Papers by Alsu Tagirova
Asian Perspective, 2023
The Russian and Soviet governments believed the border to be a social and political construct. Th... more The Russian and Soviet governments believed the border to be a social and political construct. They often described and considered it as a foreign policy issue and a point of military vulnerability. In the course of 70 years of Sino-Russian relations since 1949, the border turned from a porous imperial fringe to a line of defense, a zone of economic growth, and a zone of economic anxiety. Throughout this evolution process, the Russian central government failed to grant agency to the local authorities and indigenous communities. The article argues that the current Russian federal government entrusts the local government with two conflicting goals in the borderlands: building strong cross-border ties and maintaining a "strong vertical of power" with top-down management and absolute supremacy of national security matters.
Central Asian Survey, 2023
After the fall of the USSR, the newly established republics had to finish negotiating the bilater... more After the fall of the USSR, the newly established republics had to finish negotiating the bilateral border issue with China. These states chose to have the talks as a joint delegation of post-Soviet states. They also each experienced pressure from domestic constituencies. Viewing the entire negotiation process as a threelevel game, the paper argues that in all four post-Soviet states the national governments believed the cost of 'no agreement' with China on the border issue to be so high that they chose to risk dealing with complex issues at home over passing up the opportunity to settle the border with their strongest neighbour. They did so with little regard for domestic opposition or the restrictions posed by the previous commitments on the supranational level.
Nationalities Papers, 2022
In the 1980s, the Soviet Union and China resurveyed their border in order to restart their long-s... more In the 1980s, the Soviet Union and China resurveyed their border in order to restart their long-stalemated border negotiations. These negotiations resulted in only a partial border settlement: the agreement was signed in 1991. By the end of 1989, nationalities openly expressing their wish to secede from the Soviet Union caused the Soviet government to slow down the negotiation process, and Moscow insisted on setting aside the most contentious sections. China’s nationalities issue had the opposite effect on Zhongnanhai: Chinese leaders wished to settle the entire Sino-Soviet border as quickly as possible. However, once the collapse of the Soviet Union became imminent, the Chinese saw advantages of delaying the negotiations on the disputed sections of the border. They calculated that would allow for China to negotiate with weaker, newly independent countries.
Journal of Cold War Studies, 2022
In 1969, after a series of large-scale border clashes, the People's Republic of China (PRC) and t... more In 1969, after a series of large-scale border clashes, the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Soviet Union finally decided to enter negotiations to prevent a wider military confrontation. The de-escalation process that ensued gave Soviet and Chinese leaders two options: either to compromise and reach a settlement or to go back to a strategy of delay. This article shows that the choice between the two options depended on whether either state believed it could improve its relative position in a better political environment or could gain certain political advantage by immediately settling the dispute. Ultimately, both sides chose to return to a strategy of delay. The Chinese decision was influenced by the strategic configuration of U.S. “triangular” diplomacy and the hope that it would enhance the PRC's relative position. For Soviet officials, the outcome stemmed from a lack of trust in their Chinese counterparts.
Asian Perspective, 2018
After World War II, suffering from a severe workforce shortage and unprecedented economic devasta... more After World War II, suffering from a severe workforce shortage and unprecedented economic devastation, the Soviet Union encouraged the immigration of Chinese citizens from Xinjiang into Soviet Central Asia. Despite the arbitrary behavior of local authorities, the immigrants were successfully integrated into Soviet society. But after 1963, many of the Chinese "defectors" began to be considered a threat to national security, and the KGB (Committee of State Security) arrested a good number of them. I argue that the Sino-Soviet split affected the mentality and immigration policies of the Soviet Union, much like current relations between China and the Central Asian states shape the attitude of the latter toward new arrivals from China. This article is based on research in the Kyrgyz and Kazakh archives.
Cold War History, 2017
The paper examines the use of public diplomacy within the framework of the 'small steps' policy i... more The paper examines the use of public diplomacy within the framework of the 'small steps' policy in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Mutual distrust, the fragility of the global balance of power and the absence of consensus within the political elites precluded China and the USSR from having productive dialogue through official diplomatic channels. Yet both sides felt the need to probe their counterpart's intentions. The paper argues that the 'small steps' policy was one of the most logical options for both the Soviet Union and China at the time; it laid the groundwork for further normalisation efforts.
