Papers by Shahram Akbarzadeh
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this p... more The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 2019
The Taliban appears to be on a diplomatic front foot. It has been conducting formal meetings with... more The Taliban appears to be on a diplomatic front foot. It has been conducting formal meetings with regional and extra-regional players, including the United States, and appears to have gained a nod of approval to gain access to power in Kabul. The shape and extent of its power in Afghanistan is still undecided, but it seems almost certain that it has a future and peace talks with the Afghan government have recently begun. In February, a US State Department delegation headed by its special envoy Zalmay Khalilzad met with the Taliban in Doha. An agreement was signed to cease clashes and design a roadmap for an intra-Afghan peace talks, which could potentially lead to a national coalition government. Regional powers like India and Iran interpret the deal as a sure sign that the Taliban will have access to power in Afghanistan with Washington's blessing. This has obvious repercussions for these governments and they feel the urgent need to take stock of their options and adjust their policies accordingly. It is a very different picture from the end of 2001, after the Taliban's forced ejection from Kabul by a US-led international coalition.
Third World Quarterly, 2016
Abstract The rise and subsequent erosion of friendly relations between Iran and Turkey was a resu... more Abstract The rise and subsequent erosion of friendly relations between Iran and Turkey was a result of their regional ambitions. While Turkey had long seen its secular system as presenting an alternative to Iran’s Islamic ideology, the alignment of their regional interests facilitated a rapport between the two states in the first decade of the twenty-first century. However, the Arab Spring proved divisive for this relationship as each state sought to advocate its model of government and secure a leadership role in the Arab world. The war in Syria widened the divide, as Iran’s long-standing support for the Bashar al-Assad regime could not be reconciled with Turkey’s desire to see President Assad out of office. Using a close reading of Persian and Turkish sources, the authors will analyse the Iran–Turkey divide, focusing specifically on how the Iranians have portrayed it as a clash of civilisations, citing Turkey’s so-called ‘neo-Ottoman’ ambitions as the primary cause.
British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 2016
Abstract This article examines the role of corporate identity in Iran’s foreign policy making. Dr... more Abstract This article examines the role of corporate identity in Iran’s foreign policy making. Drawing on interviews with Iranian stakeholders and an analysis of Iran’s political developments, this article surveys the three key elements of Iranian nationalism that shape Iranian foreign policy: Iranism, Islam and Shi’ism. This article finds that each of these is crucial in explaining the apparent contradictions in the approaches of several significant Iranian leaders, especially in cases where Iranism collides with religious values. By highlighting how each component is at once unique but still intrinsically linked to the others, this article demonstrates how Iran’s foreign policy choices can be understood in relation to its corporate identity.
The Washington Quarterly, 2017
In 2014, Iran openly stepped up its engagement in Syria and Iraq in response to the rapid rise of... more In 2014, Iran openly stepped up its engagement in Syria and Iraq in response to the rapid rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS, also known by its Arabic acronym 'Daesh') and the growing uncertainty of President Bashar al-Assad's future. The Iranian position was categorical: the Assad regime must not fall and the newly-established Shia dominance in Iraq must be safeguarded. Iran therefore adopted two key regional policy objectives: stabilize Assad and contain and defeat Daesh. It appears that Iran has come very close to achieving its regional objectives, evident in the subsiding imminent threat to Assad and the containment of Daesh. 1 However, it has done so at a risk to its credibility as a champion of Muslim interests. Iran has pursued its regional ambitions through two distinct and contradictory avenues. On one hand, Iran has bolstered its patronage of sub-state actors in the region, such as Hezbollah in Lebanon and Shia militia in Iraq, to counter the threat posed by Daesh to its interests. In the process, Iran has significantly acquired the characteristics of a sectarian power as its client sub-state actors are almost exclusively Shia. These measures undermine its appeal to the idea of Muslim unity, while seriously undercutting the guiding principle of Iran's foreign policy-enshrined in its Constitution-of protecting the interests of all Muslims wherever they are. On the
British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 2021
The concept of soft power was developed at the end of the Cold War to examine international influ... more The concept of soft power was developed at the end of the Cold War to examine international influence through non-coercive means. In recent years, a growing field of research has drawn on this concept to examine the role of religion and culture in the foreign policies of Middle Eastern states. The existing research tends to view soft power from the perspectives of states that project such influence, not the impact of these policies on target societies, and tends to overlook the relationship between hard and soft power strategies. To address this gap, we draw on an original survey data and face-to-face interviews to evaluate Iran’s influence in Afghanistan. This study examines the response in Afghanistan to key pillars of Iranian soft power projection: the role of shared language and culture, religion and Tehran’s Third Worldist ideology of resistance against Western powers. This research finds that Iran’s soft power projection strategy is undermined by structural hard power imbalanc...
