
1918

Sfrom
of
village
the
beyond
hills
dark,
The
KFig.
Plain
ridge
woody
oin
plain
theeseen1.nlgak—woie.

Bolapapoe
is
Hill.
34
and straggling, occasionally it is slightly wavy. A head
with curly hair is rare, and a woolly one I never saw.
Among the To Koelawi as well as among most Toradja
tribes two types are met with, the majority of the natives
having rather dark brown skin, a round and broad face and
a short broad nose, whereas the other less numerous type
has a comparatively oval face, the nose being rather long
and narrow, straight or slightly curved. Besides there are
some individuals who seem to be representatives of still
another race since they possess very dark brown skin and
very wavy hair. It is possible that these should be ranged
with the veddoid peoples and that the majority of the popu
lation are Primitive Malays and Old Malays intermingled
with each other and perhaps with other races as well. How
ever, as long as no anthropological study has been made
either of the To Koelawi, or of any other Toradja tribe, all
attempts at classifying the types noticeable among the na
tives are nothing but conjectures and guesswork.
The natives themselves do not know anything for certain
about their origin, or the time when their ancestors settled
in Koelawi, or whence they came. There are legends re
ferring to these questions, but they are often inconsistent
and it seems impossible to draw any important conclusions
from them. We do not even know whether the different
racial types immigrated separately from different quarters,
or whether the immigrants were a mixed race when they
arrived in Central Celebes. Only a strict anthropological in
vestigation of all Toradja tribes could be expected to throw
light on this matter. For certain reasons it seems to be a
possibility that the different classes of society represent dif
ferent racial elements, or waves of immigrants, but, as I
said above, it is only conjectures and nothing is known for
certain.
In order to acquire a reliable ground for an anthropolog
ical examination of a certain class in a limited area I tried
to make a general survey of the persons in Koelawi who
 35
belonged to the uppermost class of the country, that is the
noble families, or maradika.
Like the majority of the Toradja tribes the To Koelawi
are divided into three classes: the maradika, the todea,
who are free, unprivileged landowners, and the batoea, the
slaves who are now called perentah, servants, since slavery
has been abolished by the Dutch.
It seems uncertain that there was a native royal family
in Koelawi in olden times. There are, however, legends
about such a family, but at the time of the conquering by
the Dutch in the beginning of our century the inhabitants
of Koelawi paid tribute to the rich and powerful prince of
Sigi in the Paloe Valley. Under Dutch rule Koelawi was
given a governor who was a man of their own country with
the title of magaoe. He is, however, more a Dutch official
than a native prince. As far as I understood, the office of
magaoe did not pass on from a father to his son. A new
magaoe was appointed by the Dutch Government but
actually chosen by the natives who chose the person among
them whom they wanted to have for their head, and then
the Dutch confirmed their choice. Necessarily a magaoe
must be a man of the maradika class. How the mara
dika had become a superior class in society the natives
could not explain. They said the maradika were such
from ancient times by birth. If this institution was origi
nal in Koelawi, or if it had been introduced from abroad
they did not know. There are certain legends about the
maradika, but they do not seem to be of much use to
science. The maradika may belong to a foreign people
who immigrated into Central Celebes after the Toradja had
settled there, but if this is the case we could expect the
maradika of all Toradja tribes to have some anthropolog
ical characteristics in common, differentiating them from
the rest of the population, and as long as no anthropolog
ical research has been made the matter cannot be cleared
up. The maradika class may just as well be a foreign
36

W. Kaudern Photo 1918

Fig. 2. — A married maradika lady wearing the typical head-band of
Koelawi, tali potaja.

cultural element which from the coast has penetrated into

the interior of the island.
The maradika are to a certain degree isolated from their
fellow countrymen, since a maradika is not as a rule allowed
to marry a person not of noble birth. It happened, how
ever, that a maradika man took a slave girl for his second
or third wife, in which case the woman became his equal
and her children by him were maradika. A maradika
girl marrying a man not of noble birth I never heard of.
Thus the maradika are representatives of a rather pure
type, and as a matter of fact it was not difficult to tell by
the looks and manners of a person if he, or she, was a mara
dika (Figs. 2 and 3, p. 37).
In Koelawi the maradika have no special mark indi
cating their being of noble birth, or their being members of
 37

W. Kaudern Photo 191 8

Fig. 3. — A married maradika lady of Koelawi wearing a head-band
of a pattern from the districts southeast of Koelawi.

a certain family. They do not have a family name, nor

any coat of arms, but only a maradika is allowed to wear
golden ornaments. The broad-brimmed hat of a maradika
woman is adorned all along its edge with red tape and small
tassels* of cloth (Fig. 4, p. 38). Todea women who were
well off decorated the edge of their hat-brims with red tape
only, which was not considered proper for women of humbler
means.
How many maradika families there were in Koelawi I
could not find out. The opinions on this matter .seemed to
vary with the natives. I was told by a man that there
were actually only three such families, but which these were
was not clear. Possibly the families now living are branches
from a few original maradika families. Presumably a
couple of maradika families who call themselves To Koe-
3«

Fig. 4. — Koelawian womens' hats, toroe. The top one for persons not
of noble birth, the lower one for maradika women.

lawi have immigrated to Koelawi rather lately. Judging by

the statements made by some natives it does not seem im
possible that a few maradika families have risen to their
position by their wealth, or by success in war.
It was, however, impossible to get authentic information
from the natives on their descent, since mostly they did
not know their family more than two, perhaps three gener
ations back. Besides, the maradika families have inter
married so often that, in the beginning, I felt inclined to
believe there was but a single big maradika family in
Koelawi.
It was not an easy task to make a genealogical study in
Koelawi even of the present generation. When I asked a
person, "what is your name," he would not tell himself, but
he would ask somebody else to answer for him. A native
often shrank from mentioning the names of his near rela
 39
tives for fear of demons. For the same reason a person
would occasionally alter his name, for instance after re
covering from an illness. Besides, such expressions as "my
child, my brother, my sister," were not sure to mean the
same as with us. When a native says, "this is my child,"
you cannot take it for granted that the child is his own.
It may be a brother's, a sister's, or a foster-child. It was
rather difficult to make the natives understand that I was
particular on this point. Another difficulty was that a man
and his wife, when their first child was born, dropped their
own names and were called the father and the mother of
their child. Father is in the Koelawian language tomai,
mother, tina. If, for instance, a man is called Tomai Ling-
koe, a woman, Tina Lingkoe, this means the father of Iying-
koe and the mother of Lingkoe. The two words tomai and
tina are slightly varied, possibly influenced by the fol
lowing name, or merely for the sake of convenience. In
Koelawi I noticed the following forms:

Tomai Noeroe Tina Gana

Tome Latoinda Tin Tagoeni
Taimen Toila Tinem Kaloeara
Taim Panggata Tinen Tjeko
Tai Povintoe Tine Odjoe
Tain Toroe

Even if the first born child is dead and there are younger
children in the family the parents keep the name of their
oldest child. A high maradika in Koelawi for instance,
was called Tomai I4ngkoe although his son I^ingkoe had
died as a baby so long ago that I could not find out when
it happened, and he had many more children after Ling-
koe. There were seven children in his family at the time
of my sojourn in Koelawi.
Occasionally a married man would go back to his origi
nal name, and before I knew this I made a mistake in my
40

record of the Koelawian nobility. A native friend of mine

was the maradika Tomai Noeroe. I knew all his family
and had entered them in my record. In this I also had a
man called Sigi Paloe, who had married a woman of the
same lineage as Tomai Noeroe's wife, but these data I did
not get from the persons themselves but from somebody
else, and I did not know Sigi Paloe and his wife.
One day when my wife and I sat on the missionary's
veranda, Tomai Noeroe passed by. I was astonished to hear
the missionary call him Sigi Paloe. It was my friend To
mai Noeroe after all! How was that? The missionary ex
plained. Before Tomai Noeroe married he was Sigi Paloe,
and when his first child, Noeroe, was born he became To
mai Noeroe, but lately the man had taken a second wife
and to her he was Sigi Paloe.
The natives of Koelawi bad a very vague idea of their
age. Quite young children were said to be so or so many
paddy harvests old, which was the same as years since
paddy was harvested only once a year, but beyond seven,
eight, or perhaps nine years they did not seem to trouble
about the age of a child. Most natives had no idea whether
they were twenty-five, thirty-five, or forty-five years of age.
To get an idea of the age of a person I had to connect it
with certain events the date of which was known. Such
were the arrival of the missionary in Koelawi, in 1913, the
conquering by the Dutch, in 1906, the visit of the Sara-
s1ns, in 1902. The natives would tell me if they were
children, youngsters, married, etc. at the occasion of these
events, and in this way I managed to get a fairly good idea
of their age. Statements about a native's age, however, I
have not entered in my record unless they are certain to
be correct.
In my record I have begun with the families which were
said to have lived in Koelawi for a long time. Then the
families follow which have settled in the country in later
times. I have named the families after the head of each in
 41

1918, and the names of the families are given in alphabet

ical order.
The first nine families on my list were generally held to
be real Koelawian, and the three at the end, Nos. XV,
XVI, and XVII, were stated to have settled in Koelawi
rather lately. There are several families about which I am
doubtful. It seems, however, very likely that the family
No. XIII is not a real Koelawian family but should be in
cluded with the families which have moved from Lindoe to
Koelawi. The family No. XIV should be omitted, I think,
since in all probability all its members have left Koelawi
and do not seem to intend to return. There is a possibil
ity, however, that Lagimpoe (Tai Rent] a) and his wife
Towoti still lived in Koelawi while the rest of the members
of their family had moved to Onka and Toli Toli in North
Celebes and to Toro southeast of Koelawi. With the latter
district the Koelawian maradika families are more closely
connected than with any other district, perhaps with the
exception of Lindoe.
The man L,empa of Family I is married and lives in Toro.
The same is the case with Tomai Horae of Family IX, but
it seems uncertain that he has left Koelawi and moved to
Toro. It is more likely that he has remained in Toro and
that all other members of this family have moved to Koe
lawi. The first ancestor of the family, Tomai Kaodjoe, is
almost certain to be the same person as Tomai Odjoe of
Family II, and this man was from Toro.
Besides the families that had moved from Iyindoe to Koe
lawi, Tomekorandi (Tomai Palaha) of Family IV was said
to have come from Lindoe. It is quite likely that several
more maradika had moved from adjacent districts to Koe
lawi for there are some wives, the origin of whom I could
not ascertain. Some of these may not be of noble birth,
but others may belong to maradika families of neighbour
ing districts. Several women may have been slaves before
they married. Judging by my list wives of this quality are
42

scarce, but in this respect my lists are a little deceptive, I

think. As a rule the origin in such cases was not revealed
to me. To this question I shall come back later on.
If it cannot be proved that some maradika wives the
origin of whom is unknown to me, belong to maradika
families of foreign districts, it seems very likely that most
of the men who have married into genuine Koelawian fam
ilies are maradika themselves, such as Tomai Tobana
and Tomai Hoeboe of Family I, Tawana of Family III,
nTadjoeli of Family IV, nKarihi of Family V, Pendanga,
Tai Kalamboe, Tomai Hongkododa, and Tomai Palinge of
Family VIII, since I was told that a maradika girl would
not marry a man who was not of noble birth.
Since the majority of the maradika men marry girls
of noble families, all these families in Koelawi are closely
related to one another. The following table shows how
the families have intermarried. Roman figures indicate the
families and Arabic figures the families into which they
have married and the number of intermarriages.
Number of
Family Intermarried into the families: Intermarriages:

I 8, 9, 11, 16 4
II 4. 7. 8. 9 4
III 3. 3. 4. 5. 6, 7, 8, 8, n, 12, 15, 16, 16, 16, 16 15
IV 2, 3, 9, 11, 17 5
V 3, 6, 7, 12, 16 5
VI 5 1
VII 2, 3. 3. 5. 8, 15 6
VIII 1, 2, (3), 3, 7, 12, 15, 15, 16, 16 10
IX 2, 4 2
X I 1
XI 1. 3. 4 3
XII 3, 5. 9 : 3
XIII 16 1
XIV 15 1
XV 3, 7, 8, 8, 14, 17 6
XVI 1. 3. 3. 3. 3. 5. 8, 8, 13 9
XVII 4. 15 2
 43

4 2 2 2 2 2 I 1 I families have
1 2 3 4 5 6 9 IO 15 intermarriages.

