The Transmission Oy aso Ue rant h-20th CenturStrategies in Azorean Communities ico Island (19th Century) entiated Female Behaviour in Choosing, ‘opinion that through historical demography we cannot only reach knowledge of living conditions of females in the past, from the to the contemporary period, but also dig deeper into the ry of the family. Databases prepared originally for demographical is, are open to systematic improvement by following individual life in the genealogical chain, and by combining sources containing ‘or cultural information. Good quality sources are available garding the nineteenth century, allowing us a thorough analysis of fam- jon, conditions of female well-being and access to marriage, Bid repcoduction. Island, in the Azores archipelago, is where we have created rich ed databases and accomplished a systematic linkage of different five sources, completed with a collection of orally transmitted Our first results revealed high levels of child survival on the d and high longevity of the population (Amorim 1992; Mesquita Santos 2004; Amorim 2005). This phenomenon of ow mortality, ‘we assume to be a major well-being indicator, clearly reveals the 's important role in the familial economy. Indeed, within these ily rural communities, the parting of women from agricultural work d a greater dedication to the members of the domestic household frequently, the development of small craft industries which added to families’ income. “The aim of the present study is to analyse differential strategies for ological and social reproduction in different communities of Pico Island, sing the incidence of geographical endogamy — in relation to femaleNorberta Amorim and Carlota. well-being ~, models of spouse selection and the evolution of the age at first marriage, considering the different social strata and the particu, lar context of male emigration and socio-economic changes during the nineteenth century. Regional differences will be stressed. Ecological Characteristics of Pico Island ‘The Azores islands (Figure 1), uninhabited when discovered by Port: _guese navigators in the fifteenth century, occupy a total area of 2,344 ka ‘The archipelago, formed by nine islands of volcanic origin, is situated ‘the Atlantic Ocean some 1,500 km from the European mainland, with an ‘orientation SE-NW with a spread of 600 km.' Pico is part of the central group of islands (Terceira, Graciosa, S. Jorge, Pico and Faial), where and Faial are only 6 km apart from each other. The Pico Island, with a surface area of 433 Km and 14,806 inhabit ‘nowadays (Instituto Nacional de Estatistica 2001), had more than 30,000 inhabitants in the beginning of the nineteenth century. Pico is a rec island, dominated by a mountain elevated 2,351 metres above sea le ‘The population, conditioned by the complex orograpiny, was established the lower parts of the littoral where the best lands for fruit and vege cultivation are situated. The highlands were occupied by pastures of ‘800 metres in altitude, and by woods where some native bot ‘of Azores proliferate. The need to overcome the agricultural limit has favoured maritime activities, by stimulating the fishing and, from 19th century on, the whale industry. ‘The soil is poor for cereal crops, especially in the western ‘which is basically occupied by the municipality of Madalena. The m development of viticulture assuring the exportation of a high quality two Norther Europe, Russia the United States of America and Brazil 1 The spread 600 km has the following cordinates: Santa Maria, (36° 35°43" N WO) Convo 39 43° 23""N: 31° 16-28" WO), Strategies in Azorean Communities of Pico 1. Map of the Azores archipelago pe Azores archipelago is defined in thee geographical groups of islands: the 1S, Miguel and Santa Maia; the Central group Tercera, Gracions, and Fail; te Western group (Flores and Coro146 Norberta Amorim and Carlota Santos From 1853 on, the wine production of Pico was drastically reduced by fa plague of oidium which devastated a great part of the vineyards in the region (Macedo 1981) and led to the emptying of fields and to the impoy. ‘rishment of a significant sector of the population which was connected to the viticulture production, such as craftsmen, responsible for the produc. tion and preparation of casks, oF fishermen, responsible for shipping end distribution. This critical conjuncture has reflected itself in a notorious emigration of men in active age, producing unbalanced sex ratios and ‘population depression (Santos 2004), ‘Pico Island has presently three municipalities, Madalena, S. Roque and Lajes' (Figure 2). A demographic database that includes all the runic. palties is almost concluded, allowing future analysis ofthe whole insula Teritory. At the moment, we have systematized demographical informa tion for fourteen civil parishes and for Lajes, S. Joio, S. Mateus. Caetano (southern region), Madalena, Candeléria, Criago Velha (westem region) and Santo Amaro (northern region); we have already crossed the information extracted from fiscal sources and censuses with sociological information. ‘With the present study, we intend to analyse the strategies for biologk ‘cal and social reproduction of different communities during the 19th cen- tury. Adopting a micro-analytical perspective, we address the incidence of ‘geographical endogamy and the evolution of the mean age at fis Fiage, considering the different social strata. Indeed, in these sovietts ‘where a subsistence economy predominated, the selection process of “pouse was strongly conditioned by the need to ensure the enlargement» the means of subsistence that the system of egalitarian inheritance tend to fragment over the generations. Besides, the mean age at marriage flects personal strategies of temporary emigration, intended to assem ‘economical conditions for the construction of a new household that co¥ ‘enable continuation of the social status. Tn a more complex community, Lajes, with a defined urban nie corresponding to one third of the parish population, we proceeded Statistical analysis of biological and social reproduction in the mals ‘Nowadays the municipality of Madalena comprises the parishes of Madslens A fas, Crago Velha, Candela, §. Mateus and $. Caetano, The muniiraly Rogue compres the purshes ofS. Rog, Pain, Santo Amro, Santo ASHE ‘Santa Lain. The municipality of Lajes comprises the parishes of Lajes, 8. J98 fs, Calheta de Nexquim, Piedad and Ribeisina iage Strategies in Azorean Communities of Pico 147 ps (Farmers rural workers, fishermen and cafe mer, werk, men arate), We ese for sti the minoiy grup papery owners nd te wan nodes) ei adopted strategies not only for the Preservation of the ic ‘oF social status, but also for its valorisation. tate al and Family Sources for Longitudinal Analysis sources used in this study were the births, i as setae ish recons ion” (Amorim 1991). For fi linkage of informatic ane tot cn oe see bacterin rear ee es ae F en a the end of the 1860s rin the secre wae ng minor, ming hs source im a pope population records were kept since 1859 with parish we reference to the pari B, ame, age, profession, as well as height, eye or hair colour and lar characterises, ly years of the 1880s, the propert F ty records of several par- sand Were registered. Fo cho the, the following apes eect eet sa htee eeeres Ene sen lee tae eee ct family informs from Seared Sauces retin ay eth bao Runs: Mio ani os comport cle dos _Beourifica ¢ social ¢ dindmic seca ae Stacie Tewiog Liston See ocach pops eh oe Hoe Socealfieps LCS. Unread ds Mins ee148 Norberta Amorim and Carlota Santo, age Strategies in Azorean Communities of Pico 149 dress, size and number of property they owned, as mentioned, making jy possible to establish connection between families and land propeny ‘owned, as well as to evaluate their economical resources. 