Third World Quarterly, 2006
The issue of gender inequality is an acute problem in countries where women's lives are gove... more The issue of gender inequality is an acute problem in countries where women's lives are governed by laws, and configured by customs and traditions, said to derive from Islam. In the second half of the 20th century, two Muslim feminist paradigms have ...
The effectiveness of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) was challenged after the suspe... more The effectiveness of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) was challenged after the suspension of Syria's membership in 2012. There were already indications of Iranian–Saudi rivalry on the issue of Syria's membership, but the 2016 summit held in Turkey became the stage for a very public dispute between the two states. This was not the first time that the OIC had been undermined by interstate rivalry. Formed in 1969 to project an image of political unity among Muslim states, it has often been challenged by the identity politics and geopolitical competition of its member states. This paper studies the factors that contribute to interstate tensions within the OIC and its approaches to addressing it. By examining a series of OIC events during the period 2012–18 through the lens of critical discourse analysis, it argues that identity politics in the form of sectarianism have been employed, more overtly since the Arab Spring, by both Iran and Saudi Arabia to promote their ...
Asian Politics and Policy, 2021
States use elements of their culture to promote their influence in countries of strategic importa... more States use elements of their culture to promote their influence in countries of strategic importance to them. Despite a growing body of literature on soft power, there is a shortage of literature on Iran’s influence in its neighbourhood. How is Iran viewed in Pakistan? This article is based on in-depth interviews and an online survey with informed participants in Pakistan. Our findings demonstrate that while many participants view Tehran’s policies negatively, the majority see Iran in a favourable light. This article found that Iran’s multi-pronged strategy connects with pre-existing trends and pressure points in Pakistan at different levels. As a majority-Shi’a country, Iran has become a point of reference for the Shi’a community in Pakistan. Its anti-American rhetoric corresponds with an anti-US current in Pakistan, and Tehran’s invocation of Persian culture and poetry resonates with a nostalgic view of Persian culture amongst Pakistan’s educated elite.
British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 2021
The concept of soft power was developed at the end of the Cold War to examine international influ... more The concept of soft power was developed at the end of the Cold War to examine international influence through non-coercive means. In recent years, a growing field of research has drawn on this concept to examine the role of religion and culture in the foreign policies of Middle Eastern states. The existing research tends to view soft power from the perspectives of states that project such influence, not the impact of these policies on target societies, and tends to overlook the relationship between hard and soft power strategies. To address this gap, we draw on an original survey data and face-to-face interviews to evaluate Iran’s influence in Afghanistan. This study examines the response in Afghanistan to key pillars of Iranian soft power projection: the role of shared language and culture, religion and Tehran’s Third Worldist ideology of resistance against Western powers. This research finds that Iran’s soft power projection strategy is undermined by structural hard power imbalances between the two countries and Tehran’s contradictory policies towards Afghanistan.
Report, 2020
In the study, Muslim youth reported direct or indirect
Islamophobia as a ‘reality’ of life in Aus... more In the study, Muslim youth reported direct or indirect
Islamophobia as a ‘reality’ of life in Australia and
identified a lack of avenues to have conversations of
their experience. Most reported they were unable to
receive meaningful advice from family on these issues.
Consequently, many remained silent, and tried to
ignore upsetting and hurtful experiences relating to
Islamophobia and public discourses on terrorism. This
experience led to feelings of frustration and exclusion,
compromising their sense of belonging and identity in
Australia.
Muslim mothers highlighted that parents felt ill-equipped
to navigate difficult conversations with their
children around identity, belonging and safety. While
they acknowledged that children often feel alienated
and isolated by constantly having to explain and
defend their religious beliefs and practices, parents
felt ill-equipped to support their children navigate
these challenges. Instead many choose to ignore or
minimize the issue. A majority of Muslim mothers
described experiences of direct or indirect
Islamophobia and subsequent feelings of vulnerability.
