Papers by Rosemary Beam de Azcona
Diachronica
This paper concerns a semantic change whereby a continuous aspect prefix was reinterpreted as mar... more This paper concerns a semantic change whereby a continuous aspect prefix was reinterpreted as marking realis mood. This change took place in Chatino and then diffused to the Southern Zapotec subgroup, contributing to the genetic diversification of the Zapotec languages. Proto-Zapotecan marked irrealis mood with *k- and did not mark realis. *n- indicated continuous aspect and could concatenate with perfective *ku- to render a resultative reading. A continuous-marked positional verb *n-te later grammaticalized as a progressive prefix in Chatino. As both perfective and progressive refer to (at least partially) realized situations, *n- was reanalyzed as a marker of realis mood that could concatenate with aspectual viewpoint prefixes. The realis prefix is shown to be one of several traits diffused from Chatino which contribute to the creation of the Southern Zapotec clade and its divergence from Monte Albán Zapotec.
Journal of Historical Linguistics
While the phenomenon of tonogenesis is well represented in the literature, diachronic tone change... more While the phenomenon of tonogenesis is well represented in the literature, diachronic tone change in already-tonal languages has received less attention. This paper considers two types of tonal morphology used to mark the “potential” inflectional category on verbs in Coatec Zapotec (aka Di′zhke′). Some verbs are marked with upstep. Coatec upstepped tones are emergent tonal contrasts that are developing out of high register allotones which assimilated to a historical high tone on a now-deleted preceding syllable. Other verbs display patterns of tone ablaut such that a verb with underlying low or falling tone surfaces with high or rising in the potential. Both upstep and tone ablaut in Coatec can be traced to an earlier floating high tone that could dock onto different syllables according to a set of ranked constraints. Using a combination of internal and comparative reconstruction, details of the earlier tonal system are revealed. This is the first published treatment of Proto-Zapote...
Tlalocan : revista de fuentes para el conocimiento de las culturas indígenas de México, Oct 27, 2022
Este trabajo está amparado por una licencia Creative Commons Atribución-No Comercial, 4.0
Amerindia
This paper provides a detailed description of inflectional classes of verbs based on TAM-marking ... more This paper provides a detailed description of inflectional classes of verbs based on TAM-marking morphology in Coatec Zapotec. This description is then used as a standard for comparison with other Zapotec languages spoken in the Southern Sierra region of Oaxaca, Mexico, which is considered by the author to be a diffusion zone. A comparison of 10 varieties belonging to four languages finds that the most diverse TAM-marking systems are found in the western part of the Southern Sierra while the system of inflectional classes greatly simplifies as one moves eastward. Contact and diffusion are considered to be crucial in the retention or loss of conservative features and the spread of innovations such as nasalization of certain prefixes.
Journal of Historical Linguistics
This paper updates the reconstruction of the stative aspect prefix in Proto-Zapotecan as *n- and ... more This paper updates the reconstruction of the stative aspect prefix in Proto-Zapotecan as *n- and tracks innovations in stative marking. An early change is proposed to have deleted preconsonantal nasals, rendering segmentally unmarked stative forms of consonant-initial verbs in varieties of Zapotec then spoken in and around the city of Monte Albán. Contact with Chatino may be a factor in the retention of preconsonantal *n in Zapotec varieties spoken to the south. A fuller stative prefix, usually *na-, arose later from a grammaticalized form of the stative-marked copula (Munro 2007; Uchihara 2021). *na- is more productive than *n- and provides the basis for a new proposed “Eastern Zapotec” genetic grouping. However, the isogloss for *na- crosscuts the earlier isogloss for preconsonantal nasal deletion, showing that any model of Zapotecan linguistic history needs to address not only divergence but also convergence. Ethnohistorical and archaeological evidence provide a social context to...