4) Population rolls were organized by households. They referred 1p 1836 (for the Lajes municipality) and to 1838 (for the municipalities of Madalena and S. Roque). They were elaborated for civil ads reasons, specifying professions of male household heads, whi ‘work was generally omitted. In the case of the 1836 census, households ‘were classified according to two categories, property owners and non property owners, We learn how these householders made a living: ‘whether they lived exclusively out of their property income or from any kind of wage paid by the State (except military salary). It is mentioned if they made their living exclusively out of their work, or if they added to their work some other income or salary. The beggars, which could be fixed or ambulant beggars, were also identified. , when property records were gathered in those villages, so that all ‘owners were well identified, be it of rural or urban real estate. studying réis de confessados and property records, each house was din the proper place, site or street. All members of each family entified and, in the case of a procreating family, we included the n who were later born in the parish. We tried to find the affiliation h individual, his date of birth, eventually his date of marriage or if that was the case, the exact or approximate date of exit from nd. We also tried, for the heads of each residential unit, to find the ee of first degree relatives, parents or siblings, if still living. For operty owner, we created a file with the respective properties, rural referting to site, area, crop type, type of house and collectable he case of S. Caetano (that integrated the parish of S. Mateus until inhabitants were listed in 1861, but the fact that the property re- Swere not from the same year did not allow us to establish a system- mnection between each family and property. complex orography of Pico Island and its isolation — until very re~ es (Rocha 1991) ~ strongly limited spouse selection not only 10 hs arca but even to the place of residence. Economic and socio- factors contributed simultancously to the intensification of this In fac, the structure of small property owning itself stimulated oximity and created solidarity ties between rural workers that ‘small parcels of land they cultivated to guarantee the living of the advising the concentration of property via marriage and avoiding sive division, induced by a system of egalitarian inheritance. nks to rich information resulting from the linkage process between Data Linkage and Research Method for Reconstructing Marriage Strategies ; sth acmognell ‘The specificity ofthe avilable sources 1 be linked with demora data conditioned te typeof posible analysis foreach one of the comm nities under stl We decided to maximize he exploitation ofthe ree oorerres i i tive demographic databases and lists of the inhabitants and shes of Madalena, Criagio Velha and Candeléris, 9 + : ies crossed he afocration from the 1838 population rls withthe respec gords, we proceeded to the analysis of the levels of geographical amy and average age at frst marriage observed throughout the 19th in the westem, northem and southern regions, noting existing ons between different occupational groups. demographic databases, in order to proceed to the analysis of diffe eee emcees oll to female work as a source of family income, family behaviours # analysed according to the profession of the household head. Given that vas dificult to know exactly the standard of living of family, the a tioned profession was taken mainly as an indicator of social status #0 belonging to some structural group with distinctive characteristics. For S, Joo, Santo Amaro and Lajes we created databases, as 5 atic as possible, including all reconstructed life courses of inhabitants150 Norberta Amorim and Carlota Saniog Strategies in Azorean Communities of Pico 151 ‘ico’ f Spouse Selection the marriage market of the individuals living in the first half of Vaneaiecebeneebbteee century can be globally defined by a strong endogamy and by the ‘marital mobility of females, we see a clear difference between the ¥ g area of the Madalena port, easily connected to the city of ‘We found rather high rates of exogamous marriages in Criagio Velha, {in Faial and other islands, contacts which stimulated marriage pro- where one groom out of five was an outsider (Table 1). By contrast, Can. h individuals that were bor outside, and the geographically more deléria stands out with the highest percentage of endogamous marriages in ial areas of Pico. any of the analysed periods (79.5 percent for the period 1800-1849 ang 83.2 percent for 1850-1899). This difference reflects geographical prox. x = - imity and kinship relationships that were established by the families of 2, Origin of outsider spouses in exogamous unions, western Madalena throughout the nineteenth century with families of another par- of Pico Island, Azores (1800-1899). Percentages ish (Santos 2004), explaining 21 percent of mixed marriages involving ‘Madalena Crago Velha Candelaria mainly men from Madalena and women from Gite ve Bu in all gin of oursider spouse e . =) yarishes belonging to the western region of Pico Island, some family rela- . and Lajes) r 17 E Tonshipe were also established with nearby Fal Island: these relation Btoqewi ine) 549 a7 33 ships were easy to entertain and they enlarged their horizons. ng O8 102 100 iv Table 1. Endogamous and exogamous unions, western parishes of Pico : ae Island, Azores, all marriages, by periods (1800-1899). Percentages ae Vi sl ail da a pte — eeinmaniae f, analysing in detail all exogamous unions during the 19th cen- erods Toul ution, etme mone of the spouses was not born in the parish or municipality) of Number bath exogumnous femile male bath ‘been celebrated in each of the three western parishes, we notice Mariage pariages pursh "Unions. MSIE? outsider cuties tionship with Faial Island was anyway relatively intense in % * « @ & {in 49.1 percent of the cases, whereas Madalena was preferen- Madaiena ed towards other islands of the Azores archipelago or towards eases aa 154 46 91 8 IT localities of the continent, Brazil or the USA (Table 2). va syed 3 veneer the nineteenth century, the variety of occupations was quite 1899 44 vast majority of farmers, rural workers and fishermen de- the population roles of 1838. Big property owners and public an 708 296 66) ang 2 ‘concentrated at the administrative centre. g.gteaunigee oa ae Ce amy rates were higher and more stable among the farmers and reaching already 88,8 percent in the first half of the cen- : ‘among property owners. The fishermen group approached those al ms ms 42 BS} the first period, falling significantly behind during the second 90 #e 19th century (Table 3). ‘Sources: Madalena, Caco Velha and Candeliia data sts (3122 marriages)152 Norberta Amorim and Carlota Santo, Strategies in Azorean Communities of Pico 153 = 5 — sense to speak of S. Cactano, 8. Joo or Santo Amaro as undivided Table 3. Endogamous and exogamous unions, western parishes of Pico (Amorim 2004; 2005; 2008). In each of these parishes, we can Island, Azores, marriages by socio-professional groups and periods distinguish two communities with different spaces, strong identi- (1800-1899), Percentages ad Sense-of-belonging symbols. In S. Caetano, there is the Prainha Takgenet Epa edla ‘and the Terra do Pao quarter; in S. Jodo, Companhia de periods © Joon oe anhia de Baixo; in Santo Amaro, Terra Alta and Faja. ce Number bah All femsle male at luate how frequently individuals chose a spouse from the same saree atten path Unioan || mMier otter oot, ‘adopted specific criteria