Journal of American-East Asian Relations, 2021
Webster's Third New International Dictionary broadly defines diplomacy as "an art and practice of... more Webster's Third New International Dictionary broadly defines diplomacy as "an art and practice of conducting negotiations between nations for the attainment of mutually satisfactory terms." Since very few existing definitions manage to encompass all forms of diplomatic interactions, the understanding of the term continues to change as the academic scholarship on the issue evolves. Unfortunately, the academic understanding of diplomacy often lags behind the actual practices, leaving scholars forced to "catch up" with modern day developments. Much like historians, students of political science and international relations continue to grapple with the ambiguity of the term and attempt to produce a comprehensive framework within which one can understand and study diplomacy. A majority of scholars agree that they and their colleagues should leave the traditional view on diplomacy as a nation-to-nation exchange in the past. Some even go as far as to declare the "crisis of state-led diplomacy," in which governmental institutions are under the heavy restraint of both their bureaucratic nature and the necessity to conform with century-long traditions. Historical science had to travel a path similar to political science in expanding its understanding of the past and the role of diplomacy in it.
Проблемы Дальнего Востока, 2015
В статье рассматриваются малоизвестные страницы истории Северо-Востока Китая в годы антияпонской ... more В статье рассматриваются малоизвестные страницы истории Северо-Востока Китая в годы антияпонской войны. Действовавшие антияпонские силы, первоначально возглавляемые КПК, вследствие ухудшения ситуации и потери контакта с ЦК КПК и партийными организациями на Северо-Востоке отступили на территорию СССР. Оказавшись на территории Советского Союза, они перешли под командование советских войск. Была образована 88-я бригада (Учебная бригада объединенной антияпонской армии), ставшая впоследствии особой частью Дальневосточного фронта Красной армии. 88-я бригада стала проявлением одного из важных аспектов существования антифашистской коалиции на Дальнем Востоке, она являлась олицетворением весьма непростых советско-китайско-корейских трехсторонних отношений.
俄罗斯研究, 2018
分离主义是民族主义的极端表现。民族主义者从开始要求独立的那一刻起，才成为分离主义者。以“整合国家”和“边疆国家”这两个概念及其主要特征为理论基础，能相对有效地厘清苏联政府在边疆地区遏制分离主义的... more 分离主义是民族主义的极端表现。民族主义者从开始要求独立的那一刻起，才成为分离主义者。以“整合国家”和“边疆国家”这两个概念及其主要特征为理论基础，能相对有效地厘清苏联政府在边疆地区遏制分离主义的政策。总体而言，苏联建国时期与解体时期才是分离主义的兴起阶段，而在1956 年至1961 年、1961 年至1985 年的两个历史阶段期间，民族主义者的行动在体制框架之内；他们从未正式提出各自少数民族地区的独立要求，所以苏联在此期间是民族主义问题，尚未达到分离主义的程度。1956年至1985 年是改善国内民族气氛最良好的时期，然而苏联政府错过了这次机会。
中共党史研究, 2019