From the table we learn that there are four families in

which but a single intermarriage is known to me. There
occur two cases each of two, three, four, five, and six inter
marriages. Numerous intermarriages are met with in three
families, Nos. III, VIII, and XVI, which have fifteen, ten,
and nine intermarriages respectively.
Noteworthy is how Family XVI from I,indoe has managed
to be allied with nearly all the old Koelawian noble families.
Rarely has there been a marriage into a family of lesser im
portance. Marriages with persons not of noble birth have
been altogether avoided.
How it is in this respect in the other families I have in
many cases not been able to ascertain. As mentioned before
there are on my record several wives of origin unknown to
me. In some cases the persons in question had died so long
ago that nobody remembered who their parents were, who
may have been maradika. Others again may have been
of maradika families of neighbouring districts. Tjoemoea
(Tina Tempo) and nPatoboe (Tina Moesa) were stated not
to be maradika, the latter to have been a slave. It seems
quite likely that rather many of the girls who had married
into maradika families were not of noble birth, because
it was not necessary for a man to marry a girl of his own
class. When the natives did not supply any particulars
about a maradika's wife there is reason to think she was
of humble birth. If a wife was of noble family my inform
ants would not fail to call my attention to this fact. When
a maradika had more than one wife and only one is stated
to be his equal in birth, we can take it for granted that
the second wife is of humbler class.
On the following list I have entered all married men and
women of origin unknown to me, as well as those who were
stated not to be maradika.
44
Men Women
I. Tomai Tobana Tjaheboenga (Tina Lihi-
Tomai Hoeboe dondo) f
Tomai Tohoera Sambite (Tina Tohama),
Tomai Tawongoe wife No. 2 of Tomai
Dado.
II. Tomai Odjoe (from Toro) II. Tina Bandoe
III. Tawana III. mPeroee f co-wives of
Name un . mBosola-
known to boe's
me f
Mole (Tina
Lingkoe) f
mPaigoe (Ti co-wives of
na Lohei) f Tomai
mPatoboe Lingkoe's
(Tina Moe-
sa), a slave
Koeti, married Mahali
after 1918
Toradioe (Tina Wenta),
wife No. 1 of Tomai
Wenta
Himbai, married Dolo in
1918.
Pondito (Tina Lamboe)
Salama (Tina Tiroa)
IV. nTadjoeli IV. Tobingka(Ti
na Pangata co-wives of
mPoreka(Ti- TaimPang-
naTongke) ata's
Ronae (Tina
Togie)
V. ngKarihi V. Tina Ladjoema f
Tomai Poto f Tina Bid] a
Moni
Tina Nabi f
VI. Tomai Poraha VI. Toraindoe (Tina Lama-
Tomai Potaha niri)
VII. VII. nTowongi (Tinem
Paoe) f
Tinen Rengke
 45
Men Women
VIII. Pendenga VIII. Tina Tohimo f
Tai Kalamboe f Tin Toila
Tomai Hongkododa f Bitoee (Tina Noengkoe)
Tomai Palinge f Tina Lolage f
Tina Tandoele f
Tina Paholi
IX. IX. Tin Tawelana
X. Potontja (Tai Rahidi) X. Tomone (Tina Kamboe)
Tomai Gana
Tai Dahi
XI. XI. Tohoi (Tina Komo)
Tjoemoea (Tina Tempa
or Tina Sameia) not a
maradika.
XII. XII. ngSandele f
Baeo (Tina Koelande)
Talame (Tina Potoloe)
XIII. XIII. Tina Jaho
Ampidjala (Tina Oloe)
XIV. XIV. Towoti (Tina Rent] a)
XV. XV. Topompe
(TinaHin- co-wives of
tooe) > Tomai
Ponito (Tina Sinto's
Kahamia)!
Toeribo
XVI. XVI.
XVII. XVII.

Remarriage and Polygamy

In Koelawi a widower could very well marry again, and
my lists have several examples of this, but I do not know
of a single widow who did so. I did not hear that remar
riage was forbidden for a widow, but as a matter of fact
nobody could point out such a case to me.
There was no polyandry among the To Koelawi, but occa
sionally a maradika man had more than one wife. Of the
men on my register only nine had more than one wife in
1918. As a rule a man did not have more than two wives
46

at a time, but there are exceptions to this. Two of the men

on my list have four wives each. One of them, Tomai Ling-
koe, had, however, in 1918 only two wives, the other two
were dead, and I think he never had more than two at a
time.
The natives told me that if a man had more than one
wife, his women did not live in the same village; but there
were exceptions. Tomai Lingkoe's two wives, Tina Haninga
and Tina Moesa, both lived in his house, presumably be
cause the former was old and ailing and had to leave the
housekeeping to the younger woman. Also Tomai Noereo's
two wives, who were half-cousins, lived at least when the
Spanish influenza ravaged in Koelawi in 1918 in their hus
band's house with all their children.
On the following list I have entered all men who have
married more than once. Roman figures refer to the num
bers of the families.

I.
Rampeoea (Tomai Dado), married
(1) Toroelontja f
(2) Sambite
III. mBosolaboe, or nTodjanek f. married
(1) mPeroee
(2) name unknown to me.
Makoeasa (Tomai Lingkoe), married
(1) Mole (Tina Lingkoe) f
(2) Kalamboe (Tina Haninga)
(3) mPaigoe (Tina Lohei) f
(4) nPatoboe (Tina Moesa) .
Mantoeli (Tomai Wenta), married
(1) Toradioe (Tina Wenta)
(2) Podei (Tina Boelawa).
Tomehapata, or Tomai Hapata, married
(1) Name unknown to me. She lived at Lemo.
(2) Name unknown to me. She lived at Boladangko.
IV. Tanibia (Tai mPangata), married
(1) Tobingka (Tina Pangata)
(2) mPorake (Tina Tongke)
(3) Ronai (Tina Tandoe).
 47
XV. Lahore (Tomai Sinto, or Hintooe), married
(1) Topompe (Tina Hintooe)
(2) Ponito (Tina Kahania).
XVI. Palangkodjaro, or Djaro (Tai Tagoeni), married
(1) Haninga (Tina Maea)
(2) Winoe (Tin Tagoeni).
Sigi Paloe (Tomai Noeroe), married
(1) nKamomi (Tina Noeroe)
(2) Lohei (Tina Magoerisi).

The number of monogamous and polygamous men in each family is

given in the table below
Monogam Polyga Monogam Polyga
Family ous men mous men Family ous men mous men

I 5 1 X 3
II 3 — XI 3 —
1n 9 4 XII .... 6 —
IV 2 I XIII 3 —
nv 6 — XIV 2 —
VI 2 — XV 4 1
VII 4 — XVI 3 2
VIII 10 — XVII 1 —
IX 4 —

Age of People when Marrying

Marriage between children is not known to occur in Koe-
lawi. People do not seem to marry very young, the men
mostly seemed to be about twenty years old, occasionally
perhaps a little more than twenty. Of those about whose
age I am rather certain, Tohama, who in all probability
was born in 1900, married in 1919, and Mahali, born in 1912,
married in 1920, or 1921 according to the missionary in Koe-
lawi at that time. Thus both young men were about nine
teen when they married. Kapoei, who in 1918 must have
been twenty-five, was still a bachelor.
Girls seem to marry when they are nearing twenty or
are a little over twenty. Toemoedoe, who was probably
born in 1898 had not married in 1918.
48
Nativity
My record does not supply reliable statistics of the children
born in any given marriage. Of earlier generations the na
tives were unable to provide reliable information. Besides,
they did not think it worth while to mention children who
died as babies.

The number of respective children of seventy-nine mothers is seen in the

following table.

12 20 15 14 7 6 3 1 1
Children I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Mothers with one or two children are likely not to have

been long married. Three or four children seem to be the
ordinary number for a mother. Five or six children are not
unusual.
Childless marriages seem to be scarce. My informants
knew but a single couple who had been married for a con
siderable time without having a child, the man nTjoboe and
his wife Kombadja.
Only in one case did I hear of twins being born. Their
father was Toneke, their mother Moni. They were born in
1918.
Among the maradika there seem to be no elderly
bachelors or spinsters. Everybody married as far as I am
aware.

Names
In Koelawi names for children were chosen along other
lines than those followed in Europe where a child often is
named after a relative. A name for a child should not be
the same as that of another person. Parents must find a
new name for their baby and their ingenuity in this respect
was remarkable. I am inclined to think that all names
had a meaning but my knowledge of the Koelawian lan
 49
guage is not sufficient to give the translation of them all.
Boelawa, for instance, means gold, Toila, lime, Makoeasa,
powerful man, Taipa, a kind of mango, etc. Some names
are Malay words. Such are Masi, gold, Mahali, precious,
Tikoe, mouse, etc. Others are Portuguese, for instance Hor-
lodji, watch, Sapata, shoe, Medja, table, Kadera, chair. Of
Arabian origin is the name Salama.
The names on the list of Koelawian maradika, p. 118,
are all different with two exceptions only. In Family VIII
there is a man called Tagoeni and in Family XVI another
man named nTagoeni, and in Family III a woman called
Todoela and in Family VI a girl of the name of nTodoela.
During the first year of his life a baby had no real name,
because all parents were afraid that evil spirits could dis
cover their child and hurt it in some way. They called their
baby by pet names such as "Little banana, Little coconut"
etc. If a child which had got a name was taken seriously
ill, the parents often gave it another name to deceive the
demons.

4
 I

The Tomai Dado Family

This family I have named after Tomai Dado who was one
of the most prominent maradika of Koelawi. Of earlier
members of this family I have only been able to get the
names of Tomai Dado's parents, his uncle and aunts, all of
whom had died before 1918.1
1. s.Tobele (Toma1 L1h1dondo) f
m. TjAHEBOENGA (TlNA LIHIDONDO) f

Children:
1 ? Lihidondo j, sex unknown to me.
2 s. Rampeoewa (Tomai Dado)
m. I. Toroelontja, or Toerolontja (Tina Dado) f,
of Family XVI.
m. 2. Sambite (Tina Tohama), whose family is
unknown to me.
Tomai Dado was an important man in Koelawi
already before the Dutch conquered the country
judging by the part he played when the cousins
Saras1n in 1902 passed through Koelawi on their
way from Paloe to Palopo.
When Koelawi in 1905 was brought under Dutch
rule Tomai Dado was appointed chief of the dis
trict, that is to say he was given the position
next to the Magaoe, the ruler of the country.
In 1915 he seized the opportunity when the Ma
gaoe as well as the Dutch missionary were absent
and had the front-teeth of some half-grown girls
1 In the tables s. means son, d., daughter, m., married.
 51

knocked out, among whom was his own daugther

Moelia. This was an ancient custom of the country
but forbidden by the Dutch. Tomai Dado was dis
missed from his post and kept in prison for some
months. When he returned to Koelawi after six
months, the great feast was arranged which the
natives used to have at the time when the girls
who had had their teeth knocked out, had re
covered from this painful operation.

Children by the first marriage:

Is. Dado who died when a baby.
2d. Toemoedoe, presumably born in 1898
(•Plate 1).
3 s. Lamahatoe, or Tohatoe, married on Nov.
15th 1918 Kamana of Family VIII.

Children by the second marriage:

I s. Tohama, christened Marcus, presumably
born in 1900, was Magaoe Tomampe's clerk
(Plate II). He married in 1919, after I had
left Koelawi, a maradika girl whose
name I do not know (Fig. 5 p. 52).
2d. Moelia, christened Martha, presumably born
in 1905. She was one of the two first girls
who went through the Salvation Army
School in Koelawi (Figs. 6, 7, pp. 53, 56).
3 d. Tin Tobana f , wife of Tomai Tobana whose fam
ily is unknown to me.

Children:
I d. Tobana
2 s. Lembega
3 s. Gempo
4 s. Lempa, married and living in Toro.
 O. Strandltjnd Photo 1919
Fig. 5. — Koelawian bridal couple. The bridegroom is Tohama.

4 d. Tinen Hoenggoe who married Tomai Hoeboe f ,

whose family is unknown to me. How it is that
she is called Tinen Hoenggoe when there is no
child Hoenggoe is a thing I cannot explain, unless
Tinen Hoenggoe was Tomai Hoeboe's second wife
and her child by him, Hoenggoe, was dead and
therefore not mentioned by my informants.

Children:
I d. Tohoeboe?
2 s. Tohabo?
2. s. TjAbaDARA (ToMAI TOerOROE) f
m. T1na Toeroroe f, whose family is unknown to me.

Child:
Toeroroe, whether a son or a daughter is unknown
to me.
3. d. Tobandeoge (T1na Tjawelang1) f? who married
nToBke (Toma1 Tjawelang1) of Fam. X.
4. d. Pohenko, or Posengko (T1na Tora), who married
Potondoe (Tai Tora) of Fam. XI.
54
5. d. Tok1a (T1na Tohoera) who married Toma1 Tohoera,
whose family is unknown to me.

Child:
Tohoera, whether a son or a daughter is unknown
to me.
6. d. Toend1 (T1na Tawongoe) who married Toma1
Tawongoe whose family is unknown to me.

Child:
d. Tawongoe, in all probability the same person
as Tawongi (Tina Limbagoe) who married
Jaho (Tomai Limbagoe) of Fam. XIII.

II

The Tomai nKaloeara Family

To this family I have given the name of its head in 1918,
Tomai nKaloeara.
Toma1 Bandoe f
m. T1na Bandoe f, whose family is unknown to me.

Children:
I ? Bandoe f, sex unknown to me.
2 s. Impagoeroe, or mPagoeroe (Tomai nKaloeara)
m. Palinge (Tinen Kaloeara) of Fam. VIII.

Child:
s. nKaloeara
m. mPodoenoeorPodjoenoeof Fam.VII.
 55
Children:
1) d. Tjoti who married mPangata, or mPeng-
ata of Fam. IV.
2) s. nTaralati
3) s. Moengiri
4) d. nTipa
3 d. Tine Odjoe, or Tina Kaodjoe(?) who married
Tomai Odjoe, or Kaodjoe from Toro, of Fam. IX.