to be applied to these three parishes. For ® * * * & oried individual, married or widowed, the place of residence of Farmers Rural workers . degree consanguine kin (parents or brothers, if residents) was Heeee cc amecgggwatcr benno gs! Bf es eg inten Fishermen residence was taken as the individual's origin. aise ps 2 GT SS e.cases where we identified three or more siblings of an individual REA tort 05 BP ore gly . parents, the place where most of them lived was considered 1800-18970 me m29 a origin of the family. In cases where two siblings residing in a 1350-1899 116 oo | ND B37 place from the individual were identified, the place where those Property owners ived was considered to be the origin of the family. In the case of fe “soe owe a) se ngs residing each in a different place, the place of residence of “Sicdel ndahoon, Cis Ve al caatallc ARSE (FFI og, individual was considered as the origin place of the family. Mariage mere occupation i own ee place information, locating them in the parish. When it was not ‘Whereas the craftsmen’s sector occupied an intermediate postion, the re ese ei el, Wet at rroeny owes soup presented masinam ines of exo ps esis Ge Sees lie marriages, especially those involving outsider women. fer oN cated parish. " fron oer gone was remakable inthe case of marriages betwen bidet eee a S. on v3 eens a ees 1d grooms who were both outsiders tothe parish, going up to 54 percent Bi acecsh century (Table 4, with 85 erent ofthe men an were both 0 , 5 a (in the period 1800-1849) and 12.8 percent in the following period. is pace ror ie ere a ao ed ps om S. Mateus, one from S. Jodo, two from Candeléria, one from ‘one from Bandeiras and one fom S. Jorge, adding one of un- However, it is worth notic Central Pico’s Model of Spouse Selection Snomous parish from S. Mateus only in 1886. Conceming are fourteen that we suppose to be from S. Mateus, six from from Lajes and two of unknown origin. [Not surprisingly, in the parishes of S. Caetano, S. Jofio and Santo Amal Which are more distant from a direct connection to Faal Island, PS or me Ca os se. losure was not only cet ‘quarter, and Santa Margarida in Terra do Pio quater, both in Fergie iarngtaeern gtr ps Seat Parish, as well asthe Espino Santo chapels that were constricted near ighbourt the parish, but also applied tothe place of residence and neighbou RRriey k ce cine ove et ere conan ee (quarter attachments. In fact, for the inhabitants of Pico, it did not ther own Espo Sano chapels. the sense-f-belonging landmark symbols are the S. Caetano Church, located154 Norberta Amorim and Carlota Santoy Table 4. Endogamous and exogamous unions in S. Caetano, ‘ centra/southern parish of Pico Island, Azores, spouse origin by local quarters and residence eriteria (1861), by gender. Percentages Poe ofresidence® a Residence offistdegree TeradoPio Prisha $.Csetna Consanguine kin ‘uaner quarter Pash Men Women Men Women Men Women 8.Coctano ‘Same place & 8.Coetano Different place 5. Caetano Unidentified ploce $8. Coctano: Toa S. Mateus S.Joto Otter parish of Pico Oter Azorean islands Unidensfed pacish Oiber parishes 6 Guconen Igu-eews Sources: S. Caetano listing for 1861 and reconstructed population da sts [Notes:"Residene cites: for cach inventoried individual, mavied or widowed the place of residence ofthe first degre consanguine individuals (parents or brother, if reser) ‘was considered. I the paren, oat least one of them, wer stil ave, ther place ofr ence was ten asthe individuals origin. ‘Tera do Pio and Prainha are different quarters of S, Caetano parish. Analysing same-place behaviour, and subtracting the cases of unidentified place, we see that, of the 96 men we know to have been born in Terra do Pio, only 8 went to Prainha to marry. Of the 118 men we know to bave been bom in Prainha, only 8 sought Terra do Pio for marriage, a salle proportion than the first one, Among the 104 women born in Terra 60 Pio, 6 married in Prainha. From the 121 bom in Prainha, only 9 married in Terra de Po. ‘The difference of attraction between each place does not appear 10 be ‘very significant. Men from Terra do Pio who married in Prainka con tute about 8 percent of the total, whereas 7 peroent of the men from Prainha married in Terra do Pio. Female percentages were respectively © gcse ine 7 poset Theodor ebesyation, wean ‘nag sso Ol spouse selection in S. Caetano was mostly occurring within the place of Strategies in Azorean Communities of Pico 155 street or dirt road, which is only possible due to the relative of the urban spaces and the connections created between ty owners that searched viability for the exploitaion of their the figures we found for Santo Amaro in 1883, a strong parish is also evidenced, though not as accentuated as in S. Caetano. 789 percent of the men living in Santo Amaro ~ or deceased of the residing women — were bor in the parish. In the case of ‘his percentage reached 82.5 percent (Table 5). Endogamous and exopamous unions in Santo Amaro, parish of Pico Island, Azores, spouse origin by and residence criteria (1883), by gender. Percentages Place of residence* Fait quarer Women oy a4 Amaro isting for 1883 a reconstructed popalation daa sets enc rer foreach invented indivi mare of widowed, the pace of the fiat deers comanguin individuals (peens or brother if rscens) AF he parents, or at east one ofthe, wee sil alive, tee place of res faken es the individual's erg Tera Alta and Fah ar dren quarters Par FY to what we expected, the parish of Pico which offered more 10 Santo Amaro's women was Ribeiras, and not the neighbouring. Of Prainha or Piedade. This is the result of the lack, at the time, of,156 Norberta Amorim and Carlota Santog ‘2 connection road surrounding the island, which made contacts casey through the woods. The pastures of Santo Amaro were connected ty Ribeiras, and their maritime communities also shared preferential conn, tions. Outsider women mostly came from Piedade. Of the outsider meq that married in Santo Amaro and resided in the parish by 1883, nine were bborm in other Azorean islands, mainly S. Jorge and Terceira Inthe ease of outsider women, only two were not bom in Pico. Thus in 1883 Sante ‘Amaro, no one married a person born outside of the archipelago. If we analyse the situation by place, we verify that, in Terra Alta, may riage with outsider men was more frequent than in the previous example, ‘going up to 24.2 percent against Faja’s 19.3 percent. As in most of the ‘other parishes, most men marrying Terra Alta’s women came from Ribei- ras and other Azorean islands. In the case of women, there was more variation between each place. Terra Alta attracted mostly women from iedade (Ribeirinha was, atthe time, part of the Piedade parish) than from any other parish of Pico, and there were no women from outside the is- land. In Faja, most women came from Prainha, but without significant differences from the parishes mentioned in Table 5. FFor those born in Santo Amaro, the results found for local endogamy, without considering the unidentified individuals, are very interesting. OF the men born inside the parish and residing in Terra Alta by 1883, or de- ceased husbands of resident women, 81 percent were born in the place ‘The corresponding percentage of native-born among women residents, of deceased wives of resident men, was 90.2 percent, In Faj, the percentage of men is of 98.5 percent, and of women, 95 percent. It appears to be clear that both places of the parish of Santo Amaro, Terra Alta and Faja, were communities with few endogamous relationships. We have to verify in any given case, marriages in other places of the parish were in les ‘number than those outside of it. However, men from the smaller plaoé ‘Terra Alta, were more attracted to Faja