Tlalocan, 2015
En la Sierra Sur de Oaxaca, dos cuentos mesoamericanos, “El aprendiz del Rayo”y “La visita al due... more En la Sierra Sur de Oaxaca, dos cuentos mesoamericanos, “El aprendiz del Rayo”y “La visita al dueño de los animales”, se han combinado con un cuento de moraleja que serelaciona con un tabú sobre la caza, la carne y el adulterio. Aquí se presentan dos versionesen dos lenguas zapotecas de esta región: el zapoteco coateco y el zapoteco miahuateco. Unaintroducción presenta notas sobre el folclor mesoamericano y zapoteco, y sobre el desarrollode ortografías prácticas para estas lenguas.
Ausencia López Cruz y Michael Swanton (coords.) …, 2008
Santa Barbara Papers in Linguistics, 1998
V encuentro internacional de lingüística en el …, 2001
... En la clase C el completivo se marca con/ng/y una vocal o deslizada ... Rieeni, aquel va Riee... more ... En la clase C el completivo se marca con/ng/y una vocal o deslizada ... Rieeni, aquel va Rieeni, aquellos van PRETÉRITO PERFECTO singular plural Cuyaaya, yo fui Piootonoo, nosotros ... irá Cheeni, aquellos irán IMPERATIVO singular plural Cuyee, ve tú Cola chee lachee, id ...
Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 2007
Coatlán-Loxicha Zapotec (CLZ) is one of about 20 Southern Zapotec language spoken in four communi... more Coatlán-Loxicha Zapotec (CLZ) is one of about 20 Southern Zapotec language spoken in four communities in Southern Oaxaca state in Mexico.
With this paper I introduce a new language, San Agustín Mixtepec Zapotec (SAMZ). This paper conta... more With this paper I introduce a new language, San Agustín Mixtepec Zapotec (SAMZ). This paper contains background information on SAMZ and its speech community. I highlight SAMZ data for historical and comparative implications within Southern Zapotec (SZ), including both segmental and suprasegmental correspondences. As this is a working paper, I also feature two not-yet fully analyzed but intriguing problems in the synchronic phonology of SAMZ having to do with nasal-obstruent clusters and tonal morphology respectively. The information given in this paper is also especially valuable because of the lack of previous documentation and because of SAMZ's impending death. SAMZ is spoken in the single town of San Agustín Mixtepec, in the ex-district of Miahuatlán in the Southern part of the state of Oaxaca, Mexico. SAMZ is today only spoken fluently (when spoken at all) by two elderly residents of the town for which the language is named. There are reportedly also two semi-speakers. The information in this paper comes from the youngest fluent speaker, who is now 72 years old. The findings presented here are very preliminary, the result of only three weeks' total fieldwork in 2002 and 2003 1. More long-term fieldwork is planned for the next three years. This community apparently agreed to stop speaking Zapotec in 1965. In addition to the undeserved stigma formally assigned to the language at that time, immigration out of SAM has no doubt been a key factor in this language's demise. Modern land disputes have contributed to the town's loss of resources and further loss of population. Yet the exodus out of SAM began much earlier with a dispute that divided the townspeople into two groups, with one group going South to found San Agustín Loxicha (SAL) in the exdistrict of Pochutla (see http://www.laneta.apc.org/rio/loxicha/historia.htm). Both of these San Agustín towns have stories about the statue of the patron saint of each town being switched. Each version has the opposite town coming out the winner. In the SAM version this switch is the cause of the SAL's population increase and SAM's population decrease. 2. History, Geography & Classification SAMZ belongs to the Miahuatec subgroup of Southern Zapotec (<Zapotecan < Otomanguean). According to Smith Stark (2003), SZ languages are defined by the addition of an /m/ at the beginning of words for amimals and other words which take bin other Zapotec languages. This renders the prefix mb-in Miahuatec languages such as SAMZ. Miahuatec languages differ from other SZ languages by having t and d reflexes of the Proto-Zapotec (PZ) phonemes reconstructed as *ss and *s (Kaufman, 2003). According to Rojas (1950), SAM was founded by people from Miahuatlán, and the linguistic evidence supports this, although the town's enemies say that it was founded by people from Sola de Vega, an excuse for taking land away. Miahuatlán was supposedly founded by a group from Coatlán (Rojas, 1950), an assertion which, if accurate, would suggest that Miahuatec is most closely related to the Coatec group within SZ.