III

The Tomai Lingkoe Family

The head of this family was in 1918 Tomai Lingkoe, Koe-

lawi's last commander in war.
nTondar1, or nTondor1 was the oldest member of the
family known to its now living members. He died long ago
and was presumably born at the end of the eighteenth cen
tury or in the beginning of the nineteenth. His wife was
not known to the family. His two sons were:

Children:
1 s. mBosolaboe (or nTodjanek?) f
m. I. mPeroee f whose family is unknown to me.
m. 2. The name and family of this wife are un
known to me.

Children by the first marriage:

Is. Makoeasa, (Tomai Lingkoe)
(Fig. 8, p. 58)
m. I. Mole (Tina Lingkoe)fin
Rampi. Her family unknown to
me.
 O. Strandlund Photo
man to the right is Mahali, the girl next to him is Moelia and
ability is Mahali's younger sister, Magdalena. The young man
igaoe. As far as I know he is not a maradika.
 W. Kaudern Photo 1918
Fig. 8. — Tomai Lingkoe.

m. 2. Kalamboe(TinaHaninga)
of Fam. VIII.
m. 3. m P a i g o e (Tina L o h e i) f.
Her family unknown to me.
m. 4. nPatoboe (Tina Moesa),
a slave. This marriage was not at
all approved by the family (Fig.
8 p. 59)
Tomai Lingkoe in all probability was
born at the end of the fifties. When he
was young he had for some reason lived for
some time in the district of Rampi south
of Bada and at that time he married a girl
 59

W. Kaudern Photo 1918

Fig. 9. ■— Tina Moesa, Tomai Lingkoes's wife number four.

called Mole. Before the Dutch became

masters of Koelawi, he was its leader in war
and his title as such was topoparesa
topowali.
When we met him in 1918 he seemed to
be very old and he was unable to walk be
cause the muscles of his legs were degener
ated. To improve his health he used to
arrange once a year what the natives called
a b a l i a, a religious performance.
Some days before the b a l i a was to
take place half a dozen drums hanging in
a shed without walls near the m a r a d i-
k a's house on Bola Papoe Hill were vi
gorously beaten in order to summon the
spirits. A buffalo was tied to a tree wait
ing to be slaughtered.
6o

W. Kaudern Photo lg18

Fig. 10. — Tomai Lingkoe's sword, above; his son Mahali's sword, below.

On the day fixed for the b a l i a a crowd

of people in their best clothes gathered on
the bank of a stream east of Bola Papoe
Hill. A couple of humped over priests, T o
b a l i a, tottered about on bent knees.
Like the rest of the party they were in
full dress. As a token of their function
they had a brass bell dangling on a string
on their back and a priest sword on the
left hip. The bottom of the sheath of such
a weapon was decorated with a tuft of hair
from scalps (Figs. 10 and n, p. 62).
When we came down to the stream, the
b a l i a had already started. Old Tomai
Lingkoe was sitting on the bank almost
stripped of his clothes, and the To b a l i a
were practising their hocus-pocus. First
 61

they soaked the patient's hair with water

from the stream, then one of the priests
took some water in his hand and rubbed
the crown of Tomai Lingkoe's head with
it at the same time pronouncing some for
mula of incantation. This done, the suf
ferer was thoroughly bathed in the cold
water of the stream by his younger wife
and finally they lifted him on to the bank.
On his neck was put a band of cloth,
knotted off into small sections, each con
taining a quotation, presumably from the
Koran, and acquired on the coast. Then
they placed their man on a large stone
and started dressing him. On the ground
in front of him was a shield and in this
lay the clothing he was to wear. They
started with the trousers which were swung
three times round Tomai Lingkoe's head
before they were pulled on his stiff legs by
the priests. Then a fine sword was in turn
to be tied to his left side by means of a
long, broad sash; a jacket of black velvet
with silver embroidery was put on, and on
his neck they hung a necklace of beads.
Upon this they began attending to his hair
and his head-gear. One of the priests
gathered in his hand Tomai Lingkoe's
rather long hair on the crown, twisted it
and tied a braid of false hair to it and
arranged it in a pad round his head fixing
it at the back with a long feathered arrow
(Fig. II, p. 62). They finished by fastening
on the crown a flat spiral ornament of
brass, about three centimetres broad, a
balaloengki.
62

W. Kaudern Photo 1918

Fig. 11. — Tomai Lingkoe is being dressed by the priests on the bank
of a small river after a treatment for his health.
river.
the
by
64

W. Kaudern Photo 1918

Fig. 13. — Young Koelawian maradika people dance the morego.

When our man had got all his finery on

they lifted him on a sedate horse (Fig. 12,
p. 63). In one hand they gave him a spear
decorated with a fringe of goat's-hair, in
the other his shield, and then the party
set off for his house where the buffalo was
killed and a festive meal served of which
we got a share. From Tomai Iingkoe's
house a tray was brought to us with meat
and other food as well. The tray was the
kind of large brass tray which the natives
call d o e l a. In the evening the mara
dika girls and men danced the m o-
r e g o on the ground in front of the house
(Figs. 13 and 14, p. 65).
PW.Kahuodetron
1918

mKFig.
the
dance
people
Young
aorem14.
laodwri—keagno.
 W. Kaudern Photo 191 8
15. — Mahali, Tomai Lingkoe's son.

Children by the first marriage:

1) s. Lingkoe f, died as a baby in Rampi.

Children by the second marriage:

1) d. Haninga (Tina Maea) who married
Jaroe (Tai Tagoeni) of Family
XVI.
2) d. Talimoe (Tina Genta) who married
Djiloi (Tai Genta) of Family VI.
3) d. Rari (Tina Tandoe) who married
Tanibia (Tai Pengata) of Family
IV.
 67

Children by the third marriage:

1) d. Lohei {Tina Magoerisi) who married
Sigi Paloe (Tomai Noeroe) of Fam
ily XVI. She married in 1918
when she had a son and expected
her second child by Sigi Paloe.

Children by the fourth marriage:

1) s. Mahali, christened Moesa (Moses),
born in 1902. He went through
the four classes of the Salvation
Army's school in Koelawi and later
passed the examination for native
teachers (Figs. 7, 15, pp. 56, 66).
m. Koeti in 1920 according to the
missionary Mr. Rosenujnd.
Her family is unknown to me.
2) d. Benaia, born in 1904 or 1905.. She
has passed through the Salvation
Army's school in Koelawi (Fig. 7
P- 56).
3) d. Magdalena (according to Mr. Rosen-
lund). (Fig. 7, p. 56).
2d. Tjindiwongi, or Tosindi (Tina
R o n g k o) f on August 13th in 1918.
She married Iyahamoe (Tomai
R o n g k o) of Family VIII.
My wife and I were invited to be pre
sent when Tina Rongko was buried on
the 15th of August. The house of mourn
ing was in the village of Panapa si
tuated on the northern end of Bolapapoe
Hill. There were scores of people in full
dress when we arrived. Most of them
chewed betel and sirih to pass the time.
Gradually there arrived the Magaoe and
 W. Kaudern Photo 1918
Fig. 16. — Tosindi's burial in Koelawi. Her coffin has been brought
outside her house.
his wife, the Dutch official called "as-
sistent," a native from Minahassa, N.
Celebes, several village headmen, priests
and priestesses. Moaning was occasion
ally heard from the house where the
deceased rested in her coffin, a hollowed
out piece of a tree trunk. At last they
were ready to take the coffin to the
grave. Two long bamboo rods and some
strips of rattan were brought in front of
the steps leading into the house. When
the coffin appeared in the doorway the
persons inside were heard moaning loudly
as if they were in great distress. The
coffin slowly and with great care was
let down the steps, or rather the ladder,
to the ground and then the two rods
were fastened to its sides (Fig. 16).
 69

As the coffin had no lid we had a full

view of the deceased who was resting on
a bed of expensive woven cloths. There
were plenty of the beautiful fabrics of
the district of Pada, situated some days'
marches towards the south. The face
of the dead was ashen and hollow and
had almost the appearance .of a skull.
The old woman had been suffering for a
long time and had slowly wasted away,
and her family were impatient that she
was so long in expiring. In Koelawi a
person with a lingering illness is sure to
lose the regard of the family, and their
attentions diminish accordingly.
On the eyes of the deceased her people
had strewn a pinch of wash-gold when
the coffin was still in the house. This
was repeated when it was brought out
side, and then a handkerchief was spread
over her face. Four men took hold of
the rods and the coffin was carried to
the grave. One by one, in a long file
the people assembled followed to the
burial place on a terrace on the western
slope of the hill. Several objects were
brought to the grave: some brass trays,
d o e l a, a teapot of the same metal,
some food on common china plates,
ashes and charcoal in a coconut shell,
and a sleeping mat in a roll. The coco
nut shell and the mat were carried by a
female slave.
At the burial place some men were
finishing digging the grave when we
arrived. The grave was exceptionally
7o
 71

Fig. 1 8. — Tosindi's coffin and the little whisk used for driving away
flies.

narrow. Near by lay the lid of the cof

fin, and at a distance other men were
busy making a very simple little house
which was to be placed on top of the
grave. .During the preparations on the
burial ground a woman who was said to
be an adopted child of the dead m a r a-
d i k a' s was kneeling by the coffin
singing mourning songs (Fig. 17 p. 70).
Her skirt was a Pada cloth, the same
kind as those in the coffin, her tunic,
h a l i l i, of cloth decorated with applied
large ornaments in the shape of buffalo
horns. Over her shoulders she wore a
large collar of variegated beads called
halili enoe, on her head she had
a common broad brimmed Koelawian
straw hat, t o r o e.
The whole time a little slave girl sit
ting at the head of the dead fanned away
flies from the corpse. Her fan was a
small rod of bamboo with a couple of
bast cloth strips fastened to it (Fig.
18). Later this little thing went into the
coffin.
 When the preparations were ended
the coffin was placed on a couple of
rods which the men had laid across the
pit. Wash-gold was again strewn on
the eyelids of the deceased and then the
cover was lashed to the coffin with strips
of rattan (Fig. 18 p. 71). The foster-
daughter advanced to the grave with a
chicken in her hand, uttered some words,
knocked the fowl a couple of times on
the coffin and threw it into the pit.
Upon this she left the burial place.
The coffin was sunk into the grave
and an old man stepped forth and began
speaking in a loud and powerful voice,
presumably addressing the spirits. As
soon as he had finished his speech he
too went away and likewise all the wo
men. The men remained to help fill the
grave, but before starting this perfor
mance five d o e l a were placed round
the coffin. One of these had a stand. On
top of the grave the plates with cooked
rice and eggs were placed as well as an
earthen pot with a ladle, the shell with
charcoal and ashes, the teapot, and the
sleeping mat, and the little house was
lifted from where it stood and set down
over the grave (Fig. 19 p. 73). The
d o e l a, the chicken, the wash-gold etc.,
were things considered necessary for the
deceased on her way to the Realm of
Death.
For nine days after the burial it was
forbidden to dance the m o r e g o, to
shoot, and to climb trees, especially the
 73

W. Kaudern Photo 191 8

Fig. 19. — Small houses on maradika graves in Koelawi.

coconut palms. Heavy rains fell during

these days and the natives said that
Nature itself took part in their mourning.
3 s. Mantoeli (Tomai Went a)
m. I. Toradioe (Tina Went a)
whose family is unknown to me.
m. 2. Podei (Tina Boelawa) of
Family XVI.

Children by the first marriage:

1) d. Wenta
2) s. Koemeno
3) s. Idjoe
Children by the second marriage:
1) d. Boelawa, born towards the end of
the eighties (Fig. 20 p. 74). She
married Tomampe of Family XV.
 O. Strandlund Photo 1914
Fig. 20. — Boelawa.

d. Topaioe {Tina Lagaga) who married

Hambibi (Tomai Lagaga) of Fam
ily III.
s. Roendoe (Tomai Isa), one of the few
persons in Koelawi who were Mo
hammedans. He married nTo-
dali of Family XI. Her mother,
Tina Hameia, or Sameia was not
a maradika.
Children:
(1) s. Isa, who died quite young in
1918.
 75
(2) ? A baby who had not got a
name in 1918.
4) d. Datorea (Tina Palopo) who married
Tomai Palopo of Family XIII.
5) d. Topere (Tina Djiloi) f, who married
mPodate (Tai Djiloi) f, of Family
VII.

mBosolaboe's children by his second

marriage:
Is. Tamehapata, or Tomai Ha-
p a t a, who had two wives, the first
one living at Lemoe, the second at Bola-
dangko. Their names and families are
unknown to me.

Children by the first marriage:

1) s. Hambibi (Tomai Lagaga)
m. Topajoe (Tina Lagaga) of Fam
ily III. In this case the
man and his wife are half-
cousins.

Children:
(1) s. Lagaga, born in 1912 or 1913
(2) d. Larasa, presumably born in

2) s. Dolo or Idolo
m. Himbai in 1918. Her family un
known to me.
3) d. Taipa
4) d. Kamomi (Tina Noeroe) who married
Sigi Paloe (Tomai Noeroe) of Fam
ily XVI.
76

Children by his second marriage:

1) s. Sapata, or Hapata, not married in
1918.
2) s. Timonga, not married in 1918.
2d. Topere (Tinem Powintoe) who
married Tjoemanga (Tai Po
wintoe) of Family V.
2 s. Mesagala (Tomai Mampeli) f, was mBosolaboe's
brother and he is the same man whom the
cousins Saras1n call Tomempeli. They state
that he was the ruler of Koelawi in 1902.
Mesagala's lineage has been provided by the
Salvation Army officer in Koelawi, Mr. Ro-
SENLUND.
m. Tina Mampeli whose family is unknown to me.