Women expressed fear regarding Islamophobia yet
were largely unaware of how to access support
services.
This article examines the role of corporate identity in Iran’s foreign
policy making. Drawing on ... more This article examines the role of corporate identity in Iran’s foreign
policy making. Drawing on interviews with Iranian stakeholders and
an analysis of Iran’s political developments, this article surveys the
three key elements of Iranian nationalism that shape Iranian foreign
policy: Iranism, Islam and Shi’ism. This article finds that each of these
is crucial in explaining the apparent contradictions in the approaches
of several significant Iranian leaders, especially in cases where Iranism
collides with religious values. By highlighting how each component
is at once unique but still intrinsically linked to the others, this article
demonstrates how Iran’s foreign policy choices can be understood in
relation to its corporate identity.
Australian Journal of Political Science
The most recent national Census demonstrated that Australian Muslims continue to occupy a socioec... more The most recent national Census demonstrated that Australian Muslims continue to occupy a socioeconomically disadvantaged position. On key indicators of unemployment rate, income, type of occupation and home ownership, Muslims consistently under-perform the national average. This pattern is evident in the last three Census data (2001, 2006 and 2011). Limited access to resources and a sense of marginalisation challenge full engagement with society and the natural growth of emotional affiliation with Australia. Muslim active citizenship is hampered by socioeconomic barriers. At the same time, an increasingly proactive class of educated Muslim elite has emerged to claim a voice for Muslims in Australia and promote citizenship rights and responsibilities.
Mansouri, Fethi and Ebanda de B'béri, Boulou (eds.) Global Perspectives on the Politics of Multiculturalism in the 21st Century. A case study analysis (London/New York: Routledge), 2014
In: Mansouri, Fethi; Marotta, Vince (eds.): Muslims in the West and the Challenges of Belonging, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne 2012, pp. 171 - 197 (with Shahram Akbarzadeh) , 2012
Drawing on empirical work conducted in Europe and Australia this book chapter demonstrates the “v... more Drawing on empirical work conducted in Europe and Australia this book chapter demonstrates the “vicious cycle” of stereotyping, exclusion and alienation that Muslims in the west experience. Through a detailed investigation of key reports and research on attitudes to Muslims and immigration within Europe and Australia they identify key similarities and divergences between countries. Although there were some contradictory trends, the authors conclude that the general pattern in both Australia and Europe is one of discriminatory and stereotypical attitudes towards Muslims and Islam; these negative attitudes are further inflamed by biased media reports and anti-Muslim rhetoric by politicians. This book chapter explores the consequences of these attitudes on the behaviour and self-identity of Muslims in the west. According to the authors, there is a close correlation between discrimination towards Muslims and feelings of alienation, involvement in violent acts and self-segregation on the part of Muslims. The authors conclude that multiculturalism still has an important role to play in not only undermining the misrepresentations, exclusion and discrimination of Muslims in the public sphere, but also in providing the social and cultural conditions in which respect for religious diversity can occur, where recognition of cultural identity can thrive and where Muslim voices can be heard in key political institutions.
The Australian Government has tried to counter the threat of Islamic extremism by investing in me... more The Australian Government has tried to counter the threat of Islamic extremism by investing in mentoring and educational initiatives. Fearful of the potential for "home-grown" extremism, especially after the July 2005 London attacks, the Australian authorities seek to counter the narrow-minded narrative of extremism by sponsoring "moderate Islam". This approach is aimed at presenting a counter-ideology to Islamism, and has had some success. But it neglects the broader context of Muslim experience which is marked by socio-economic under-privilege and political alienation. These experiences marginalise Australian Muslims and make them vulnerable to extremist ideas. This pattern is most evident among the youth, whose sense of self is still in flux. Furthermore, the state's sponsorship of "moderate Islam" puts Australia on a questionable path as it chips away at the principle of the separation of state and religion and makes moderate Muslims vulnerable to accusation of "betraying" Islam by the more radical elements in the Muslim community. This paper argues that efforts by the Australian Government to counter radicalisation are hindered by a range of political, cultural and socio-economic factors and analyses these factors in the light of historical, ethnic, cultural and social conditions relevant to the
The fall of the Taliban in 2001 presented Iran with a complex strategic situation. On the one han... more The fall of the Taliban in 2001 presented Iran with a complex strategic situation. On the one hand, the removal of the Taliban promised to open up new opportunities for Iran to expand its influence, based on historical and cultural ties between Iran and Afghanistan. On the other hand, the 2001 operation brought the United States (US) to the region. The large scale entrenchment of US troops on the eastern borders of Iran presented tangible security risks, dominating Iran's strategic outlook. The closure of the US base in Uzbekistan and the planned withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan have offered an opportunity to policy makers in Iran to recalibrate bilateral relations with Afghanistan. But the Iranian leadership appears too slow in readjusting its strategic outlook, keeping Iran's policy towards Afghanistan hostage to its hostility towards the US.