Zapotec Chatino 'perderlo; lose' 'barrer; sweep' (3.4) Potential aspect with non-first person sub... more Zapotec Chatino 'perderlo; lose' 'barrer; sweep' (3.4) Potential aspect with non-first person subject Kwa& n lô lâz nâ. Wkìt me&-ý. Wnîth lô. Wlo 7 b xa 7. P-lastimarlo 2f cuerpo 1s P.T-doblarlo 3hr=3i P.T-perderlo 2f 'abrir' P-barrer 3hd P-injure 2f body 1s P.T-bend 3hr=3i P.T-lose 2f P-sweep 3hd Me vas a lastimar mi cuerpo. Lo va a doblar. Vas a perder. Va a barrerlo. You're going to injure my body. S/he's going to bend it. You're going to lose. S/he's going to sweep it. (3.5) Completive aspect with non-first person subject Mkwa& n lô lâz nâ. Mkìt me&-ý. Mnîth lô. Mblo 7 b xa 7. C-lastimarlo 2f cuerpo 1s C-doblarlo 3hr=3i C-perderlo 2f C-barrer 3hd C-injure 2f body 1s C-bend 3hr=3i Close 2f C-sweep 3hd Me lastimaste mi cuerpo. Lo dobló. Perdiste. Barrió. You injured my body. S/he bended it. You lost. S/he swept. (3.6) Forms with first person singular subjects Kwa& n nâ lâz lô. Wki& t nâ-ý. Wníth nâ. Mblo& b nâ. P-lastimarlo 1s cuerpo 2f P.T-doblarlo.1s 1s=3i P.T-perderlo.1s 1s C-barrer.1s 1s P-injure 1s body 2f P.T-bend.1s 1s=3i P.T.-lose.1s 1s C-sweep.1s 1s Te voy a lastimar tu cuerpo. Lo voy a doblar. Voy a perder. Barrí. I'm going to injure your body. I'm going to bend it. I'm going to lose. I swept.
A Coatlan-Loxicha Zapotec grammar (Mexico) Beam de Azcona, Rosemary Grace PhD-thesis UNIVERSITY O... more A Coatlan-Loxicha Zapotec grammar (Mexico) Beam de Azcona, Rosemary Grace PhD-thesis UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY, 2004
Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Linguistics, 2015
Zapotecan languages belong to the Otomanguean stock and consist of two major subgroups: Zapotec a... more Zapotecan languages belong to the Otomanguean stock and consist of two major subgroups: Zapotec and Chatino. They are primarily spoken in Oaxaca, Mexico, and elsewhere in diaspora, particularly in California but also in other parts of the United States and Mexico. Zapotecan languages are spoken in a contiguous area and although all are related genetically, many languages exist in regional diffusion zones such that new changes spread areally. Similarly, individual Zapotecan “languages” often consist of dialect continua.Zapotecan languages are tonal and also have contrastive phonation types, such as a contrast between modal (V), checked (VɁ), and rearticulated (VɁV) vowels. Some Valley Zapotec languages also have breathy voice, partially due to contact with Mixe. Vowel nasalization is a prominent feature of Chatino and a marginal feature of some Zapotec languages. Consonants usually fall into two contrastive series in Zapotec, commonly termed “fortis” and “lenis,” though the phonetic ...
Typological Studies in Language, 2015
Oxford Bibliographies Online Datasets, 2000
Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 1998
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Papers by Rosemary Beam de Azcona
En los siguientes ejemplos tenemos sustantivos poseídos por la primera persona singular e inclusiva y un verbo con sujeto de primera persona. A nivel subyacente podemos considerar que se concatenan los marcadores de persona a las raíces, pero en la superficie vemos cierto grado de fusión, ya que en el verbo ‘vayamos’ vemos que el sujeto de indica por la laringización y nasalización de la vocal de la raíz verbal.