Children:
I s. Mampeli (Tai Lamboe)
m. Pondito (Tina Lamboe). Her
family unknown to me.

Children:
1) s. Lamboe
2) s. Tomai Roegoe
m. Tina Roegoe. Her family un
known to me.
3) s. Todapa
2 s. Torongko (Tomai Tiro a)
m. Salama (Tina Tiro a). Her
family unknown to me.

Children:
1) d. Tiroa
2) ? Kamogi
 77
3) d. Manoeroe
4) d. Kadoedoe
5) d. Talebana
6) s. Pantjoeroro
7) d. Tomataja

3 s. Towera married a girl whose name and

family are unknown to me.

4 d. Todoela (Tina Tale) who married

T a w a n a. His family is unknown to
me.

Child:
d. Tale.

IV

The Tai mPangata Family

The family I have named after its oldest male member
in 1918 Tanibia, or Tai mPangata.
1. Tona, or Itona (Ta1 Todjar1) f
m. Torae (T1na Djar1) f. of Family XI.

Children:
1 d. Itodjari, or Todjari (Tina Palaha) who married
Tomekorandi (Tomai Palaha) of Family XVII,
from Lindoe.
2 s. Tanibia (Tai mPangata)
m. I. Tobingka (Tina Pangata). Her family
unknown to me.
m. 2. mPoreka (Tina Tongke). Her family un
known to me.
78

m. 3. Ronae (Tina Togie). Her family unknown

to me.
m. 4. Rari (Tina Tandoe) of Family III.

Child by the first marriage:

s. Pengata, Panggata, or mPang-
ata
m. T j o t i of Family II.

Children:
1) d. Mariana
2) d. Ratabana who married Tikoe of
Family IX.
3) d. mBaia, not married in 1918.
4) d. Tomaheio, or according to Mr. Ro-
SEnlund, Maoewa, not married
in 1918.

Children by the second marriage:

Is. Tongke
2 s. Tobeke

Child by the third marriage:

s. Togie

Child by the fourth marriage:

s. Tandoe
3 s. Lawegaoe (according to Mr Rosenujnd)
4 d. Tolana who married nTadjoeli f, whose family
is unknown to me.

Children:
Id. Tobe, not married in 1918.
2d. nKaroeani, not married in 1918.
5 ? Kalosi, or Kalohi
6 d. Lindoerea.

-
 79
V

The Tai Powintoe Family

This family I have named after nTjoemanga, Tai Powintoe,

who in 1918 was the oldest male member of the family.
Parapalembea (Toma1 Ladjoema) f
m. T1na Ladjoema, presumably dead before 1918. Her
family unknown to me.

Children:
1 s. Ladjoema (Tai Bidja), presumably dead before
1918.
m. Tina Bidja, presumably dead before 1918.
Her family unknown to me.

Child:
Bidja, sex unknown to me.
2 s. nTjoemanga (Tomai Powintoe)
m. nTopere (Tinem Powintoe) of Family^ III.

Children:
Id. Poewintoe, or Powintoe, who
married Parewa (Tomai To
m o e a) of Family XII.
2 s. Tohoba (Tai Karoepa)
m. mPotente (Tina Karoepa)
of Family VII.

Children:
1) s. nKaroepa f
2) d. mPotoli (Fig. 21 p. 80)
3) d. Kadera
4) s. A baby who in 1918 had not yet a
name.
9 E. Rosenlund Photo 1 919 or 1920
Fig. 21. — Potoli, daughter of Tai Karoepa.

3 d. Toroehooe (Tina Radoeati)

who married Togave (Tomai Ra
doeati) of Family VI.
4 d. n T o r e o, who married ngKarihi.
His family is unknown to me.

Child:
A girl who died as a baby.
5 s. Toneke
m. M o n i, whose family is unknown
to me.
 81

Children:
Twin boys born in 1918 who had no
name at that time.
6 d. Pangkoroe
3 s. Bokoede (Tomai Nabi), presumably dead before
1918.
m. Tina Nabi, presumably dead before 1918.
Her family is unknown to me.

Child:
Nabi. Sex unknown to me.
4 d. Toramaea (Tina Poto), presumably dead before
1918. She married Tomai Poto, presumably
dead before 1918.

Child:
Poto. Sex unknown to me.
5 d. mPotainoe (Tina Latoinda) f. She married
Tokeri (Tomai Latoinda) of Family XVI.

VI

The Tomai Radoeati Family

The family I have named after its most prominent male
member in 1918, Togawoe, or Tomai Radoeati.
LAHOIRA (TAI LAMANIRl)
m. Tora1ndoe (T1na Laman1r1). Her family not known
to me.

Children:
1 d. Lamaniri (Tina Poraha), who married Tomai
Poraha. His family is unknown to me.
6
82

Child:
Poraha. Sex unknown to me.
2 s. Togawe (Tomai Radoeati)
m. Toroehooe (Tina Radoeati) of Family V.

Children:
Is. Daroeati, or Radoeati, born in
1906.
2 s. Haloempana, presumably born in
1908.
3d. mPotere, presumably born in 1912.
4 d. nTodoela, presumably born in 1915.
3 d. Taeba (Tin Potaha) who married Tomai Potaha.
His family unknown to me.

Child:
Potaha, sex unknown to me.
4 d. Limboeroe.

VII

The Tomai Rengke Family

This family I have named after its oldest male member in
1918, nTowoa, or Towaa, Tomai Rengke, who was the first
M a g a o e of Koelawi, appointed by the Dutch when they
had brought the country under Dutch rule.
Potempa (Toma1 Paoe) f
m. nTowong1 (T1nem Paoe) f. Her family unknown to
me.
Children:
1 ? Paoe whoe died as a child. Some people said
Paoe was a girl, but Tomai Dingkoe said it
was a boy.
 83

2 d. Panaroe, presumably dead before 1918.

3 s. mPodate, or Pondate (Tomai Djiloi) f
m. Topere (Tina Djiloi) f, of Family III.

Children:
Id. mPomona, mPomol a, or Pomoe-
la (Tina Hebe) who married
L a h i g i (Tomai Hebe) of Fam
ily VIII.
2 s. Djiloi (Tai n Gent a). How to
explain why the parents had taken their
name from this son and not from his
elder sister mPomona I do not know.
Possibly she was an adopted child, or
my informants have made a mistake,
Djiloi being older than his sister mPo
mona. When M a g a o e Tomampe
died in 1918 Djiloi was appointed his
successor by the Dutch authorities,
m. Talimoe (Tina nGenta) of
Family III.

Children:
1) s. nGenta
2) s. Medja
3) s.? This child was born in 1916 or the
beginning of 1917. I was told
that it was a girl who had no name
in 1918. A year later Mr. Rosen-
lund informed me that it was a
boy who was named Joesoe.
3d. mPodoenoe, or Podjoenoe, who
married nKaloeara of Family II.
4 d. mPotente (Tina Karoepa) who
married Tohoba (Tai Karoepa)
of Family V.
84

4 d. nKalea, or Sengkalea (Tina Mentjeho) f. She

married Pagira (Tai Mentjeho) of Family XV.
5 d. nTohongki, presumably dead before 1918.
6 s. nTowoa, or Towaa (Tomai Rengke, or Tomai
Torengke), who was appointed Magaoe of
Koelawi by the Dutch on January 24th in
1906. He signed the treaty of November
30th, 1908, between the Dutch Government
and Koelawi. About 1910 he retired from his
post because of his advanced age.
m. Tinen Rengke whose family is unknown to
me.
Children:
Is. Rengke, died young.
2d. T a n o k o, not married in 1918.
3d. Irantebada, not married in 1918.
4 d. T i t e, not married in 1918.

VIII

The Tomai Rongko Family

Tomai Rongko was a maradika of high standing. I
have given the family his name because he seems in 1918 to
have been its oldest member. Some natives said he had elder
brothers and that he had a sister, Tin Toila, still alive in
1918, but this woman is not quite sure to have been a real
sister. The natives often called a sister-in-law their sister.
There were other natives who said Tin Toila was the widow
of an elder brother of Tomai Rongko's.
When I had left Koelawi the missionary Mr. Rosenlund
sent me a list of Tomai Rongko's brothers and sisters which
on the family register of my Swedish book "I Celebes Obyg-
der," 1 92 1, are given the numbers three to nine. The se
 85

quence, however, as given by Mr. Rosenlund does not

seem to be quite correct. Tohimo is stated to be the fifth
child, but in all probability he was the first one, since his
father, Doerio, is called Tomai Tohimo, and his mother,
Tina Tohimo, names they certainly would not have taken if
they had had four children when Tohimo was born.
Doer1o (Ta1 Toh1mo) f
m. T1na Toh1mo f

Children:
1 s. Tohimo (Tai Paholi). According to Mr. Rosen-
LUND he was the fifth of the children. Presum
ably dead before 1918.
m. Tina Paholi, presumably dead before 1918.
Her family unknown to me.

Child:
Paholi. Sex unknown to me.
2 s. Gisilore (Taimen Toila), presumably dead be
fore 1918. According to Mr. Rosenlund he
was the oldest of the children.
m. Tin Toila. If this is correct Tin Toila's
family is unknown to me. If the other
statement is true saying Tin Toila was a
younger sister of Tomai Rongko's, I know
nothing about her husband's family.

Children:
Is. Toila (Tomai Noengkoe)
m. Bitoee (Tina Noengkoe). Her
family unknown to me.

Children:
1) d. Noengkoe
2) s. This baby had no name in 1918.
86

2d. N a i who married Palopo of Family

XII.
3d. K i k a, or Kiha, who married Pen-
danga in 1918. His family unknown
to me.
3 s. Lahamoe (Tomai Rongko). According to Mr.
Rosenlund he was the second child of the
family.
m. Tjindiwongi, or Tosindi (Tina Rongko) who
died on August 13th in 1918. She was of
Family III.

Children:
Id. mPoemako, or Pomako (Tina
lampo) who married Lakoentoe
(Tomai M a m p o) of Family XVI.
2 s. Rongko (Tai n To roe). I suppose
my informants have made a mistake
here. Judging by the names of the pa
rents Rongko will be older than Pomako.
m. Binoekoe (Tina Toroe) of Fam
ily XV.

Children:
1) ? Toroe who died as a baby. Sex un
known to me.
2) d. Kamana who married Lamahatoe of
Family I.
3) s. nTaloendoe, not married in 1918.
4) s. Bentjara, not married in 1918.
5) s. Maradjoeni, not married in 1918.
3 s. L a h i g i (Tomai Hebe)
m. mPomona, or mPomoela (Tina
Hebe) of Family VIII.
 8;

Children:
1) s. Hebe, or Isebe, not married in 1918.
2) s. Tagoeni, not married in 1918. There
is another young man of nearly
the same name, nTagoeni who
lived in Lindoe.
3) s. Boeletoe, or Woeletoe, not married in
1918.
4) d. Iangi, not married in 1918.
4s. nTjoboe
m. Kombadja, or Tobadja of Fam
ily XV. No children in 1918.
5 d. Horonai, or Hoeionai, who mar
ried I d o m p o, or D o m p o f , of Fam
ily XVI (fig. 29, p. 115).
4 s. Girandoe (Tai Lolage), presumably dead before
1918. According to Mr. RosEnlund he was
the third of the children.
m. Tina Lolage, presumably dead before 1918.
Her family unknown to me.

Child:
1/ o l a g e. Sex unknown to me.
5 s. Pakiloe (Tai Tandoele), presumably dead before
1918. According to Mr. Rosenutnd he was
the fourth of the children.
m. Tina Tandoele, presumably dead before 1918.
Her Family unknown to me.

Child:
Tandoele. Sex unknown to me.
6 d. Banaoge (Tina Kalamboe), presumably dead be
fore 1918. She married Tai Kalamboe, pre
sumably dead before 1918. His family is un
known to me.
88

Child:
d. Kalamboe (Tina Haninga) who
married Makoeasa (Tomai Iying-
k o e) of Family III.
7 d. Toboedi (Tina Hongkododa) presumably dead
before 1918. She married Tomai Hongkododa,
presumably dead before 1918. His family un
known to me.

Child:
Hongkododa. Sex unknown to me.
8 d. Loengkoenoenoe, presumably dead before 1918-
9 d. Tina Palinge, presumably dead before 1918. She
married Tomai Palinge. His family is un
known to me.

Child:
d. Palinge (Tinen Kaloeara). She
married mPagoeroe (Tomai Ka
loeara) of Family II.

IX

The Tai Tawelana Family

The family I have named after its most prominent male
member in 1918 mBoli, Tai Tawelana.
Toma1 Kaodjoe, or Toma1 Odjoe, from the Toro district,
m. T1na Odjoe, or T1na Kaodjoe of Family II.

Children:
1 s. Kaodjoe, presumably dead when a child.
2 s. mBoli (Tai Tawelana)
m. Tin Tawelana. Her family unknown to me.
 .89

Children:
Id. nTawelana
2 s. Tikoe
m. Ratabana of Family IV.

Child:
s. Polo
3d. ngKodoe, ornKodoe, who married
Tandealoe (Tai Tango) of Fam
ily X.
4 d. K o e k a
3 s. Tomai Horae, lived in Toro.
m. Tina Horae. Her family unknown to me.