20 世纪70 年代末，随着苏中两国内外政策的逐步调整，双方发生武装冲突的可能性也在逐渐降低。此时，两国领导人越来越多地考虑到经济和政治上的因素，因而趋向于赞成缓和。双方出于基本的谨慎，同时考虑... more 20 世纪70 年代末，随着苏中两国内外政策的逐步调整，双方发生武装冲突的可能性也在逐渐降低。此时，两国领导人越来越多地考虑到经济和政治上的因素，因而趋向于赞成缓和。双方出于基本的谨慎，同时考虑到世界均势的脆弱性，都认为有必要使用公共外交组织之类的方式来代替官方外交渠道，以进行初步的接触并试探对方。
虽然这种外交接触实际上是通过大量的组织和人员提供的各种方式实现的，但是本文的论述对象仅限于主要从事公共外交的苏中友好协会( OSKD) 。苏中友好协会成立于1957 年10 月29 日，工会、青年团、妇联、文联、科联、青联、学联、工商联等主要群众团体均为该组织的成员，参与者涵盖工农劳动群众、机关干部、学生、教育工作者、著名文人、社会活动家、外交家等，这保证了协会工作人员具有群众性和多样性。苏中友好协会旨在“推动发展并加强两国人民之间的兄弟友谊，促进苏联与中国之间的文化交流，向两国公众介绍苏中友好协会在社会主义建设、文化发展及与中华人民共和国文化经验交流方面的成就，帮助中苏友好协会向中国人民介绍苏联现状”。它以民间机构的形式对外开展活动，实际由政府控制，同时兼备了宣传和外交功能。
冷战国际史研究, 2016
苏中友好协会成立于1957年10月， 是苏联建立的旨在促进苏中两国友好关系及文化交流的重要机构。它以民间的形式出现，实际却由官方控制，同时兼备了宣传和外交功能。1960年中苏两党分歧公开化， 两... more 苏中友好协会成立于1957年10月， 是苏联建立的旨在促进苏中两国友好关系及文化交流的重要机构。它以民间的形式出现，实际却由官方控制，同时兼备了宣传和外交功能。1960年中苏两党分歧公开化， 两国各组织间的联系逐渐减少， 直至1969 年完全中断， 苏中友协也面临着生存的挑战。苏联认为， 作为苏中两国人民之间“ 友谊”的象征， 苏中友协的存在还具有一定的政治意义。但其工作内容已随两国关系恶化而发生了变化： 改变对外宣传的对象，加强对中国代表团和留学生的工作； 积极参与收集和整理对华广播节目的资料， 并对中国宣传资料进行分析；工作范围扩大到向其他国家介绍苏联对华外交的政策和活动； 试图通过加强地方分会和基层组织的工作， 强化协会在苏联国内的宣传功能。1969 年1月苏中友协召开的第二次全苏会议证明， 苏中友协实际上已经变成苏联推行反华政策的工具。1969 年珍宝岛事件导致中苏两国国家关系彻底决裂， 并走向全面对抗，苏中友协则逐渐名存实亡。
史林, 2014
苏中友好协会是苏联建立的旨在促进中苏两国友好关系和文化交流的重要机构。它以民间形式出现，却由官方控制，兼具宣传和外交功能。苏中友好协会的成立是苏联长期以来对外工作策略转变的结果，它在组织、人事上... more 苏中友好协会是苏联建立的旨在促进中苏两国友好关系和文化交流的重要机构。它以民间形式出现，却由官方控制，兼具宣传和外交功能。苏中友好协会的成立是苏联长期以来对外工作策略转变的结果，它在组织、人事上体
现出民间性和官方性相结合的特点。在不同历史时期，苏中友好协会利用其特殊性，在中苏关系史上扮演了重要角色。
Book Reviews by Alsu Tagirova
Canadian-American Slavic Studies, 2023
H-Diplo, 2021
At Kazan University, which is one of the leading centers of oriental studies[1] in Russia, future... more At Kazan University, which is one of the leading centers of oriental studies[1] in Russia, future sinologists are taught that the discipline originated with the works of a linguistically talented and pro-
Book Translations by Alsu Tagirova
Russian translation of Shen Zhihua's book"Soviet Experts in China (1948-1960)". 《苏联专家在中国(1948-1960)》
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Papers by Alsu Tagirova
虽然这种外交接触实际上是通过大量的组织和人员提供的各种方式实现的，但是本文的论述对象仅限于主要从事公共外交的苏中友好协会( OSKD) 。苏中友好协会成立于1957 年10 月29 日，工会、青年团、妇联、文联、科联、青联、学联、工商联等主要群众团体均为该组织的成员，参与者涵盖工农劳动群众、机关干部、学生、教育工作者、著名文人、社会活动家、外交家等，这保证了协会工作人员具有群众性和多样性。苏中友好协会旨在“推动发展并加强两国人民之间的兄弟友谊，促进苏联与中国之间的文化交流，向两国公众介绍苏中友好协会在社会主义建设、文化发展及与中华人民共和国文化经验交流方面的成就，帮助中苏友好协会向中国人民介绍苏联现状”。它以民间机构的形式对外开展活动，实际由政府控制，同时兼备了宣传和外交功能。
现出民间性和官方性相结合的特点。在不同历史时期，苏中友好协会利用其特殊性，在中苏关系史上扮演了重要角色。
Book Reviews by Alsu Tagirova
Book Translations by Alsu Tagirova
虽然这种外交接触实际上是通过大量的组织和人员提供的各种方式实现的，但是本文的论述对象仅限于主要从事公共外交的苏中友好协会( OSKD) 。苏中友好协会成立于1957 年10 月29 日，工会、青年团、妇联、文联、科联、青联、学联、工商联等主要群众团体均为该组织的成员，参与者涵盖工农劳动群众、机关干部、学生、教育工作者、著名文人、社会活动家、外交家等，这保证了协会工作人员具有群众性和多样性。苏中友好协会旨在“推动发展并加强两国人民之间的兄弟友谊，促进苏联与中国之间的文化交流，向两国公众介绍苏中友好协会在社会主义建设、文化发展及与中华人民共和国文化经验交流方面的成就，帮助中苏友好协会向中国人民介绍苏联现状”。它以民间机构的形式对外开展活动，实际由政府控制，同时兼备了宣传和外交功能。
现出民间性和官方性相结合的特点。在不同历史时期，苏中友好协会利用其特殊性，在中苏关系史上扮演了重要角色。