[jaʔã ˦.˥] [jaã̰ ˦˧˨] [jã̰ ˥˦]
/jaʔ ˦ =ã ˥ / /jaʔ ˦ =ãʔ/ /ja ˦ =ãʔ/
‘mi mano’ ‘nuestras manos’ ‘vayamos’
Para explicar la diferencia entre estos tres (y semejantes) ejemplos, tenemos que referirnos a procesos de elisión, disimilación, un tono flotante y diferentes realizaciones de tono y laringización en clíticos vs. raíces. Estos dos últimos son interesantes porque en otras lenguas otomangues se ha explicado la variación en el tono y la laringización vis-a-vis la prominencia silábica (Arellanes Arellanes 2015, Hernández Mendoza 2014), pero aquí se describe variación debido al contexto morfosintáctico (aunque los dos conceptos podrían coincidir, ya que en esta lengua monosilábica los enclíticos podrían considerarse como únicos casos de sílabas no prominentes).
Referencias
Arellanes Arellanes, Francisco (2015) Rasgos laríngeos y estructura métrica en el zapoteco de San Pablo Güilá: del contraste pleno a la atenuación y la neutralización. Tono, acento y estructuras métricas en lenguas mexicanas. Ed. Esther Herrera Zendejas. El Colegio de México. Centro de Estudios Lingüísticos y Literarios. México, D.F. pp. 157-206
Beam de Azcona, Rosemary G. 2004. A Coatlán-Loxicha Zapotec Grammar. Tesis de doctorado, UC Berkeley.
Black, Cheryl A. 1994. Quiegolani Zapotec Syntax. Tesis de doctorado, University of California, Santa Cruz.
Hernández Mendoza, Fidel (2014) Prominencia silábica en el triqui de Chicahuaxtla. Proceedings of the Workshop on the Sound Systems of Mexico and Central America. Ed. Ryan Bennett, Rikker Dockum, Emily Gasser, Dolly Goldenberg,Ryan Kasak,Patrick Patterson. Yale Department of Linguistics, 2014. Online publication. http://ling.yale.edu/sites/default/files/files/ssmca-proceedings/papers/Hernandez-2014-Triqui-SSMCA.pdf
Jones, Ted E. and Ann D. Church. 1985. Personal Pronouns in Guelavía Zapotec. SIL-México Workpapers 7:1-15.
Luis, Ana R. 2009. Patterns of clitic placement: Evidence from ‘mixed’ clitic systems” en Patience Epps y Alexandre Arkhipov, eds. New Challenges in Typology: Transcending the borders and refining the distinctions. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.
Marlett, Stephen A.. 1993. “Zapotec Pronoun Classification”. International Journal of American Linguistics 59 (1). University of Chicago Press: 82–101. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1265471.
Munro, Pamela and Felipe H. Lopez with Olivia V. Méndez, Rodrigo Garcia, and
Michael R. Galant. 1999. San Lucas Quiaviní Zapotec Dictionary. UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center Publications.
Sullivant, John Ryan. 2015. The Phonology and Inflectional Morphology of Cháʔknyá,
acentuación, y consideramos la posibilidad de que la prominencia que percibieron ellos fue más bien artefacto de los contrastes tonales en vez de un contraste Independiente. Exploramos diferentes nociones de “acento” y resumimos la evidencia descriptiva para justificar o contradecir el análisis de un acento en el tu’un savi de Ayutla bajo diferentes posibles definiciones.
Abstract: Pankratz and Pike (1967) describe the existence of contrastive stress in Ayutla Tu’un Savi (Mixtec) from Guerrero. According to their analysis this stress is a kind of prominence realized through lengthening and/or increased volume. The generalizations they propose to predict which syllable will be most prominent depend mostly on the tonal contrasts available in the language. In this paper we make acoustic observations of words identified by Pankratz and Pike with different stress patterns and we consider the possibility that the prominence they
perceived had more to do with tonal contrasts than with an independent stress contrast. We explore different definitions of “stress” and summarize the descriptive evidence in favor of or against an analysis of stress in Ayutla Tu’un Savi according to different definitions.