Child:
Horae. Sex unknown to me.

The following five maradika families were said to

be real Koelawian families. My principal informant in their
case was Mahali who had taken the statements down from
his father's, Tomai Lingkoe, dictation. Afterwards I have
added some data supplied by Mr. Rosenlund, but these
I have not had an opportunity of verifying myself.
90

The Tomai Tjawelangi Family

The most prominent male member of this family was in
1918 nToeke, Tomai Tjawelangi.
nToeke (Toma1 Tjawe1^ang1)
m. Tobandeoge (T1n Tjawelang1) of Family I.

Children:
1 d. nTjawelangi (Tina Rahidi) who married Potontja
(Tai Rahidi). His family is unknown to me.

Children:
Id. Rahidi
2d. Topeko (Tina Gana) who married
Tomai Gana. His family is unknown
to me.
Child:
Gana. Sex unknown to me.
3 s. Tandealo (Tai Tango)
m. nKodoe, or ngKodoe (Tina
Tango) of Family IX.

Child:
Tango. Sex unknown to me.
4 d. Todeni (Tina Dahi) who married
Tomai Dahi. His family unknown
to me.
Child:
Dahi. Sex unknown to me.
A:
2 s. Palandoe
3 d. Tjindirio
4 s. nTobagoe
5 s. Timbabibo
6 s. Randoelawi (Tai Kamboe)
 91

m. Tomone (Tina Kamboe) whose family is un

known to me. Certainly there has been a
child called Kamboe, judging by the name
taken by the parents. No doubt it died
as a baby since my informants have not
mentioned it to me.

Children:
Id. Hari
2d. H o e r i
3 s. Koroba
7 s. Pondi.

XI

The Tai Tempa Family

This family's name is taken from Tai Tempa, who was

called Lagane before he married and became the father of
Tempa. I do not know for certain that he was still alive
in 1918.
mPotondoe (Ta1 Tora) f
m. mPosengko, or mPohengko (T1na Tora) f, of Family I.

Children:
In all probobility all were dead before 1918,
presumably with the exception of Tai Tempa.
1 s. nTolaki (Tai Komo)
m. Tohori (Tina Komo), Her family unknown
to me.
92

Children:
Id. Komo
2 s. Tipo
3d. Topire
4 d. Tomaegoe
5d. Tomido
2 d. nTorae, or Torae (Tina Djari) f. She married
Itona, or Tona (Tai Todjari) f, of Family IV.
3 d. nToringko
4 d. nToepoea
5 s. Lagane (Tai Tempa)
m. Tjoemoea (Tina Tempa) who was not a m a-
r a d i k a by birth. According to other
statements referring to the man Roendoe
of Family III, this woman's name was Tina
Hameia, but there seems to be a mistake
somehow. There is a daughter Hamia, the
second child, but if she is Tjoemoea's first
child, the son Tempa would be the child
of another wife.

Children:
Is. Tempa
2d. Hamia
3d. nToedali who married Roendoe
(T o m a i I s a) of Family III.
4 ? Potari
6 s. Lahongi
7 s. Labontoe
8 s. Tora. I suppose Tora is the first child of the
family since his parents have taken his mane
and called themselves Tai Tora and Tina Tora.
 93
XII

The Tai Palopo Family

The oldest and most prominent man in this family was

nTjalaga, Tai Palopo.
nTjoeg1 f
m. ngSandele f. Her family unknown to me.

Children:
1 s. nTjalaga (Tai Palopo)
m. Datorea (Tina Palopo) of Family III.

Children:
Is. A m b o
2 s. Palopo. Presumably he is the first
child of the family,
m. N a i of Family VIII.
3 s. B a s o
4 s. Lambani
5 s. Boendoe
6d. nTopeka
2 s. mPatako
3 s. Parewa (Tai Tomoea)
m. Powintoe (Tina Tomoea). Her family un
known to me.

Children
Id. Tomoea
2 s. B a n d e
3 s. Pegioe
4 s. Tohoemonda (Tai Koelani)
m. Baeo (Tina Koelandi). Her family unknown
to me.
94
Children:
Is. Koelandi
2d. n T j a k a
5 s. Pakewa (Tomain Potoloe)
m. Talame (Tina Potoloe). Her family un
known to me.

Children:
Is. Potoloe
2d. Taoende
3 s. Bentei

XIII

The Tai Jaho Family

I am not quite positive about this family being a real
Koelawian family, because it was stated that Winoe, Dja-
roe's wife number two, was from Lindoe. If this is correct
her father, and very likely her grandfather as well would be
from Lindoe, in which case this family should be ranged
with those who have come from Lindoe and settled in Koe-
lawi.
Padoengkoe (Ta1 Jaho)
m. T1na Jaho. Her family unknown to me.

Children:
1 s. Jaho (Tomai Limbagoe),
m. Tawongi (Tina Limbagoe). She is very li
kely the same person as Tawongoe of Fam
ily I, daughter of Toendi (Tina Tawongoe
and Tomai Tawongoe).
 95
Children:
Is. Limbagoe
2d. Talame (Tina Potoloe) who mar
ried Pakewa (Tomai Potoloe) of Family
XII.
3 s. Tagasa
2 s. Tobika (Tomai Oloe)
m. Ampidjala (Tina Oloe). Her family unknown
to me.

Children:
Is. Oloe
2d. Toningki
3d. Winoe (Tin Tagoeni) who married
Djaroe, or Palangkodjaroe
(T a i Tagoeni) of Family XVI.

XIV

The Tai Rentja Family

This family I have named after the oldest known male
member of the family. In 1918 all its members had left
Koelawi. Most of them had settled in North Celebes.
1. Lag1mpoe (Ta1 Rentja)
m. Towot1 (T1na Rentja). Her family unknown to
me.

Children:
1 s. Rentja, or Irentja (Tomai Horlodji).
m. Tohiri (Tina Horlodji) of Family XV. These
two have left Koelawi and settled in Onka,
N. Celebes. Here they have become Mo
hammedans.
96

Children:
Id. Horlodji
2 s. Kontooeda
2 ? Kaimoemoe, Presumably married and living in
Toro.
2. ? LAHORA, has left Koelawi and settled in Toli Toli,
N. Celebes.

XV

The Toewa Family

This family I have named after the old village of Toewa
situated north of Koelawi on the northern slope of Mount
Momi, because the family was said originally to have lived
here.
Pagira (Ta1 Tjeho, or Ta1 Mentjeho) presumably dead
before 1918.
m. Sengkalea, or nKalea (T1nen Tjeho, or T1na Men
tjeho) of Family VII. She died about 1910. The na
tives told me there had been several ceremonies in con
nection with her burial which were not used in 19 18
when Tosindi (Tina Rongko) was buried. For instance,
two slaves had been killed to wait upon the great lady
on her journey to the Kingdom of Death.

Children:
1 s. Mentjeho f
2 s. Lahore (Tomai Sinto, or Hintooe) f. This man
who in 1918 was dead many natives said ought
to have been chosen by the Dutch for M a-
g a o e of Koelawi instead of his younger bro
ther Tomampe.
m. I. Topompe (Tina Hintooe). Her family
unknown to me.
 97
m. 2. Ponito (Tina Kahania), presumably dead
before 1918. Her family unknown to
me.

Children by the first marriage:

I s. Sinto, or Sintooe, or Hintooe
m. T o e r i b o. Her family unknown to
me.

Child:
A boy who was born in 1918 and had not
yet a name.
2d. Tohiri (Tina Horlodji) who
married Irentja (Tomai Hor
lodji) of Family XIV.
3d. Kombadj a, or Tobadja, who mar-
. ried nTjoboe of Family VIII.
4 d. nTohontjo, not married in 1918.
5 s. Beroa
6 s. Holoi

Children by the second marriage:

Id. Kahania
2d. Iwalida
3d. Walihoera
3 d. Binoekoe (Tina Toroe) who married Rongko
(Tai Toroe) of Family VIII.
4 s. Tomanpe, born about 1887. He died on De
cember 13th in 1918 of the Spanish influenza
(Figs. 22 and 23, pp. 98, 99).
m. Boelawa of Family III (Figs. 20 and 22,
pp. 74, 98).
Tomampe was appointed a M a g a o e about
1910 when Tomai Rengke (Family VII, p. 84)
had resgined. The Dutch authorities sent him
98

O. Strandlund Photo 191 4

Fig. 22. — Tomampe and Boelawa on the steps of their house at Lili.

to the town of Menado in North Celebes to learn

to read and write and to speak Malay. When
we met him he spoke rather poor Malay. In the
art of writing he was no master. He confined
himself to scribbling his name on acts drawn
up by his secretary, in 1918 Tohama (Family
II, p. 51), or by the man who represented the
Dutch Government in Koelawi, a native from
Minahassa, N. Celebes. His Dutch title was "in-
landsch assistent."
In the beginning there was a certain animos
ity towards the new M a g a o e among the To
 99

O. Strandlund Photo 1914

Fig. 23. — Tomampe.

Koelawi who liked his elder brother Tomai Sinto

better, presumably because he had more brains
and a kinder heart than Tomampe. After To
mai Sinto's death the relations between To
mampe and his subjects improved by and by,
but they had never much respect for him. He
may, however, have been a good help to the
Dutch "Controlleur" in Paloe, collecting taxes
for him from Koelawi.
Tomampe, contrary to his people, confessed
himself a follower of Mohammed and his reli
gion, certainly not of conviction but rather be
cause the native rulers in the Paloe Valley were
Mohammedans, and he thought it proper for
him to have the same religion as they had. But
when he wanted to keep several wives as they
did Boelawa, his wife would not hear of it. She
told him she would never allow him to take
another wife. On a certain occasion when To-
mampe was drunk at a great feast and lay his
head on the lap of another woman she promised
to cut his throat if he was unfaithful to her.
The relations between Tomampe and Boelawa
were towards the end of 1918 so strained that
they did not live in the same house and were
considering a divorce. The conflict was solved
in a manner nobody had expected. The Spanish
influenza carried off Tomampe.
Tomampe's best friends, his brother-in-law
Roendoe and Kapoei, were ardent Mohamme
dans. If they had not used their influence on
Tomampe he would no doubt have been a poor
follower of the Prophet.
In spite of his Mohammedan faith Tomampe
used to drink rather heavily. The beverage
was palm wine. He was the only person in Koe-
lawi I saw intoxicated by strong liquor. This
happened on August 27th when there was a
great feast called w o e n t j a which the natives
arranged before starting the work on the paddy
fields. It was expected to make this work
prosperous. Some hundred people were present.
Men and girls danced round a kind of Maypole.
Married women sat on the ground or stood
about watching the dance. All behaved nicely
except Tomampe who was lying on the ground
babbling and half drunk. Occasionally he
leaned his head against a feeble-minded slave
boy who obliged his master by searching his
hair for lice. Boelawa who was seated on a
chair near her husband looked bothered. Like
the rest of the spectators she chewed betel and
sirih to pass the time. The younger men showed
 101

very little regard for their ruler, sneering and

scoffing at him as they passed by. At last some
older men interfered and brought Tomampe
back to his house.
Tomampe had not much in his appearance
in everyday life that made you realize he was
the ruler of the country. Dike everybody in
Koelawi he was bare-footed. The only article
indicating his rank was a head-cloth with silver
embroideries. This he had bought on the coast.
One day he came to our house dressed in a
greyish green suit, the same as the uniform
used by the soldiers in the army of the Dutch
East Indies. He was very proud of his new
suit and told us he had bought it for seven and
a half guilders from our Javanese servant Sari-
djan who had found the jacket rather small for
him. Saridjan had bought the suit second
hand from a friend of his in Paloe.
It can hardly be said that Tomampe was fair
to the Salvation Army missionary, a Dutchman
Mr. Doo1s, who worked in Koelawi. To please
the Dutch authorities in Paloe and Donggala
he did not hesitate to slander on Mr. Loo1s, but
at the same time he accepted with pleasure the
kindnesses Mr. Loo1s showed him.
For a native I suppose Tomampe was rather
a rich man. He never failed to make money if
there was a chance for him to do so. If, for
instance, one of his subjects was unable to pay
his taxes, a very small sum, Tomampe would
pay for him on the condition that the man would
dig a large field for Tomampe where he could
plant paddy which later yielded good profit.
On a certain occasion the taxes of Koelawi
proved to be short of some hundred guilders.
Tomampe made up the deficiency, but after
that whenever a buffalo was killed the hide
must be given to the M a g a o e.
Another source of income was the rice he used
to sell to the military patrols which now and
then came to Koelawi. Some days before the
soldiers were expected to arrive notice was
given to everybody to unhusk a certain quantity
of paddy which was then collected by the M a-
g a o e ' s agents and delivered to the leader
of the patrol who payed for it. The original
purveyors of the rice did not receive a single
cent of the money. It was rather amusing to
learn that Tomampe charged the patrol Fl.
6.50 a "pikoel" when the price in Koelawi was
Fl. 5, and next month when there came a patrol
again, said prices had gone up a guilder and
charged Fl. 7.50.
As mentioned in the foregoing M a g a o e
Tomampe was one of the victims of the Spanish
influenza which ravaged in Koelawi at the end
of 1918. Of the two thousand inhabitants of
this district four hundred were carried off by
the epidemic. Tomampe was one of those who
were first caught. He felt a little better one
day and then he went down to the river and
bathed in its cold water. That seems to have
finished him. Mr. Loo1s who was very ill him
self and could hardly walk, dragged himself to
Tomampe's house on the paddy fields to help
him at the last, and Mohammedan as he was,
M a g"a o e Tomampe died with his hand in
the missionary 's^ hand.
Tomampe was buried without any of the
pomp and splendour due to the ruler of a coun
try. L,ess than ten people attended the burial
 1o3