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Papers by Shahram Akbarzadeh
Islamophobia as a ‘reality’ of life in Australia and
identified a lack of avenues to have conversations of
their experience. Most reported they were unable to
receive meaningful advice from family on these issues.
Consequently, many remained silent, and tried to
ignore upsetting and hurtful experiences relating to
Islamophobia and public discourses on terrorism. This
experience led to feelings of frustration and exclusion,
compromising their sense of belonging and identity in
Australia.
Muslim mothers highlighted that parents felt ill-equipped
to navigate difficult conversations with their
children around identity, belonging and safety. While
they acknowledged that children often feel alienated
and isolated by constantly having to explain and
defend their religious beliefs and practices, parents
felt ill-equipped to support their children navigate
these challenges. Instead many choose to ignore or
minimize the issue. A majority of Muslim mothers
described experiences of direct or indirect
Islamophobia and subsequent feelings of vulnerability.
Women expressed fear regarding Islamophobia yet
were largely unaware of how to access support
services.
policy making. Drawing on interviews with Iranian stakeholders and
an analysis of Iran’s political developments, this article surveys the
three key elements of Iranian nationalism that shape Iranian foreign
policy: Iranism, Islam and Shi’ism. This article finds that each of these
is crucial in explaining the apparent contradictions in the approaches
of several significant Iranian leaders, especially in cases where Iranism
collides with religious values. By highlighting how each component
is at once unique but still intrinsically linked to the others, this article
demonstrates how Iran’s foreign policy choices can be understood in
relation to its corporate identity.
Islamophobia as a ‘reality’ of life in Australia and
identified a lack of avenues to have conversations of
their experience. Most reported they were unable to
receive meaningful advice from family on these issues.
Consequently, many remained silent, and tried to
ignore upsetting and hurtful experiences relating to
Islamophobia and public discourses on terrorism. This
experience led to feelings of frustration and exclusion,
compromising their sense of belonging and identity in
Australia.
Muslim mothers highlighted that parents felt ill-equipped
to navigate difficult conversations with their
children around identity, belonging and safety. While
they acknowledged that children often feel alienated
and isolated by constantly having to explain and
defend their religious beliefs and practices, parents
felt ill-equipped to support their children navigate
these challenges. Instead many choose to ignore or
minimize the issue. A majority of Muslim mothers
described experiences of direct or indirect
Islamophobia and subsequent feelings of vulnerability.
Women expressed fear regarding Islamophobia yet
were largely unaware of how to access support
services.
policy making. Drawing on interviews with Iranian stakeholders and
an analysis of Iran’s political developments, this article surveys the
three key elements of Iranian nationalism that shape Iranian foreign
policy: Iranism, Islam and Shi’ism. This article finds that each of these
is crucial in explaining the apparent contradictions in the approaches
of several significant Iranian leaders, especially in cases where Iranism
collides with religious values. By highlighting how each component
is at once unique but still intrinsically linked to the others, this article
demonstrates how Iran’s foreign policy choices can be understood in
relation to its corporate identity.
This book sheds new light on Muslims’ path towards citizenship in Australia, Great Britain and Germany. Existing research and statistics on Muslims’ socio-economic status, community formation, claim-making and political responses, and the public portrayal of Islam are systematically examined. These insights are tested ‘through the eyes of Muslims’, based on in-depth interviews with Muslim community leaders and other experts in all three countries. The findings offer unique perspectives on Muslim resilience to be recognised as equal citizens of Islamic faith in very different socio-political national settings.
Pursuing an interdisciplinary and comparative approach, this book examines the country-specific interplay of historical, institutional, political, and identity dimensions of Muslims’ active citizenship and will be invaluable for students and researchers with an interest in Sociology, Religious Studies and Political Science.