than the contrary. We admit dl the greater attraction for Fajii could come as a result not only of its hig richness in terms of productive soil, but also of the existence of more verse occupational activities. In the case of S. Joo we still find high levels of geographical local dogamy, though inferior to those of Santo Amaro and close to those 8! tered in S. Caetano (Table 6). Strategies in Acorean Communities of Pico 6, Endogamous and exogamous unions in. Jofo, a central/ ‘parish of Pico Island, Azores, spouse origin by local quarters dence criteria (1883), by gender. Percentages Place of residence” Companhia de Cima Companhia de cee wane Men Men Women 6 n 7% 4 100 Joo listing for 1883 and reconstructed population datasets, Residence criteria: foreach invewtovied indivi, married oF widowed, te place ce ofthe fit degre consanguine individuals (parents o brothers if residents) 4. If the parents, or at least one of them, were sil alive, their place of resi 35 the individual's origin de Cima and Companhia de Baixo ar different quarters of 8. Jodo pais, enough, it was in the smaller place, Companhia de Cima, that the ‘of spouses of both sexes born in the same place was higher: 76 ‘the men and 82 percent of the women with access to marriage ‘geographical origin. In the case of Companhia de Baixo, lages were 71 percent and 76 percent, respectively. de Baixo showed a larger receptivity towards other par- the neighbouring parishes, S. Mateus and Lajes, marital relation- established the most in S, Mateus. Marriages with individuals Pico parishes or Azorean islands rarely happened. However, ‘men born in Terceira, Graciosa and S, Miguel who married from Companhia de Baixo who had emigrated to Brazil or to the ho later returned with their families. No individual from Ma- /or from the continent was identified.158 Norberta Amorim and Carlota Santa Strategies in Azorean Communities of Pico 159 ‘Age at First Marriage as an Indicator of Well-Being first marriage seriously delayed after 1850, affecting timing and ‘of access to first marriage, particularly for women (Table 7), In Pico Island, the mean age at first marriage increased during the 194 7. Mean age at fist marriages, in three western parishes of Pico century for both men and women. This was a direct consequence of g Azores, by gender and periods (1800-1899). Percentages and depressed economie conjuncture which intensified differential migratory movements, Furthermore, well-known demographic auto-regulating mechanisms were at work (Hajnal 1965), with female reproductive capac. ity being reduced as women began their sexual life late” ur study of the age at first marriage focuses on the Westem region of Pico, for which, as explained above, we gathered 2 considerable set of data on marriages and individual female and male life courses from 1800 to 1899. It was a chance to compute not only ages of marriage partners ‘which were recorded when the marriage ceremony was performed, but to calculate the exact age of bride and grooms from their local tion. In this way, in a transversal perspective, we observed, for the 19th century, all mariages which appeared to be potentially “useful” from a female reproductive capacity point of view. ‘The western region of Pico Island that was extremely dependent viticulture was particularly affected by the oidium plague from 1853 on- marrying for the fit time and aged les than 50 years old ‘wards. Given this context of economic crisis, emigration toward medium and long distance destinations intensified, especially for men, and first ‘the three different parishes under study, we notice, in a con- ‘marriage for both sexes was delayed while sex ratios became more and ‘ages at first marriage when compared to other European more unbalanced, leaving many females without a possible spouse the same period (Henry and Hovdaille 1979; Flinn 1981), a patting their furare well-being in danger (Santos 2004) {in Madalena during the early 19th century, whereas women ia delayed their marriage later in time. ng to a comparative analysis of marriage behaviours observed different occupational groups, we notice significant variations ‘age at marriage that point to a considerable influence of ‘specs associated with land property, also verified in other continental and insular Portuguese territories (Brettell 1986; 1987; Mesquita 1998; Scott 1999) (Table 8). Delaying First Marriage in Western Pico ‘The detailed study of three western parishes of Madalena, Criagio Vel and Candeléria shows clear population depletion, an increased lock ‘5 Theoretically, ema biological reproductive capacity stats around age 12 and ass after age 49.‘wo Norberta Amorim and Carlota Santog Strategies in Azorean Communities of Pico 161 ese Table 8. Mean age at fist marriages, in three westem parishes of Pico sland, Azores, by gender, by occupational groups and periods (1800-1899), Percentages and figures Differences in Age at First Marriage 6 ages at first marriage in S, Mateus,°S. Jodo and Santo Amaro Periods of Men Women ‘ zi marriage x Me x Age @ very high, with time variations of some significance in each Farmers» Rural workers 00-1809 358 m2 383 aus 190-1899 3% 27 10 6 " : een ‘Mean age at fist marriages, in three central parishes of Pi 01-1689 n a9 » as BY Azores, . of Pico 1850-1899 130 268 135 257 - by gender, and periods (1800-1899). Percentages and ratumen 800-1849 0 m9 a a2 1850-1899, %0 2K 103 258 Property owners qj "Thon 1849 0 287 “ a8 Ae N Age 1850-1899. % m2 3 28 ™ ma se bis Sources: Madalena, Cia Vella and Candia data ses sn 303 a ae None: Mariage whet ocopation s known. Parters marrying forthe fs tine a age ss Aes than 0 years ol ee or 22 zs 261 F {centavsoutern region) Bs ‘As a matter of fact, in any of the analysed periods, the wives of fishermen 1.086 1 sts as always martied at the youngest ages, in spite of the advanced age regis: pe ma > Bs tered among women who married between 1850 and 1899, and compared ee atom pal to the mean age of the craftsmen's wives of the same period, Craftsmen 156 as a0 no present intermediate and stable figures, for both sexes. ‘The mean ages at marriage of farmers, rural workers and property owners were always the highest ones, mainly for men presenting simi ‘values during the frst half of the century. However, after 1850, the age at first marriage for male property owners rose extremely. This pl nomenon suggests new constraints regarding the passing on of big POP erty during their lifetime or through succession, and also difficulties activating homogamous matrimonial alliances with the objectives of Pf serving or concentrating assets. We now raise the question of whether rural communities of cet Pico Island experienced similar changes concerning mean age at firs riages during the 19th century. oo, $. MacwvS. Coetso (enroute re a re *gion) and Santo Amaro mang fr rt in a age a 0 ear ld ‘was @ part of the large S. Mateus parish until 1886. ‘wo long periods of half a century, the high ‘women resulted from perturbations of be matics ne by increasing male emigration. This did not happen in Santo ‘central/northem region, where only the male mean age at first .