because of the epidemic. They could not even

make the proper coffin carved from a tree
trunk, for him. Its substitute was a box made
of boards from an old cupboard.
Towards the end of December when Koelawi
began to recover from the influenza we heard
rumours that Tomampe was walking after
death. When he and Boelawa fell out with
each other, she and the children went to live in
their house on the paddy fields, leaving her
husband to stay in their new house in the village
of Lili. When Tomampe's children were taken
ill with the influenza, his pride melted away
and he went to his wife's house to see his dear
children. It was in this house he himself ended
his days. Strange to say it was not here that
he was said to reappear but in his house at Lili.
Nobody dared to stay in that house since at
night a strange noise was heard and stones
from nowhere were thrown at it. We soon
learned why M a g a o e Tomampe did not
find rest in his grave. He had been buried in a
coffin and his head was in the east, and not as he
ought to be buried as a follower of Mohammed.
One night when the missionary and his family
had gone to bed and put out their lamp they
heard a strange clatter outside. It was as if
somebody had been walking on the small road
between their house and ours beating their
bamboo fence with a stick. The noise stopped
for a little while when two horses which were
chasing each other rushed by the house on the
road. In the early morning when the cocks
began to crow, the beating ceased.
A couple of days after this happened, I went
out for a walk with my family. We met Kapoei,
Tomampe's Mohammedan friend, and had a
little chat with him. Kapoei had heard, he
said, that our place too was haunted by To
mampe's ghost. Did we hear the ghost the other
night? No, we did not, we were such sound
sleepers, we told him, but it occurred to us that
the ghost who played with the Loo1s's fence
for a whole night had meant us to hear him, too,
and that Kapoei knew rather much about the
movements of the ghost, too much indeed not
to be mixed up with him, a presumption which
was confirmed by the events that followed.
When people had been sufficiently frightened
by ghosts it was declared that Tomampe would
never find rest in his grave unless he was buried
as a faithful follower of the Prophet should be
buried. On a fine morning some men from the
village of Mataoee were ordered to the burial
place to open Tomampe's grave. The dead man
who had rested in his coffin for more than a
month was taken out, wrapped in cloths, and
lowered into a new grave in such a manner that
he rested on his right side and faced west, the
point where the holy town of Mecca was.
When the Mataoee men had finished their
job they came to our house to buy soap from us
for the money they had earned by their ghastly
work, twenty-five cents, a sum they found far
too small for handling a corpse all alive with
worms. They very much doubted that the
Dutch authorities had ordered the work to be
done as they had been told by their employers.
As soon as Tomampe was buried in the man
ner the Mohammedans considered proper, noth
ing more was heard of his reappearing and the
ghosts disappeared.
 105

Boelawa, Tomampe's wife, was in many re

spects different from her husband. She was
proud and conscious of her position as the first
lady of the country. She always behaved as
the member of a noble and important family
she was. She was careful about her dress which
always was in good taste. She was rather fair
of complexion, almost like an inhabitant of
southern Europe, and her features were fine
and regular.

Children:
Is. M a s i, presumably born in 1907. He
was not a clever boy, haughty because
he was the son of the M a g a o e and
because he knew that the Dutch meant
for him to be his father's successor. ■ :
2 d. Wiwi, presumably born in 1911. She
was sent to school in 1918.
3 s. S a n g a, born in 1917. According to Mr.
Rosenujnd this boy was later called
Idae.
5 s. nTogero
m. Nandoe of Family XVII.

Child:
d. Walengkoe, or Iwalengkoe,
born either in 1913 or 1914.
1o6

W. Kaudern Photo 1g1g

Fig. 24. — Lake Lindoe at the village of Tomado. To the right Lindoe
Island where Toloemoepalio's sarcophagus was kept.

XVI

Lindoe Family No. 1

This family originally belonged to Lindoe (Fig. 24 p. 106).
Some of the members married Koelawian m a r a d i k a and
moved to Koelawi where in 19 18 the majority of the family
were living. The oldest ancestor they knew of was
Marad1ndo, or Toloemoepal1o f, born about 1830. He
was stated to have come to Lindoe from Sigi in the Paloe
Valley. He was the powerful ruler of Lindoe in the middle
of the nineteenth century. His wars with his neighbours
were successful. In Koelawi he burnt its largest village
situated on the hill where the village of Bolapapoe is found
nowadays. Its name recalls this event, b o l a meaning
village, p a p o e, burnt. When this happened the natives
 107

Fig. 25. — Toloemoepalio's sarcophagus.

could not tell, but a Koelawian woman who was forty,

perhaps forty-five years old in 1918, said it was when her
mother was a baby of four or five years. If her mother
married at twenty, the usual age for a girl to marry in
Koelawi, Bolapapoe would have been burnt about sixty-
five years ago, i. e. in the eighteen-fifties. The fact that
Toloemoepalio's grandson was head of Lindoe in 1918,
confirms the woman's statements.
There are several tales of Toloemoepalio's power not
only over people and animals but over Nature itself. It
was not necessary for him to use a canoe when he wanted
to cross Lake Lindoe. The natives said he could walk
on the water "just as the Bible tells us of Christ" — and
when he did so he was accompanied by all the birds of
the lake. If he wanted one of them for his table he just
took a bird from the crowd, and if it was not fat enough
for him he let it loose and took a better one.
In the village of Bolabaoe on the northern end of Lindoe
Island there was still in 1919 a big house which was said
to have been Toloemoepalio's. Like most native struct
ures in this region it rested on a number of piles. It
was nearly ten metres long and six wide and contained a
big front room with two fire-places, and two small rooms,
only two metres wide, on one side along the short end of
the house. Each of these small rooms had a doorway
leading to the big room, and they were said to have been
used as bedrooms for Toloemoepalio and his family. Un
derneath these rooms stood on the ground a large wooden
coffin in bad condition. It was richly decorated with
1o8

carvings. There was a fence all round it from the ground

to the floor of the house. In the sarcophagus which had
a length of two metres, the natives said there was a smaller
wooden coffin which harboured the bones of the powerful
Radja Toloemoepalio (Fig. 25 p. 107). In 1919 when I
visited the place there were in one of the small rooms
some relics which were said to have belonged to Toloemoe
palio. These were: a brass tray, d o e l a, a clay pot,
fragments of a sleeping mat and some rags which had
been his clothes. Nobody could remember who his wife
was, but my informants knew he had a son called Tokeri.
Possibly there had been an elder son, Tokese.

Children:
1 s. Tokese (Tomeramala, no doubt a shortening for
Tomai Ramala) f.
Some people in Lindoe said he was the elder
brother of
2 s. Tokere f. Presumably he was born about 1850.
He was the maradika who negotiated
with the cousins Saras1n when they visited
Lindoe in 1902. They call him Tomelatoin-
da, a shortening for Tomai Iyatoinda (Fig, 26
p. 109).

Children:
I ? L a t o in d a, died when a baby.
2d. Podei (Tina Boelawa) who married
Mantoeli (Tomai Wenta) of Family III.
3 s. Lakoentoe Tomai Mampo Fig. 27
p. 110), presumably born in the eighteen
seventies. He was made head of the Koe-
lawi district when Tomai Dado in 1915 was
removed from his post. When M a g a o e
Tomampe died in 19 18 he acted as a
 109

F. Saras1n Photo 1902

Fig. 26. — Tomelatoinda.
 W. Kaudern Photo 1918
Fig. 27. — Tomai Mampo.

M a g a o e until the Dutch Government

had appointed a new ruler of Koelawi.
People did not like Tomai Mampo. After
I had left Koelawi in 1919 I heard that
he had had the front-teeth of some Toro
girls knocked out and those of some boys
broken according to old customs. The
bonnet he wears on his portrait he bought
on the coast. The Mohammedan half-
moon in front was to him the horn of a
buffalo, an animal of paramount im
portance in Central Celebes,
m. Poemako (Tina Mampo) of
Family VIII.
 W. Kaudern Photo 1918
Fig. 28. — Hangkorio.

Children:
1) s. Mampo f
2) d. Hangkorio, born in 1899, or 1900
(Fig. 28, PI. III)
3) s. Bedo
4 s. Jaroe, Djaroe, or Palangko-
djaroe (Tai Tagoeni) who was
the head of Iyindoe at the time of my
visits to this district. He had two
 wives, and it may appear to my readers
that I have made a mistake in my
records about who was his first wife
and who was his second wife, since the
man has taken the name of his son Ta-
goeni by his second wife and called
himself Tai Tagoeni. My informants in
this case were Jaroe's two brothers in
Koelawi, Tomai Mampo and Tomai
Noeroe, and their statement that Han-
inga was Jaroe's first wife cannot be
doubted, for certainly they knew the
family if anybody did. The reason why
Jaroe did not take the name of Haninga's
daughter Maea must have been that his
son nTagoeni by his second wife, Winoe,
was born before Maea. It is quite likely
that Haninga had failed to give birth
to a child in due time and that this was
the reason why her husband had taken
a second wife.
There is another example of the same
kind on my list. Tomai Hapata of
Family III, a half-brother of Tomai
Lingkoe's, has taken the name of his
first child by his second marriage,
supposing that the information about
who his first wife was, and who his
second wife, is correct.
m. I. Haninga (Tina Maea) of
Family III.
m. 2. Winoe (Tin Tagoeni) of
Family XIII.

Child by the first marriage:

d. Maea
 H3

Children by the second marriage:

1) s. nTagoeni
2) d. nTodada
5 s. Sigi Paloe (Tomai Neoroe). This
maradika lived at Lemoe, a village
on the northern ridge extending from
Bolapapoe Hill. He resembled his brother
Tomai Mampo but his manners were
more easy and friendly then those of
his elder brother. In 1905 he had joined
the men from Koelawi and Lindoe who
tried to stop the Dutch colonial troops
on Mount Momi north of Koelawi. He
was wounded by a bullet from a rifle.
The bullet passed right through his body.
He recovered, however, without medical
assistance. He and his family were most
sadly afflicted by the influenza. He lost
three of his own children and an adopted
son in a few days.
m. I. nKamomi (Tina Noeroe)
of Family III.
m. 2. L o h e i (Tina Magoerisi) of
Family III.
These two women were half-cousins.

Children by the first marriage:

1) s. Noeroe, died as a baby.
2) s. Rende, or Hende, died in December
1918 of the influenza. He was
about six years old.
3) s. nTandakiri; died in December 1918
of the influenza.
4) d. Makoeboela, a baby in 1918. Later she
was called Swea, a name suggested
by the missionary Mr. Rosenujnd.
H4

Children by the second marriage:

1) s. Born in 1917, died in December 1918
of the influenza. He had not got
a name at that time.
2) s. Magoerisi

Adopted child:
s. Linge who died in December 1918
of the influenza. He was about
four years old.
6d. Toerolontja, or Toroelontja
(Tina Dado) f. She married R a m-
peoewa (Tomai Dado). He was
of Family I.
7 s. Idompo f. Presumably born in the
middle of the eighties, died in 1914 or
1915. In all probability this m a r a-
d i k a is the man the cousins Saras1n
call "Prins Dompo" (Fig. 29 p. 115). He
was an ardent follower of Islam. At the
missionary's open-air meetings his be
havior was sometimes so indecent that
M a g a o e Tomampe in spite of his
being a Mohammedan himself, scolded
him for his conduct. Idompo, on his
sickbed, sent, however, for the missionary
Mr. Loo1s but he could not help him
and he died. Idompo was not liked by
his countrymen who believed that he
practiced sorcery,
m. Horonai, or Hoeronai of Family
VIII.
Children:
1) d. Matoeia
2) s. mPamoerasa
 F. Saras1n Photo 1902
Fig. 29. — Idompo, "Prinz Dompo."
n6

W. Kaudern Photo 1918

Fig. 30. — Tokeda, daughter of Tomai Palaha.

XVII

Lindoe Family No. 2

Possibly this is merely a branch of the previous family
which has remained in Lindoe.
Tamekoerand1 (Toma1 Palaha) was from Lindoe but had
married a girl from Koelawi and settled in this district.
m. TODJARI, ITODJARI, or ITOEDJARI (TlNA PALAHA) of
Family IV.

Children:
1 ? Palaha, who died as a baby.
2 d. Nandoe who married nTogero of Family XV.
3 s. Kapoei, in 1918 about twenty-five years old.
He was appointed surveyor of roads in Koelawi
by the Dutch. He had been brouhgt up on
 117

the coast and was an ardent follower of Islam.

As mentioned in the foregoing he was a friend
of Tomampe's.
4 d. Tokeda (Fig. 30 p. 116).

During the course of the work the then missionary of

Koelawi, Mr. J. Loo1s, gave me considerable valuable assist
ance and after I had left Koelawi I received from the late
missionary Mr. E. Rosenlund certain complementary in
formation. From my friend Brigadier O. Strandlund I
have received several photographs of Koelawian maradika
and from Doctor F. Saras1n I have received two photo
graphs, those of Tomelatoinda and Prins Dompo. For all
this help I whish to extend hearty thanks. To publisher
Bonnier I would also like to extend my thanks for his kind
ness in putting at my disposal a number of cliches.
 List of Names
The figures refer to the numbers of the families
Men
A 8 Hebe or Isebe
12 Ambo 16 Hende or Rende
15 Hintooe, Sintooe or Sinto
B 15 Holoi
12 Bande
12 Baso /
16 Bedo 3 Idjoe
12 Bentei 3 Idolo or Dolo
8 Bentjara 16 Idompo or Dompo
15 Beroa 2 Impagoeroe or mPagoeroe
8 Boeletoe or Woeletoe (Tomai Kaloeara)
12 Boendoe 14 Irentja or Rentja (Tomai
5 Bokoede (Tomai Nabi) Horlodji)
3 Isa
D 8 Isebe or Hebe
1 Dado 4 Itona or Tona (Tai Todjari)
6 Daroeati or Radoeati
16 Djaroe, Jaroe or Palangko- J
djaroe (Tai Tagoeni) 13 Jaho (Tomai Limbagoe)
7 Djiloi (Tai nGenta) 16 Jaroe, Djaroe or Palangko-
8 Doerio (Tai Tohimo) djaroe (Tai Tagoeni)
3 Dolo or Idolo 7 Joesoe
16 Dompo or Idompo
K
G 17 Kapoei
1 Gempo 12 Koelandi
8 Girandoe (Tai Lolage) 3 Koemeno
8 Gisilore (Taimen Toila) 14 Kontooeda
10 Koroba
H
6 Haloempana L
3 Hambibi (Tomai Lagaga) 1 1 Labontoe
3 Hapata 5 Ladjoema (Tai Bidja)
 n9

3 Lagaga 7 mPodate or Pondate (Tai

11 Lagane (Tai Tempa) or Tomai Djiloi)
14 Lagimpoe (Tai Rentja) 11 mPotondoe or Potondoe (Tai
8 Lahagi (Tomai Hebe) Tora)
6 Lahoira (Tai Lamaniri)
N
11 Lahongi
15 Lahore (Tomai Sinto or Hin- 16 Noeroe
tooe) n
16 Lakoentoe (Tomai Mampo) 7 nGenta
1 Lamahatoe or Tohatoe 2 nKaloeara
12 Lambani 5 nKaroepa
3 Lamboe 4 nTadjoeli
3 Larasa 16 nTagoeni
4 Lawegaoe 8 nTaloendoe
1 Lembega 16 nTandakiri
1 Lempa 2 nTaralati
1 Lihidondo 12 nTjalaga (Tai or Tomai Pa-
13 Limbagoe lopo)
16 Linge 8 nTjoboe
3 Lingkoe 12 nTjoegi
M 5 nTjoemanga or Tjoemangga
16 Magoerisi (Tai Powintoe or Poewintoe)
3 Mahali (Moesa) 10 nTobagoe
3 Makoeasa (Tomai Lingkoe) 3 nTodjanek or mBosolaboe
3 Mampeli (Tai Lamboe) 10 nToeke (Tomai Tjawelangi)
16 Mampo 15 nTogero
3 Mantoeli (Tomai Wenta) 11 nTolaki (Tai Komo)
16 Maradindo or Toloemoepalio 3 nTondari or nTondori
8 Maradjoeni 7 nTowoa or Towoa (Tomai
15 Masi Rengke or Tomai Torengke)
7 Medja
15 Mentjeho ■ng
3 Mesagala (Tomai Mampeli) 5 ngKarihi
2 Moengiri
0
m 13 Oloe
9 mBoli (Tai Tawelana)
3 mBosolaboe or nTodjanek P
2 mPagoeroe or Impagoeroe 13 Padoengkoe (Tai Jaho)
16 mPamoerasa 15 Pagira (Tai Tjeho or Tai
4 mPangata, mPengata, Pang- Mentjeho)
gata or Pengata 12 Pakewa (Tomain Potoloe)
12 mPatakoe 8 Pakiloe (Tai Tandoele)
4 mPengata see mPangata 10 Palandoe
120
1 6 Palangkodjaroe, Jaroe or 10 Tandealo (Tai Tango)
Djaroe (Tai Tagoeni) 4 Tandoe
12 Palopo 4 Tanibia (Tai Pengata or Taim
4 Panggata, Pengata, mPang- Panggata)
ata or mPengata 3 Tawana
3 Pantjoeroro 11 Tempa
5 Parapalembea (Tomai La- 11 Tepo
djoema) 9 Tikoe
12 Parewa (Tai or Tomai To- 10 Timbabiboe
moea) 3 Timonga
12 Pegioe 1 Tjabadara (Tomai Toeroroe)
8 Pendenga 5 Tjoemangga or nTjoemangga
4 Pengata see Panggata (Tai Powintoe or Poewintoe)
9 Polo 13 Tobika (Tomai Oloe)
7 Pondate or mPodate (Tai or 4 Tobeke
Tomai Djiloi) 1 Tobele (Tomai L,ihidondo)
10 Pondi 3 Todapa
7 Potempa (Tomai Paoe) 6 Togawoe (Tomai Radoeati)
12 Potoloe 4 Togie
11 Potondoe or mPotondoe 1 Tohaboe
(Tai Tora) 1 Tohama (Markus)
1o Potontja (Tai Rahidi) 1 Tohatoe or Lamahatoe
8 Tohimo (Tai Paholi)
R 5 Tohoba (Tai Karoepa)
6 Radoeati or Daroeati 12 Tohoemonda (Tai Koelandi)
i Rampeoewa (Tomai Dado) 8 Toila (Tomai Noengkoe)
1o Randoelawi (Tai Kamboe) 16 Tokeri (Tomai Latoinda or
16 Rende or Hende Tomelatoinda)
7 Rengke 16 Tokese (Tomeramala or To
14 Rentja or Irentja (Tomai mai Ramala)
Horlodji) 16 Toloemoepalio
8 Rongko (Tain Toroe) 15 Tomampe
3 Roendoe (Tomai Isa) 17 Tomekorandi (Tomai Palaha)
4 Tona or Itona (Tai Todjari)
5 5 Toneke
15 Sanga 4 Tongke
3 Sapata or Hapata 11 Tora
16 Sigi Paloe (Tomai Noeroe) 3 Torongko (Tomai Tiroa)
15 Sinto, Sintooe or Hintooe 3 Towera
T 7 Towoa or nTowoa
13 Tagasa
8 Tagoeni W
1 7 Tamekoerandi (Tomai Palaha) 8 Woeletoe or Boeletoe
 121

Women
A 8 Kalamboe (Tina Haninga)
13 Ampidjala (Tina Oloe) 8 Kiha or Kika
9 Koeka
3 Koeti
D 15 Kombadja or Tobadja
8 Banaoge (Tina Kalamboe) 11 Komo
12 Baeo (Tina Koelandi)
3 Benaia I
15 Binoekoe (Tina Toroe)
8 Bitoee (Tina Noengkoe) 6 Lamaniri (Tina Poraha)
6 Limboeroe
3 Boelawa
4 Lindoerea
8 Loengkoenoenoe
D 3 Lohei
3 Datorea (Tina Palopo)
M
H 16 Maea
11 Hamia 3 Magdalena
16 Hangkorio 16 Makoeboela (Swea)
3 Haniga or Haninga (Tina 3 Manoeroe
Maea) 4 Maoewa or Tomahejo
10 Hari 4 Mariana
3 Himbai 16 Matoeja
1 Hoeboe or nTohoboe 1 Moelia (Marta)
10 Hoeri 3 Mole (Tina lingkoe)
8 Hoeronai or Horonai 5 Moni
14 Horlodji
8 Horonai see Hoeronai m
4 mBaja
3 mPaigoe (Tina Lohei)
I 3 mPatoboe (Tina Moesa or
8 Iangi Moetja)
7 Irantebada 3 mPeroee
17 Itoedjari, Itodjari or To- 7 mPodoenoe or Podjoenoe
djari (Tina Palaha) 1 mPohengko, mPosengko, Po-
15 Iwalengkoe or Walengkoe hengko or Posengko (Tina
15 Iwalida Tora)
8 mPomako or Poemako (Tina
K Mampo)
5 Kadera 7 mPomola, Pomona or Po-
3 Kadoedoe moela (Tina Hebe)
15 Kahania 4 mPoreka (Tina Tongke)
122
1 mPosengko see mPohengko P
(Tina Tora) 8 Palinge (Tinen Kaloeara)
5 mPotainoe (Tina Latoinda) 7 Panaroe
7 mPotente (Tina Karoepa) 5 Pangkoroe
6 mPotere 16 Podei (Tina Boelawa)
5 mPotoli 7 Podjoenoe or mPodoenoe
8 Poemako, Pomako or mPo-
mako (Tina Mampo)
N 7 Pomoela, Pomona or mPo-
8 Nai mola (Tina Hebe)
17 Nandoe 1 Pohengko, Posengko, mPo
8 Noengkoe hengko or mPosengko (Tina
Tora)
n 3 Pondito (Tina Lamboe)
7 nKalea or Sengkalea (Tina 15 Ponito (Tina Kahania)
Mentjeho) 5 Powintoe or Poewintoe
3 nKamomi (Tina Noeroe) R
4 nKaroeani 3 Rari (Tina Tandoe)
9 nKodoe or ngKodoe 10 Rahidi
9 nTawelana or Tawelana 4 Ratabana
2 nTipa 4 Ronae (Tina Togie)
12 nTjaka
10 nTjawelangi (Tina Rahidi) S
4 nTobe 3 Salama (Tina Tiroa)
16 nTodada 1 Sambite
6 nTodoela 7 Sengkalea or nKalea (Tina
11 nToedali Mentjeho or Tinen Tjeho)
11 nToepoea 16 Swea = Makoeboela
1 nTohoboe or Hoeboe
7 nTohongki T
15 nTohontjo 6 Taeba (Tina Potaha)
12 nTopeka 3 Taipa
3 nTopere (Tinem Powintoe or 12 Talame (Tina Potoloe)
Poewintoe) 3 Tale
11 nTorae or Torae (Tina Djari) 3 Talebana
5 nToreo 3 Talimoe (Tina nGenta)
11 nToringko 7 Tanoko
7 nTowongi (Tinem Paoe) 12 Taoende
9 Tawelana or nTawelana
1 Tawongi or Tawongoe (Tina
ng--- Limbagoe)
9 ng Kodoe or nKodoe 3 Tiroa
12 ngSandele 7 Tite
 123
1 Tjaheboenga (Tina Lihidondo) 11 Tomido
10 Tjindirio 12 Tomoea
3 Tjindiwongi or Tosindi (Tina 10 Tomone (Tina Kamboe)
Rongko) 13 Toningki
11 Tjoemoea (Tina Tempa) 3 Topaioe (Tina Lagaga)
2 Tjoti 10 Topeko (Tina Gana)
15 Tobadja or Kombadja 3 Topere (Tina Djiloi) (comp. 3
1 Tobana nTopere)
1 Tobandeoge (Tin Tjawelangi) 11 Topire
4 Tobingka (Tina Pangata) 15 Topompe (Tina Hintooe)
8 Toboedi (Tina Hongkododa) 3 Toradio (Tina Wenta)
10 Todeni (Tina Dahi) 11 Torae or nTorae (Tina Djari)
17 Todjari or Itodjari or Itoe- 6 Toraindoe (Tina Lamaniri)
djari (Tina Palaha) 5 Toramaea (Tina Poto)
3 Todoela (comp. 6 nTodoela) 5 Toroehooe (Tina Radoati)
1 Toemoedoe 16 Toroelontja or Toerolontja
1 Toendi (Tina Tawongoe) (Tina Dado)
15 Toeribo 3 Tosindi or Tjindiwongi (Tina
16 Toerolontja (Tina Dado) Rongko)
15 Tohiri (Tina Horlodji) 14 Towoti (Tina Rentj a)
11 Tohoi (Tina Komo)
17 Tokeda
1 Tokia (Tina Tohoera) W
4 Tolana 15 Walengkoe or Iwalengkoe
11 Tomaegoe 15 Walihoera
4 Tomaheio (or Maoewa acc. to 3 Wenta
Rosenlund) 13 Winoe (Tin Tagoeni)
3 Tomataia 15 Wiwi

Sex unknown to me
B H
2 Bandoe 3 Hapata
5 Bidja 1 Hoenggoe
8 Hongkododa
D 9 Horae
10 Dahi K
M Kahnoemoe
4 Kalohi or Kalosi
G 3 Kamogi
10 Gana 9 Kaodjoe or Odjoe
124
L 6 Poraha
14 Lahora 6 Potaha
16 Latoinda 11 Potari
8 Lolage 5 Poto
N
5 Nabi
3 Roegoe
0
9 Odjoe or Kaodjoe
3 Tandoele
P 8 Tango
17 Palaha 1 Toeroroe
8 Paholi 1 Tohoera
7 Paoe 8 Toroe
 PLATE I

Toemoedoe, daughter of Tomai Dado. Her head-band is a tali potaja,

her skirt af black bast cloth is of a pattern from Kantewoe and used
with festival clothes. Her tunic is a typical Koelawian one. In the back
ground is a woven fabric from Pada (Sekopada).
Painting in oils, 100 cm by 74 cm, by W. Kaudern.
 PLATE II