— 4 from the first to the second period of the 19th century. in the two last decades of the 19th century and the first Ss of the 20th century (Amorim 2005) thatthe female mean age | Tespectively, to 24.4 and 23.6 years of age, an unmatched ‘ther parishes. In S. Caetano and S. Jot, the reduction of the © Was apart ofthe lange S. Mateus pis until 186,Norberta Amorim and Carlota Santos Strategies in Azorean Communities of Pico 163 162 other hand, if we compare the evolution of the mean ages by dec- the southern and western regions of th island (Figure 3 and Figure see that, forall women, age at first marriage was more sensitive to changes and was particularly affected by the agricultural that hit the islands from 1853 onwards ‘mean age at first marriage is only more notorious in the first decades of the 20th century (Amorim 1992). finge for men in the igure 3. Evolution of the mean age at first marriage eer watch regions of Pico Island, Azores (1800-1899), Pico’s Women Condemned to Celibacy indicator, definitive celibacy between 1860 and 1899, we in the western region of Pico, women were more vulnerable to ‘of economic crisis than in other regions of the Island. However, of women who did not marry and who spent their life 4 spouse is also very high in the southern region, a consequence ‘male emigration which finally touched the whole island ‘of the 19th century (Table 10). | se10-1819 sa20.1029 ses0-1820 se4ps849 | 070879 i ymeen in the igure 4. Evolution of the mean age at first marriage for wor Pee aleated regions of Pico Island, Azores (1800-189). Definitive celibacy, comparing westem and southern regions Azores, by gender (1860-1899), Percentages and figures Deaths Sitsle Definitve yi ‘Aged Celhacy ‘Aged oral) ted ~o (iow) Agee ™m 1 103 69205 104 3: Criagdo Vetha and Candeliria (westem parishes) datasets; S. Joo, cenral/souther region) data sts, 2004, 2006 and Santos 2004, ‘libacy is calculated from the proportion of adults aged 50 and over at Sources: Madalens, Crisso Velha and Canderia (western parishes) data st 'S. Mateu9S, Castano (cenal/souther region) data st. See Amorim 1992; 2004; 2006 and Santos 2004,164 Norberta Amorim and Carlota Santos Family Reproduction facing Pauperization in Southern Pico “The social reproduction of the family is necessarily combined with mar. riage strategies and biological reproduction, given social conditions, envi. ronmental challenges and individual responses to circumstances. The fol Towing analysis focuses upon a socially more complex community, the parish of Lajes, southern region of Pico Island, which presented an urban nucleus and a large rural area with four well-defined quarters. in the list of the parish's residents in Lajes, for 1836, we can clearly distinguish, among householders, property owners who make a living ‘exclusively out of the income from their property, those who add t0 thet ‘work some other income or pay and those who live exclusively off oftheir mechanic work or industry, besides those who live in some way out of State wages, except militaries, and fixed-place beggars (List of the par- ish's residents in Lajes, 1836). ‘Considering the final counts in the list of inhabitants, we estimated that, aut of a total of 822 houscholders (males and females) counted in 1836, only 13 percent were not property owners (107 heads households). We identified those who made a living exclusively out of their property income (52 individuals heading 6 percent of the families), those who added to their work some other income or salary (662 individuals or 81 percent) and those who lived exclusively out oftheir work (95, or 12 pet Cent). Besides, 13 sate waged clergymen were listed separately, as well 8 10 beggars, these being counted as a part of the first and second catez®- ries. We find interesting results by establishing a relation between male ‘ccupition and property owning (Table 11). If we do not consider clergymen, lawyers and clerks receiving wast the male professional group with limited access to property was that @ fishermen. Those accumulating some income constituted 73 perc Whereas the percentage of farmers or shepherds in an identical situa "was over 90 percent. In an inferior position relatively to farmers or s8 herds, craftsmen had a closer relationship Wi ‘The families who could make a living out of the income from thei erties were predominantly those of farmers, most of them with sheP 7. Theres no reference w ambulant beggars age Strategies in Azorean Communities of Pico 165 en or employees, and those of urban proj ers, it ranks. (0 whom no stvily wax comes “ome wR II. Male professional property own g and activity, Lajes, souther of Pico Island, Azores, list of residents, 183 ae Bao a 5. 1836, by households, is residents, 1836, by households. S31 heads of hunch nclaed inthis le, we ee between profession and property. mee easish ewe sn cls # exploring the property record of 1883, we ranked male residents in four levels: wo levels of property owners and two of workers. ‘owners’ group we distinguished the landlords, whose col. ‘was of more than 100,000 réis, from those whose collect- e surpased 20,000 res, but remained under 100,000 ris. considered as welli-do propery owners, who didnot someone else. Among the workers, we distinguishe collectable incomes of between 1,000 and 19,000 rei, i ders oscillating between being comfortably off and rather poor, em owning their own house and some property, but needing to eons ele inorder to make a living for thet family. Finally, ed those who had Tess than 1,000 rs of collectable income 4 small house and a vegetable garden, but were consid- the ranks of 1836 with those of 1888 of 1883, by analysi ers (making living ot of tet property's income), come,166 Norberta Amorim and Carlota Santog 167 fortably off individuals (income and work), and poor individuals (work), Eee ‘we find the same 12 percent of men in the lower rank, but with some dif. le 12. Position of male workers with respect to property, Lajes, Terences in the top rank. While, in 1836, 8 percent of families headed by region of Pico Island, Azores, comparing 1836 list of ‘men made a living from their income (according to the parish priest who and 1883 property records, by households. Percentages nade the lis), in 1883 we found 5 percent of male property owners with Toiforaliy a 120,000 or more réis. However, this comparison presents some difficulties, ‘poor Poor ‘hecause we did not consider, on the later date, those householders who, by 1361993 Thal ek of propery, are not mentioned inthe property record, and ve + Runt 4, wg teas 185688 include some single men or widowers that did not appear as household “s 1 100 100 hheads inthe list. On the other hand, the initial rank ofthe classification of BoB joo 0 property owners, medium or comfortably off, for those individuals with o_o Las Ist freien, 136 by bosch 136, by howls: 183 propery cots Ung 1836 is of resem, we ened thoe whe mate 1 Hoy eacasive Property income. those who added to their work Salary and ied excaiely on o te week ‘cord of 1883, we ranked mae resieats in Ly resident in Lajes, i four levels: ewo PEPEN) owners and woof wakes cmnforly of ae ted pe ‘more than 20,000 réis might be restrictive. Moreover, we should no for- get the fact that individuals with a collectable income of more than 18,000 reéis might also be considered as belonging to thet rank." ‘By analysing the information in the roll of 1883, which specified the different socio-professional male categories, and by focusing on working heads of household, we might approach differential family behaviours and living conditions of farmersirural workers, fishermen and erafismen, In this document, individuals considered as property owners (with a collect able income aver 20,000 réis) were excluded. 'A first observation focuses on the evolution, from 1836 to 1883, ofthe percentages of workers from the three chosen groups. While on the first date, 16 percent of the workers were connected to the sea, on the second date the respective frequency was up 23 percent, an increase that points (© fa decrease of farmers/raral workers (from 71 percent to 65 percent) and craftsmen (13 percent to 11 percent). It is important, however, to verity #0 ‘what extent this change within different groups was the same as the change concerning property. In spite of the relative increase of the numbet of fishermen, the percentage of those in the position of comfortably off © poor stays the same between the two documents, including the large 27 Of householders receiving from 100 to 20,000 réis, At the same time if ‘that an impoverishment of farmers/rural workers and crafts took place, though the delicate nature of this observation would advise 8 to be cautious in our conclusions (Table 12) some other income or salary and however, conclude that significant oscillations within ll structure were no-existent inthe mid 19th century. whey clear predominance of workers that, n their vast majority, had fo.live in and some land or garden for alimentary support. The ase of the number of fishermen may require an explanation gical ot even biological nature. wi api fe tmp ne ee Se tm tine tr ‘and the reproductive success down to the third ‘generation. reper nen 25 tee a ic ese a nai is not always given in the parish records ime. eran a ana en et i In he lst of 1883, the pari priest classified a property owners some Bee treads with collectable income below 20,000 rs, but not in every cave168 Norberta Amorim and Carlota Santog the roll of 1883, the social situation of the third generation in adult age For the same group of couples, we calculated the average age at fist mar. riage, for men and women. Table 13, Socio-sifferemtial intergenerational reproductive patterns, LLajes, southem region of Pico Island, Azores, fertile couples starting between 1810 and 1829. Mean age at first marriage by gender and mean ‘number of children born Messager intmaninge Cen Genie sonal gro (Mean ou (Mean number Occupational BMPS yen Women rH} oar Property owners 286 259) 60. 106 Shepherds 259 Bo 39 2a Farmer m2 ass 49 98 Fishermen 240 Bi 13 Bs Craftsmen 28, 250, To Ba Whole population of 36, 250 56 ne Ase Sources: Lajes, database including all coupes formed after 1800. Noes: This table includes ele couples who had children and grandchildren local Late marriage was more frequent among male property owners (aged 28.6), followed by farmers (27.2), shepherds and craftsmen (about 26), and finaly, falling far behind, fishermen (aged 24) (Table 13). These et treme results were expected, knowing that fishermen, who start work st 2 ‘very young age, would need minimum resources to start a family accord: ing to the social demands of the group, whereas property owners would have to find the conditions to do so, through inheritance, matrimonial ‘connections or emigration at a young age, in order to maintain or improv their birth-given status. The most surprising result is the difference be- tween the behaviour of shepherds and farmers, who were expected 10 PT sent more similarities. ‘As for women of respective socio-professional groups, there wa8 # parallel with male behaviour. Wives of fishermen and of shepherds mate fied at a younger age (before they tumed 24), followed by wives craftsmen (25), of farmers (25.5) and those of property owners, whos first marriage took place when they were about 26 years of age. The pre dominance of farmers in the community influenced the mean age at a marriage which was estimated for the whole population of Lajes pa during that period: 26.7 for males and 25 for females ge Strategies in Azorean Communities of Pico 169 Je also noticed that the average number of descendants for these fer- couples of Lajes, southern region of Pico Island, is 5.6 children, eas the average number of their grandchildren bom in the same unity was only twice the number of their children. dering the different occupational groups, clear differences can be The difference of behaviours between Shepherds and farmers is ing. In fact, shepherds seem to have established themselves, significantly in terms of progeny, followed by fishermen, craftsmen, ‘owners and, finally, farmers. ¢ iduals, we are consider, in the case of shepherds, not only the importance of dairy ts (milk, cheese and whey) in the daily maintenance of the family cing, but also the possibility that the clearing of new extensions of yds may have contributed, at the time, to the fixation of the family’s force. On the other hand, the obligation of going to the pastures, hhours away from the village, on a daily basis, as well as the need ng the pastures every year (which demanded a great human effort in the summer), may have caused a decrease inthe desire for ‘second position, fishermen stand out for their great reproductive in the community. Apparently, marine activities corresponded with family reproduction, which explains the increase of fishermen en 1836 and 1883. dly, we found a higher number of grandchildren among property than among farmers. One could expect the latter to be more prone gate to the new world, but the fact that passport records do not dis- shepherds from farmers stops us from reaching a definitive con- Still, itis possible to analyse whether or not land-working indi- Were more attracted towards emigration than individuals with @ aetivity.170 Norberta Amorim and Carlota ‘ Strategies in Azorean Communities of Pico m ‘A Gender Approach of Emigration in Southern Pico a reflection on the social reproduction throughout the 1800s, we |with the data provided by the roll of 1883, relating the situations of od with those lived by the respective ancestors identified in the listing of 1836. Bearing this in mind, we selected the two most ‘Though legal emigration is only known from 1859 onwards, it is possible : fishermen ‘owners — ia to proceed tothe observation of differential behaviours in late periods, ag Ste a rome hea whee, ee passport records state the professions of emigrants, who, until the begin. ‘observation of reproduction and professional homogamy in the ning of the 1870s, preferred Brazil and, later, the USA (Table 14). fishermen reveals a frequent articulation with the workers’ and — * groups, sometimes with the craftsmen, as if one’s professional Table 14. Legal emigration by gender and male occupational groups, ‘depended not as much on family tradition but on personal tenden- Lajes, southern region of Pico Island, Azores, 5 years periods, ‘on the evolution of the work market. However, fishermen living in 1860-1899 jileged fishing areas of Ribeira do Meio or Vila passed their pro- ‘on to their children more often, and married daughters of other "ae eccupaional arom ‘eseneen ‘more frequently (Table 15). : pace Ma" Women Magy Fier Cas Po 160-1864 4720 uo} 1 2 ¢ 15. Occupational group of fishermen’ parents and parents-in-law wens Qe Bop sation grup ; 1870-1874 50 a2 0 6 10 jand mal ipational groups, Lajes, sout hem region of tenes o S ’ 5 2 1d, Azores, for mid-19th century couples resident in the parish eep em eB fs ff mee ze 2 po 1 ee py: od 1860-1899 sw 9 Sources Lajes, database, Passports records allowing emigration, from 1859 ‘The distribution of men by oocupationa groups indicates that forme jes, dba; mid-1 centr coupes represented 70 percent of emigrants, fishermen 7 percent, craftsmen ‘municipality of Lajes comprises nowadays the parishes of Lajes, $. Jodo, Ri- percent, property owners 8 percent and others, where we included de Nesuim, Piedade and Ribena, denis, businessmen and individvals without occupation (most of them a or 3 passports to the same destination), made a total of 10 percent (Ts results presented here indicate that only 49 percent of the fisher- 14), Known ancestors and residents in Lajes by 1883 were children By isolating the working population in the total of residents counted it fishermen, 39 percent were children of workers, and the rest were 1883, we estimated that 65 percent would be farmers, 23 percent fis ‘of shepherds, craftsmen and others, and among the “others” we men and 11 percent craftsmen, Out of the 442 emigrants belosginé two farmers and two individuals of unknown profession (Table se three categories, 8S percent were farmers, 9 percent fishermen a parent craton, Thus, the modest migratory movement of fs men scarce for wives among daughters of fishermen and ‘might, atleast partially, explain their greater local reproductive soc°esS percent in both cases, then turning to the daughters of shep- craftsmen. We could not find any farmer's daughter marrying a Among the two groups of property owners, we have, however,172 encountered an accentuated difference. a noble ranks, residing in Lajes, Rua Direita da Vila, were to be distin. ‘guished clearly from farmers or shepherds distributed throughout the paz. ‘A. Case Study: Small Rural Property Owner i in Lajes, in the southern region ‘A property owner, living out of his income in Lajes, in the so Gt Pico Inland, descended of an eight sibling farly. His wife descended from a five sibling family. The couple registered four children in Lajes: 1 ‘AS the small number of property owners do not allow for statitica analysis, we shall study their respective behaviours by using 10 cage studies, representative of the two levels of property owners defined above” . The second son, born 25th of October, 1834, married at the age of 4 |. The second daughter, born 24th of August, 1838, married at 30 yea Norberta Amorim and Carlota Sartgg Strategies in Azorean Communities of Pico 173 if property owners, most wigy woman at the age of 84, and the other three left descendants in parish an observe in this case, from 1836 t0 1883, the situation of usage ‘was repeated. Adequate matrimonial alliances, definitive celi- emigration were the adopted strategies in this family. Because of ty. only four out of the 15 prandchildren from the first genera- ‘would have access to marriage. the reproduction ofthe property owner status wasn't always in other cases. The egalitarian property division practised in the as well as the low death rates, led to an impoverishment, espe- the exploitation of rocky and distant land only became profitable incorporation of great human effort which the family, in its dif. es, ould or could not undertake, Case Study: An Urban Big Property Owner ‘The eldest daughter, om 27th of July, 1829, marred a the age of 23 a son of property owners from neighbouring S. Jodo parish, where they lived. - a ‘The eldest son, bom Ith of September, 1832, might have emigrat We don’t have any information since bith ify the category of urban property owners, we selected the ge- Of a sargento-mor (sergeant major) from Lajes, married with a from S. Roque (central/orthem region). the eldest of 6 chiliren of «property owner's couple, from the same place of Siveirs. In 1885, his collectable income was 26756 ri maintaining his postion as rural property owner, This couple bad & children, but onty one of them had children in the parish. Four oft died during childhood, two emigrated and one of their daughters as a single woman at the age of 69. eldest son of this couple inherited the family properties as a mor- and his residence was located in Lajes, Rua Direita by 1836, the where most urban property owners lived. His collectable income 356,185 réis. He married on 6th November, 1823 an aristocrat 22 years old, one of the children of a captain from Lajes and se, bom in the parish of Matiz, city of Horta, Faial Island, ‘were only four known legitimate children of this marriage ‘The hood. i e collectable i of age with a property owner, 49 years old. In 1885, the col eldest son, bom 20th of September, 1824, died during chitd- come of er husband was of 20,84 res, Tey had 7 child al viving childhood. Three of them left the parish, a daughter died ose callable io sano ie er we wap ve tei eet tes 2 tae een omen ue il sn arn Sas een aa174 Norberia Amorim and Carlota Sanigg 1.2. The eldest daughter, bor in 10th of August, 1825, also died dyq, ing childhood, 1.3. The second son, bom Sth of September, 1834, had an unknown destiny 14. The third son, born in 1838, married at the age of 30 a Woman of the same age, a comfortably off property owner's daughter. By 1885 his collectable income was of 356,185 res. 1.4.1. We only know of one daughter of the couple, found in the death records. It is supposed that this daughter, who died ay the age of 17, had been born before her parents’ marriage “The big property owner also had another child of a single young woman, bom 20th of December, 1812, daughter of a rural worker and a woman who died giving birth. 1.5. This illegitimate son, bom 26th of July, 1837, was identified at birth by the names of his parents. As an adult, he used his father's complete name, as well as his mother’s sumame. By 1885 he had a collectable income of 218.536 réis. which, thouzh lower than his half-brother’s, still clearly included him in the big property owner's group. . Married on 27th of November, 1852, at the age of 15, with 2 ‘woman aged 14, born in S, Jodo, daughter of a captain, he had six legitimate children 1.5.1 The eldest daughter, born 34 of December, 1856, married al the age of 21 a noble man, son of another noble man from Pedade parish who had, by 1885, a collectable income of 175,500 réis. 5 1.52. The eldest son, bom 13th of December, 1860, died as a sit ile man at the age of 56. 1.5.3. The second son, born 20th of September, 1865, marred a 42 years of age witha noble woman, aged 31, daughter of man having a collectable income of 42,982 eis. Howeva his maternal grandmother hud, atthe time, a collectable come of 269,173 nts. 3 1.54, The second daughter, bom 17th of September, 1869. ds the age of 17. Strategies in Azorean Communities of Pico 175 1.5.5. The third daughter, bom I8th of January, 1876, died at the age of $ months. 1.5.6. The thd son, bor 9th of September, 1878, died at the age of 17 1.5.7. An illegitimate son, born 6th of February, 1859, before his half brother was bor, was also a single woman's son. This ‘woman was daughter of a property owner with 48,801 réis collectable income, and also living in Lajes, Rua Direita, By 1883 he was a teacher in Lajes and he had a collectable income of 33,530 réis. He married at 21 years of age a cap- lain’s daughter. His mother-in-law had, by 1885, a collect- able income of 139,541 réis. that both the morgado and his illegitimate son had illegitimate When married, and established them as heirs. We shall now fol- life course and descendance, in Lajes parish, of the morgado's st daughter of the sargento-mor from Lajes, was bom in Lajes, ‘of March, 1792, She married at the age of 15 with a noble man in Faial Island, The couple registered 3 children in Lajes, leaving Is. ‘youngest daughter, bom 8th of February, 1800, married at 17 of age a captain, son of the major captain from Lajes." Still a ‘by 1883, she was, as we could see, rated as having a big prop- ‘owner's collectable income. The couple had 10 children baptised ‘The eldest daughter, bom 9th of June, 1819, married atthe age of 29 a noble man from Piedade and left the parish. ‘The second daughter born 2d of January, 1821, married at the age ‘0f 22 a noble man from S. Roque and aiso left Lajes. ‘The eldest son, bom 30th April, 1824, unknown destiny. ‘The second son, knight of the order N. Sra. da Conceicio, of Vila ‘married an aristocrat woman from the parish of Castelo ‘efered previously witha collectable income of 139,541 réis, hecanse her ‘married a cousin, born ilegkimae on 6th of February, 1859, who was a in Lajes and he had in 1883 a collectable income of 33.530 resNorberta Amorim and Carlota Saning Branco, Faial Island. The couple registered 4 children in Lajey, none having descendants. ‘The third son, born 25th of July, 1830, had two children with g single woman, born 28th of October, 1836, They got married af terwards, at 42 and 35 years old, recognizing their children had two more children within marriage. By 1885, the householder had a collectable income of 72,056 réis. 3.6. The third daughter, born 26th of January, 1833, must have died ay 4 child, considering that a sister was later baptized under the same name, though there is no record of her death in Lajes. 3.7. The fourth daughter, born 8th of October, 1834, married at age 22 ‘with a noble man from Castelo Branco, Faial Island. She left La . 3.8, The fifth daughter, bam 20h of August, 1837, ded after bith 3.9. The sixth daughter, born 22d of January, 1839, died aged 8, 3.10. The youngest daughter, born 12th of September, 1843, married at ‘age 23 a property owner, son of a man from Melgago in the mainland and a woman bom in Lajes. They registered 5 children, ‘but only one daughicr married in Lajes. The collectable income of the householder was of 42,982 réis, by 1885, that different regional models of spouse selection were found in tes on Pico Island. Parishes with @ possibilty of direct sea con- ‘with nearby islands were more frequently engaged in marriage utsider individuals, males and females, like in Madalena in relation Faial Island or, to a lesser degree, in Santo Amaro in relation to Island. In the rural western villages of Candelaria, S. Caetano and -we observed very high levels of endogamy, sometimes influenced, cease of S. Joto, by the return of emigrants who married in the ‘The marriage exchange model of Central Pico, in S. Caetano, S gd Santo Amaro, reveals also a very strong endogamy by place of and a sense of local identity, according to quarters and customs. -westem region of Pico Island, the comparison of the percentages jogamous marriages within the different occupational groups has that, throughout the entire 19th century, farmers, rural workers and selected their spouses mostly within the parish's space, whereas mobility of crafismen, and property owners, was always at first marriage may perfectly be used as a well-being indicator: of the mean age at first marriage, for males and females, pre- fferent models in each community or occupational group. In the region of Pico Island, in a context of higher male age, the popula- ‘general, and of both sexes, married late. Property owners always late, whereas couples whose resources were based on maritime stand out for the precocity oftheir first wedding. A the oidiwm plague devastated vineyards in mid-19th century in 1853) the old economic dependence of the region towards Pushed young males to emigrate. This clearly disturbed sex and the normal balance of the marriage market, contributing to a ‘delay of macriage throughout that period and strong difficulties for {As verified in this last example, social homogamy has been systematically pursued in the group of big property owners of Lajes, frequently enlarging the marital market beyond the island. Known extra-marital connections ‘occurred mainly with daughters of small property owners, and the result ing children were later recognized. vee noepltaran inheritance sytem of morgadio create in nt defend Portuguese landlords interests in a general frame of egalitariag inheritance, made it possible to maintain undivided a great amount family property until 1834, when the system was abolished. The reproductive behaviour of this aristocratic urban family of Laies of duced, in the following generations, to the division of the family BM mony. In a period of monetary depreciation, some descendants o! landlords from Lajes looked for public employment in the urban a or outside this area. Others embraced a religious career and a great ber chose the way of emigration, selling their undivided proper cessful emigrants in Brazil or in the USA were the main buyers ©! lands. Women to find suitable marriage partners. Many women had to marriage, and often permanent celibacy, with a risk to the U-being and reproductive capacities. At the same time, illegiti- as it did in other Azores Islands. Differential emigration the age at first marriage in Pico Island, especially within those munities which were particularly far from the outside world,178 Norberta Amorim and Carlota Sanigg Strategies in Azorean Communities of Pico 179 In Lajes, in the southern region of Pico, we have carried out a detajleg intergenerational analysis of the social and biological family reproduction system over three generations. Considering the various occupationay ‘groups, we observed that fishermen used to engage in marriage at an carly fage, that their children (sons and daughters) married within the same {group and that their grandchildren were preferentially Kept within the ‘community, creating a demographic growth throughout the 19th centur Rural workers stand out as the largest group of the population, They were strongly subject to emigration, and they improved their social statug by suecessfully returning home. Small property owners developed strate. {gies for social reproduction at the same level, through late marriages, fe. ‘male celibacy and through sometimes unsuccessful migratory experiences, Social balance, in an egalitarian inheritance system, would become pre- carious if one of these preventive family strategies in spouse selection stopped being followed or lost its effectiveness. Big urban property owners, a minority within the property owners’ mis nority itself, chose homogamous unions of local character or searched outside the island for prestigious alliances lacking inside the community, ‘The low incidence of matrimonial alliances with small locel property ‘owners must be considered, to a large extent, as connected with the exie tence of illegitimate children. 0 Pico, A abordagem de uma tha. As Familias, As familias do espaco de Gaetano enire os sécwlos XI ¢ XX, Vol. 1, we 3, Ciara Municipal da EPS Caroline, 1986, Men who migrate, women who watt. Population and History Poriguese Parish, Princeton, Princeton University Press. Mice W. 1981, The Earopeun Demographic Stem 1500-820, Self, Te John, 1965, “European marriage pattems in perspective”, in David V. GLASS, esis S.C. EVERSLEY (080, Ppuion i Hoy Londen, Bava Anos 01-1 Louis and HOUDAILLE. Jacques, 1979, °Célibt et ge au mariage aux XVIHle siteles en France, H. Age au premier mariage”, Population, 34, 2, pp. 403- Nacional de Esaistiew/INE, 2001, Recenveamento da Populacdo ¢ de Habisagdo dos Agores) Censos, Lisbonne, Istituto Nacional de Estates “s ), Antinio Lourengo S. 1981, Histon das guar ihas que formam o distro da fac-siile vo. 3, Angra do Heroism, Dees Regional das Agores FA, Maria Herminia Moras, 1998, Evolugdo demografica da Criagdo Velha, do Sul do Pico (1801-1993), Ponta Delgada, Direcgao Regional éa Cultura. Gilera Pavan Nuncs. 1991, Dindmica Populacional ds Acores no Século XX. , Permanencia, Diversidede, Ponta Delgada, University of Azores Carlota M.. 2008, Biodemoeratia do concelho a Madalena ~ extraura rificae gencica de wma populacdo acoriana da ita de Pico, PRD dissertation, University of Minho f Anna Volpi S.. 1999, Familias, Formas de Unido © Reprodugdo Soviel mo Dportgués (Séeulos XVII « XIX}, Guimaries, NEPSIICS, Univenity of References [AMORIM, M, Norbert, 1987, Guimantes 15/8-1819. Esnudo Demogrifico, US. INLC. , 1001, "Uma metodologia de Reconstituigio de Pardquias deservotvid sobre ri portugueses", Boletin de la Asociacién de Demografia HistOnica 1X. |, pp. 7-25. 1092, Fvolugdo Demogrifica de és pardquias do Sul do Pico (1680-1980) University of Minho, =, 2004, 0 Pica, A abordagem de wma ithe. As Famiias. As familias de $e82 “finais do século XIX, Vol. 1, tome 1, Ciara Municipal das Lajes do PivoNEPS =, 2008, 0 Pico. A abordagem de uma ila. As Faris. As familias de Santo Amare Fina do século XIX. Vol tne 2, Camara Municipal de S. Roque do Piso