Tohama, son of Tomai Dado, secretary of Magaoe Tomampe, dressed

for a morego.
Painting in oils, 185 cm by 80 cm, by W. Kaudern.
 PLATE III

Hangkorio, daughter of Tomai JIampo, in festal attire. Beside a head

band of beads, tali enoe, she wears a kind of crown or diadem called
hongko boelawa (hongko helmet, hat, boelawa, gold).
Painting in oils, 67.5 cm by 50 cm, by W. KaudErn.
etnologiska §tndier
Edited and published by Dr. Walter Kaudern.
Published twice a year. Annual subscription Sw. Kr. 15:— Orders to
Dr. Walter Kaudern, Ethnographical Museum, Goteborg (Sweden), or through
your book dealer. Separate reprints not for sale.
Etnologiska Studier 1, Goteborg 1935. Contents:
Waller Kaudern, Notes on plaited anklets in Central Celebes (14 Figures), pp.
5—25-
Stig Rydin, Skalpierung bei den Tobaindianem (2 Abbildungen), pp.
26—34.
Henry Wassen, Notes on Southern Groups of Choc6 Indians in Colombia
(40 Figures), pp. 35—182.
Etnologiska Studier 2, Goteborg 1936. Contents:
C. G. Santesson, Pfeilgifte aus Burma und Yunnan (3 Abbildungen), pp. 5—14.
» Pfeil- und Fischgift aus Kolumbien und Ekuador (1 Abbil-
dung), pp. 15—29.
Henry Wassin, An Archaeological Study in the Western Colombian Cor
dillera (26 Figures), pp. 30—67.
Rafael Karsten, Arrow-poisons and narcotics in Western Amazonas, pp.
68—77.
Walter Kaudern, Notes on plaited anklets in Central Celebes 2 (2 Figures),
pp. 78—83-
Etnologiska Studier 3, Goteborg 1936. Contents:
Stig Ryden, Archaeological Researches in the Department of La Can-
delaria (Prov. Salta, Argentina), pp. 5—329 (150 Figu
res).
C. G. Santesson and Henry Wassin, Some Observations on South American
Arrow-poisons and Narcotics, pp. 330—358.
Etnologiska Studier 4, Goteborg 1937. Contents:
C. G. Santesson, Notiz iiber Piule, eine mexikanische Rauschdroge, pp. I—II.
Henry Wassen, Some Cuna Indian Animal Stories, with Original Texts,
pp. 12—34.
Stig Rydin, Primitive Types of the Peruvian Aryballos (7 Figures), pp.
35—49-
» Brazilian Anchor-Axes (13 Figures), pp. 50—83.
Walter Kaudern, Anthropological Notes from Celebes (5 coloured Plates, 29
Figures, 4 Maps), pp. 84—127.
Etnologiska Studier S, Goteborg 1937. Contents:
R. J. Hunt, Mataco-Engiish and English-Mataco Dictionary (with gram
matical notes), pp. 1—98.
Walter Kaudern, Two Fish-traps from Celebes, (i Map, 2 Figures), pp. 99—
103.
A . MUraux, Easter Island Sanctuaries. Analytic and Comparative Study
(28 Figures), pp. 104— 153.
Etnologiska Studier 6, Goteborg 1938. Contents:
Henry Wasse'n, Original Documents from the Cuna Indians of San Bias, Pa
nama, as Recorded by the Indians Guillermo Haya and Ru
ben Perez Kantule (29 Figures, 4 coloured Plates), pp. 1—
178.
C. G. Sanlesson, Noch eine mexikanische »Piule »-Droge. Semina Ryncho-
siae phaseoloidis DC, pp. 179— 183.
Etnologiska Studier 7, Goteborg 1938. Contents:
Edwin G. Burrows, Western Polynesia, A Study in Cultural Differentiation
(17 Figures, 8 Tables, 20 Distribution Diagrams), pp. 1—
192.
Robert F. Heizer, The Plank Canoe of the Santa Barbara Region, Cali
fornia (4 Figures, 1 Map, 1 Table), pp. 193—229.
Etnologiska Studier 8, Goteborg 1939. Contents:
Helen C. Palmatary, Tapaj6 Pottery (58 Figures, 1 Map), pp. 1—136.
C. G. Santesson, Die Babongo-Zwerge und ihr Pfeilgift (2 Abbildungen),
PP- 137—148.
Walter Kaudern, C. G. Santesson Dead, pp. 149—150.
Etnologiska Studier 9, Goteborg 1939. Contents:
Alfred Metraux, Myths and Tales of the Matako Indians (The Gran
Chaco, Argentina), pp. 1—127.
Jean Bassett Johnson, The Elements of Mazatec Witchcraft, pp. 128—150.
Walter Kaudern, Note on the Geographical Distribution of the Pygmies
and their possible Affinities (1 Figure, 4 Maps), pp. 151
—175-
Etnologiska Studier 10, Goteborg 1940. Contents:
Sture Lagercranlz, Der Donnerkeil im Afrikanischen Volksglauben (1 Karte),
pp. 1—40.
Walter Kaudern, The Passage of the Air through a Flute (9 Figures), pp.
41—49.
D. B. Stout, Additional Notes on the Occurrence of Metal Nails in South
America (3 Figures), pp. 50—53.
Ernst Manlier, Eine degenerierte Lappische Zaubertrommel (9 Abbil
dungen), pp. 54—68.
Henry Wasse'n, An Analogy between a South American and Oceanic Myth
Motif and Negro Influence in Darien (2 Figures), pp. 69—79.
Henry Wasse'n, Anonymous Spanish Manuscript from 1739 on the Pro
vince Darien. A Contribution to the Colonial History and
Ethnography of Panama and Colombia (2 Figures, 2 Plates),
pp. 80—146.
Etnologiska Studier 11, Goteborg 1940. Contents:
Henry Wasse'n, El antiguo abaco peruano según el manuscrito de Guaman
Poma (8 figuras), pp. 1—30.
Walter Kaudern, The Noble Families or Maradika of Koelawi, Central Ce
lebes (1 Map, 30 Figures, 3 Coloured Plates), pp. 31 — 124.
E 1 11 o 1 o s k a Stndier
óverlamnas av utgivaren sásotn byte for Góteborgs Musei Etnografiska Avdel-
ning till foljande institutioner, bibliotek, vetenskapliga sállskap och tidskrifter:

Sverige
Gbteborgs HSgskolas Geografiska Institution, Goteborg.
Hollands Hembygdsfbrbund, Varberg.
Lunds Universitets Geografiska Institution, Lund.
Nordiska Museets Bibliotek, Stockholm.
Rbhsska Konstslbjdmuseet, Goteborg.
Statens Etnografiska Museum, Stockholm.
Svenska Sdllskapet for Antropologi och Geografi, Stockholm.
Ostasiatiska Samlingarna, Stockholm.

Utlandet
ARGENTINA:
Instituto de Antropología de la Universidad Nacional de Tucumán. Tucumán.
Instituto del Museo de la Universidad Nacional de La Plata. La Plata.
Museo Argentino de Ciencias Naturales, ^Bernardino Rivadavia», Seccidn Etno
gráfica, Buenos Aires.
Museo Etnográfico de la Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Buenos Aires.
Museo de Entre Ríos. Paraná.
Revista Geográfica Argentina. Buenos Aires.
Union Misionera Neo-Testamentaria. Temperley. — P. C. S. Buenos Aires.
BELGIEN:
Musée du Congo Belge. Tervueren.
Société des Américanistes de Belgique. Bruxelles.
BRASIUEN:
Academia Brasileira de Ciencias. Rio de Janeiro.
Instituto do Ceará. Fortaleza.
Museu Nacional. Rio de Janeiro.
Revista do Arquivo Municipal de Sao Paulo. Sao Paulo.
BRITTISKA RIKET:
England.
Cranmore Ethnographical Museum. Chislehurst.
Pitt Rivers Museum. Oxford.
Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. London.
Australien.
Anthropological Society of New South Wales. Sydney.
National Museum. Melbourne.
University of Sydney (Fisher Library). Sydney.
Canada.
National Museum of Canada. Ottawa.
Nya Zeeland.
Auckland Institute and Museum. Auckland.
Polynesian Society. Wellington.
Royal Society of New Zealand. Wellington.
CHILE:
Museo Histdrico Nacional de Chile, Santiago.
Sociedad Chilena de Historia y Geografia. Santiago.
COLOMBIA:
Academia Colombiana de Ciencias Exactas. Bogota.
Centro de Historia (Boletin de Estudios Histdricos). Pasto.
Ministerio de Educacidn Nacional. Seccidn de Publicaciones. Bogota.
Sociedad Geográfica de Colombia. Bogota.
CCSTA RICA:
Museo Nacional de Costa Rica. San José.
DANMARK:
Det Kongelige Danske Geografiske Selskab. Kobenhavn.
Nationalmuseet, Den Etnografiske Samling. Kobenhavn.
ECUADOR:
Biblioteca Nacional. Quito.
PRANKRIKE MED KOLONIER:
Academic Malgache. Tananarive, Madagascar.
Institut Francais d'Afrique Noire. Dakar.
Musee de I'Homme. Paris.
Sociite' des recherches congolaises. Brazzaville.
GUATEMALA:
Sociedad de Geografia e Historia de Guatemala. Guatemala.
ITALIEN:
Genus. Organo del Comitato Italiano per lo Studio dei problemi della Popola-
zione. Roma.
Societá Italiana di Antropologia ed Etnologia. Firenze.
JAPAN:
Taihoku Imperial University, Institute of Ethnology. Taiwan.
KROATIEN:
Etnografiski Muzej. Zagreb.
MEXICO:
Institute/ Panamericano de Geografia e Historia. Tacubaya, D. F.
Museo National de Arqueologia, Historia y Etnografia. Mexico, D. F.
Sociedad Alemana de Mexicanistas en Mexico. Mexico, D. F.
NEDERLANDERNA MED KOLONIER:
Koloniaal Instiiuut, Afdeeling Volkenkunde. Amsterdam.
Centrale Boekerij der Kon. Ver. Koloniaal Instituut. Amsterdam.
Koninklijk Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen. Batavia.
Museum v. Land- en Volkenkunde en Maritiem Museum i>Prins Hendrikn.
Rotterdam.
Museum v. Volkenkunde. Weltevreden.
Rijks Ethnographisch Museum. Leiden.
NORDAMERIKAS FORENTA STATER:
American Anthropologist.
American Geographical Society. New York, N. Y.
American Museum of Natural History. New York, N. Y.
American School of Prehistoric Research. Old Lyme, Conn.
Bernice P. Bishop Museum. Honolulu, Hawaii.
Bureau of American Ethnology. Washington, D. C.
Catholic University of America. Brookland, Washington, D. C.
Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
Denver Art Museum, Dep. of Indian Art. Denver, Col.
Field Museum of Natural History. Chicago, Ill.
Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation. New York, N. Y.
Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan. Ann Arbor. Mich.
Museum of New Mexico. Santa Fe. N. Mex.
Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University. Cam
bridge, Mass.
Smithsonian Institution. Washington, D. C.
Southwest Museum. Los Angeles, Calif.
Tulane University of Louisiana, New Orleans, La.
University of California. Berkeley, Calif.
» » » Los Angeles, Calif.
University of Kentucky, Dep. of Anthropology. Lexington.
University of New Mexico, Dep. of Anthropology. Albuquerque.
University of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, Pa.
University of Texas, Dep. of Anthropology. Austin.
University of Washington. Seattle, Wash.
Yale University Library. New Haven, Conn.
i) » Dep. of Anthropology, Graduate School. New Haven, Conn.
NORGE:
Oslo Etnografiske Museum. Oslo.
PARAGUAY:
Sociedad Cientifica del Paraguay. Asuncion.
PERU:
Instituto Arqueoldgico del Cusco. Cusco.
Museo de Arqueologia de la Universidad Mayor de San Marcos. Lima.
Museo de Arqueologia tiRafael Larco Herrerati. Trujillo.
Museo National. Lima.
RYSSLAND (USSR):
Library of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR. Leningrad.
SCHWEIZ:
Museum fur Volkerkunde. Basel.
SPANIEN:
Sociedad Espanola dc Antropologiu, Einografia y Prehistoria. Madrid.
TYSKLAND MED PROTEKTORAT:
Baessler-Archiv. Berlin.
Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologic, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte. Berlin.
Deutsch-Ausldndischer Buchtausch. Berlin.
Deutsches Kolonial- und Vberseemuseum. Bremen.
Geographisches Institut der Universitdt. Kiel.
Ibero-Amerikanisches Institut. Berlin.
• » » Hamburg.
Institut des Sciences Anthropologiques de la Socicte des Sciences etudes Lettres
de Varsovie. Warszawa.
Museum fiir Volkerkunde. Hamburg.
Stadtisches Museum fiir Volkerkunde. Leipzig.
Stddtisches Volkermuseum und Forschungsinstitut fiir Kulturmorphologie. Frank
furt a. M.
UNGERN:
Ncprajzi Mtizeum. Budapest.
URUGUAY:
Boletin de la Sociedad nAmigos de las Ciencias Katurales Kraglivich-Fontanan.
Montevideo.
Sociedad Amigos de la Arqueologia. Montevideo.
PENN STATE UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES