Papers by Emmanouil Mavrozacharakis
Social Science Research Network, Dec 31, 2014
German Abstract: In Griechenland hat sich der Klassenkompromiss auf der Hinterbuhne des offentlic... more German Abstract: In Griechenland hat sich der Klassenkompromiss auf der Hinterbuhne des offentlichen Geschehens herausbildet. Aus diesem Grunde stilisieren sich nicht selten die burgerlichen Parteien als Verteidiger der Schwachen und die sogenannten fortschrittlichen Parteien als Anwalte des Unternehmertums. Nicht zuletzt deshalb durfte die Periode der EU-Memoranden bei den Griechen ein tiefes Gefuhl der Abneigung gegenuber den politischen Eliten geschurt haben, die nun in eine tiefe Legitimationskrise von gesellschaftlicher, politischer und kultureller Tragweite gemundet ist. English Abstract: In Greece the class compromise has developed on the backstage of public events. For this reason the bourgeois parties are frequently stylized as defenders of the weak and the so-called advanced and left parties as advocates of entrepreneurship. Not least, the period of the EU memoranda may have fueled the Greeks a deep sense of aversion to the political elites, which is now a deep legitimation crisis of social, political and cultural significance.
Social Science Research Network, Jul 23, 2018
Social Science Research Network, 2016
Greece lived almost 40 years after the Transition to Democracy in 1974, a sham prosperity founded... more Greece lived almost 40 years after the Transition to Democracy in 1974, a sham prosperity founded on imaginary obsessions, deliberately cultivated by the leaders of the political and economic elite. From the moment however in which begun to emerge on the horizon the ultimate deadlock, the temporal illusions and the need to change the Financial example appeared. This Process leads to tectonic movements on the political scene and the transformation of the entire political culture of Greece Parties like SYRIZA and ANEL (Independent Greeks) took advantage of the growing social discontent and exposed an propaganda to ease their selves as exponent of ordinary people and concerns their fears, as the expression of resistance against avoidable predatory popular values. However, the crisis has exposed a number of successive truths which elaborate hiding in the underbelly of the detaining political and socioeconomic system. This truths manifested herself , once it became clear, that the foundations on which the Greek society was formed after the Transition to Democracy is weak and not sufficient to lift the country's march towards a modern future. Τhe main responsibility for that fact lies previously on the general anti-political character of the political parties in Greece.
Social Science Research Network, 2015
Greek Abstract: Ο «καπιταλισμός του Ρήνου» (ονομάζeται έτσι eπeιδή η Γeρμανία και η Γαλλία ως δύο... more Greek Abstract: Ο «καπιταλισμός του Ρήνου» (ονομάζeται έτσι eπeιδή η Γeρμανία και η Γαλλία ως δύο χώρeς που eκφράζουν αυτό το μοντέλο βρίσκονται και στις δύο πλeυρές του Ρήνου) ως έννοια eισήχθη το 1991 από τον Γάλλο οικονομολόγο Michael Albert και αναφέρeται στην μορφή του καπιταλισμού μeτά τον δeύτeρο παγκόσμιο πόλeμο στην Γeρμανία, στην Γαλλία και σe άλλeς χώρeς της Βόρeιας και Κeντρικής Eυρώπης καθώς και στην Ιαπωνία. Ο καπιταλισμός του Ρήνου eνσωματώνeι το κοινωνικό κράτος στην οικονομία της αγοράς παρέχοντας σημαντικές βαλβίδeς eξομάλυνσης κοινωνικών αντιθέσeων, διαμeσολάβησης συμφeρόντων και eν τέλeι κοινωνικής συνοχής. Το συγκeκριμένο μοντέλο που προασπίζeται τόσο το κοινωνικό κράτος όσο και την αγορά διαφοροποιeίται από τον Albert από το αγγλοσαξωνικό ή (νέο)αμeρικανικό μοντέλο καπιταλισμού που υλοποίησαν οι κυβeρνήσeις Ρόναλτ Ρeϊγκαν και Μάργκαρeτ Θάτσeρ, υπό eπιρροή των θeωριών του νeοφιλeλeυθeρισμού. Το τέλος του καπιταλισμού του Ρήνου μeτά την γeρμανική eνοποίηση και η eπικράτηση eνός νέου βάναυσου καπιταλισμού του Βeρολίνου, eίχe eμφανeίς κοινωνικές eπιδράσeις ,μe τους Γeρμανούς σήμeρα να φοβούνται ότι η κρίση θα eξουδeτeρώσeι τις κατακτήσeις eυημeρίας που κληρονόμησαν από τον ρηνανικό καπιταλισμό. Oι κοινωνικές συνέπeιeς του νέου βάναυσου καπιταλισμού του Βeρολίνου οδηγούν στην διάρρηξη των κοινωνικών δeσμών της κοινωνίας της eργασίας κάτω από την πίeση της πeριθωριοποίησης και της αποδιάρθρωσης της αλληλeγγύης.Ο νέος χρηματοπιστωτικός καπιταλισμός του Βeρολίνου χαρακτηρίζeται από μια αδυσώπητη eπέκταση της λογικής της αγοράς σe πeδία που δeν eίχαν ακόμα eνσωματωθeί από τον καπιταλισμό. Αυτό συνδέeται αυτόματα μe την απορρύθμιση θeσμών και κανόνων που πeριορίζουν την αγορά. Η τυπολογία του Albert άσκησe μeγάλη eπιρροή και βρήκe συνέχeια σe ποικίλeς άλλeς τυπολογίeς. Συνέχeια βρίσκeι η τυπολογία του Albert στις προσeγγίσeις γύρω από την ποικιλομορφία του καπιταλισμού οι οποίeς eίναι λιγότeρο κριτικές. English Abstract: The "Rhineland capitalism" (So‐called because Germany and France, two of its practitioners, lie on either side of the Rhine) as concept was introduced in 1991 by the French economist Michael Albert and refers to the form of capitalism after the Second World War in Germany, in France and in other Countries of Western and Continental Europe and in Japan. The model of Rhineland Capitalism incorporates the welfare state to the market economy, providing important mechanisms of handling social contradictions, of interests mediation and ultimately offers a high grade of social cohesion. This model defends both, the welfare state and the market and is differentiated by Albert from Anglo Saxon or (new) American model of capitalism that have implemented the governments of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, under influence of theories of neoliberalism. The overcoming of Rhineland capitalism in Germany after German unification and the prevalence of a new harder capitalism of Berlin, left obvious social signs, with the Germans now fear that the crisis will neutralize that prosperity that with the Rhine capitalism was widespread throughout the German society. Hence the social consequences of the new capitalism of Berlin is leading to disruption of social ties in labor society under the pressure of marginalization and dislocation of solidarity. The new financial capitalism of Berlin characterized by a relentless expansion of market logic in areas that had not yet been incorporated by capitalism. It automatically connects to the deregulation of rules and regulations that restrict the market. The typology of Albert had a great influence and found then a variety of other typologies, like the theory of "Varieties of Capitalism". ]
Social Science Research Network, 2015
German Abstract: Das europaische Wirtschaftsmodell schein einen doppelten Wettbewerbsproblem ausg... more German Abstract: Das europaische Wirtschaftsmodell schein einen doppelten Wettbewerbsproblem ausgesetzt zu sein. Einerseits existieren enorme Niveauunterschiede hinsichtlich der Konkurrenzfahigkeit der diversen Mitgliedslander der Eurozone und der EU untereinander was sich langfristig zu einem dramatischen Schuldenproblem stilisierte. Die erweiterten Staatsschulden sind nichts anderes als ein Symptom der mangelnder Wettbewerbsfahigkeit. Auf der anderen Seite scheint das Europaische Wirtschaftsmodell der aggressive Entwicklungsorientierung des Fernen Ostens langfristig nicht folgen, zu konnen . Dieses externe Wettbewerbsproblem versucht man in Europa vorwiegend durch lohnpolitische Massnahmen wie Lohnsenkungen, durch Minderung der Staatsquote oder sogar durch reale Abwertung zu behandeln . Die Begrenzung auf die Konsolidierung der offentlichen Finanzen kommt allerdings einem Versuch gleich allein die Symptome eines Problems zu behandeln , Dabei wird ein politisches Legitimationsproblem in die Welt gerufen das vorwiegend zwei Aspekte hat . Auf der einen Seite ein Problem der Souveranitat in dem Sinne das die ubertragenen Entscheidungskompetenzen der Einzelstaaten auf EU Instanz nicht etwa demokratisch legitimierten Gremien zugute kommt wie das Europaparlament sondern kunstlich geschaffenen Gremien der Finanzuberwachung wie die Troika die direkter oder indirekter Weise unter dem Einfluss der machtigsten Mitgliedstaaten steht, Somit entsteht auf der anderen Seite ein gewaltiges Demokratiedefizit . Dies kommt darin zum Ausdruck das von demokratisch gewahlten Regierungen verlangt wird unpopulare Sparprogramme durchsetzen selbst wenn sie dabei ihre Parlamente , Institutionen und Verfassungen umgehen mussen.English Abstract: Apparently the European economic model being subjected to a double competition problem. On the one hand, there are enormous differences in the level of competitiveness of the various member countries of the euro area and the EU among themselves. In the long term this Problem stylized to a dramatic debt crisis for one Part of the EU member States like Greece, Portugal, Ireland, Spain and Italy. The advanced state debt are nothing more than a symptom of a lack of competitiveness. On the other hand, the European economic model seems to be not able not, in the long term, to follow the aggressive development orientation of the Far East. The dominant Forces into the EU tries to handle with this external competition problem mainly with wage policy measures such as wage cuts, a reduction in government expenditure or even with real depreciation.However, the limitation of political measures on the consolidation of public finances, is an attempt to deal only with the symptoms of the problem. The Result is, that a political problem of legitimacy is called into the world that has mainly two aspects. On the one hand, a problem of sovereignty in the sense that the transmitted decision-making powers of the states at the EU instances, is not transferred to the benefit of democratically elected bodies like the European Parliament, but to artificially created bodies of financial supervision like the Troika that directly or indirectly is under the influence of the most powerful member states. In this way we have on the other side the production of a huge democratic deficit. This finds his expression in the demand on democratically elected governments to prevail unpopular austerity measures, even if they have to bypass their parliaments, institutions and constitutions.
Social Science Research Network, 2018
The euro crisis has threatened the balance of social structures, through the impoverishment of th... more The euro crisis has threatened the balance of social structures, through the impoverishment of the middle class, in almost all countries of the Old Continent. This trend has not only posed a threat to social cohesion, but it also threats the very nature of the socalled Western-style Democracy. The reason for this is that there is a class that has always been a "cushion" that absorbs both the vibrations of competition and the confrontation of the social elite with the socially weak, offering the latter the ability to overcome their misery. In most capitalist economies, the middle class label is based on an economic definition that is largely based on a lifestyle that is based on a certain economic robustness and endurance. With the deepening of the crisis, however, the diversity of the middle class not only has it been jeopardized, but rather, it has gradually been replaced by a new demographic category called the prekariat. This new category consists of a group of people once in the middle class and currently marginalized. All of this leads to generalized uncertainty and totally unstable political attitudes, with intense mobility at the extremes. The rapid rise of right and left-wing populism is an aspect of the threatened subjugation of the middle class strata. The consequences for societies when their layered center is lost are obvious and significant.
People expect the state to provide them with a social security net. Whatever its defects, whateve... more People expect the state to provide them with a social security net. Whatever its defects, whatever the virtues of the private sector, no structure other than the state can today provide citizens with the basic public goods. Under right-wing governments, a very active role of the state is not expected. Also, is nor expected the introduction of a serious program of public investment and demand-boosting to stimulate the national economy and enter into a virtuous circle of recovery. Today many countries like Greece, which passed the economic crisis with drastic cuts in its traditionally deficient welfare state and its chronic underinvestment in public goods in key areas such as health, have to respond directly to the pandemic crisis. This fact leads in the short term to a revival of the debate on strengthening state powers and especially in strengthening public health systems. Political polarization is expected in the period after the end of the pandemic crisis focusing on welfare state...
RePEc: Research Papers in Economics, 2017
There have been almost 40 years after the restoration of democracy in Greece and a peculiar prosp... more There have been almost 40 years after the restoration of democracy in Greece and a peculiar prosperity, which was consciously cultivated by the leaders of political and economic elites, was promoted before the onset of the financial crisis. However, from the beginning of the financial recession, the temporal illusions have been revealed and the need of a complete transformation of the financial policies has been expressed, while a significant transformation of the entire political culture has started. Parties such as SYRIZA, Independent Greeks(ANEL) and Golden Dawn took advantage of the growing social discontent by propagating themselves as exponents of ordinary people and of their concerns or their fears, as the expression of resistance against an avoidable sellout of public values. However, crisis has exposed a number of successive truths which were elaborately hiding in the underbelly of the detaining political and socioeconomic system. These truths were exteriorized once it became clear that the foundations on which the Greek society was based after the restoration of democracy, were weak and insufficient to lead country towards a modern future.
SSRN Electronic Journal
The financial collapse of 2007, the accompanying refugee crisis, the health crisis and the corona... more The financial collapse of 2007, the accompanying refugee crisis, the health crisis and the corona virus pandemic have all played their part in the current gloomy political climate. The left lacks a clear message or strategy to improve the lives of ordinary people. The emphasis on austerity and competitiveness brought about by the financial crisis has worsened people's social conditions. The need for a "new left" with a relevant narrative is undoubtedly important. The insecurity and instability currently facing the so-called social left is a direct cause of this desire. The demand for a "new left" with a relevant narrative is undoubtedly necessary. This demand arises directly from the current insecurity and instability that the so-called social left is facing. As part of a political program whose core is an effective welfare state, the democratic left needs a contemporary pragmatism in the form of realistic but substantive political goals and demands. The new left narrative must place the goal of social justice at the centre of a social realist framework that does not focus only on the need for economic competitiveness and financial balance. It is necessary to advocate a modern social "philosophy" of solidarity, progress and justice. This new agenda must be embedded in a long-term political reform strategy that can only be realized if the goals are clear to the public.
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2022
The political, organizational, and ideological deadlock that European social democracy has gone t... more The political, organizational, and ideological deadlock that European social democracy has gone through in recent decades is obvious and much discussed. This impasse is indirectly expressed by the weakness of social democratic parties in maintaining their electoral clientele and social base of workers, employees, and pensioners. This means that the crisis of social democracy is becoming more permanent. This article attempts to analyze these characteristics
Social Science Research Network, Jul 24, 2019
The recent elections in Greece reflects an enormous change in the political behavior of the elect... more The recent elections in Greece reflects an enormous change in the political behavior of the electorate. The citizens have not chosen a simple switch on the power, but contributed with their votes to a strategic defeat of populism and in same time they paved the way for the search of a new type of leadership, which is close to realism in handling with social problems that can't be implemented with calculated financial costs. The vote of 7 th Juli is a vote against the over-promising and underdelivery experienced under Syriza's rule. The voting for conservative ND is not an ideological choice. It's a choice that runs counter to the logic of falsely or hypocritical negotiating austerity measures opposed to Greece buy his Lenders (memorandum) and the consequent tax-tornado as a result of negotiating failure with the partners in the EEC and the IMF. The positive vote for ND also reflects the contradiction with the misguided manipulations of public opinion regarding the Skopje-Question and finally the strategy of micro concessions and micro-allowances as a means of concluding a "political-social alliance" with an undefined hostile establishment.
MPRA Paper, 2015
German Abstract: Der Aufstieg der extremen Pole im politischen Spektrum Europas entspricht moment... more German Abstract: Der Aufstieg der extremen Pole im politischen Spektrum Europas entspricht momentan noch einem Hilferuf von einfachen Burgerinnen und Burgern, verbunden mit dem Wunsch nach einer ernsthaften Auseinandersetzung, mit den tragischen Sackgasse die in europaischen Lebensalltag reproduziert werden. In diesem Fall kummert es die Burger kaum ob das rechtsextreme Lager , die Sozialdemokratie, die Grunen oder der linke Populismus einen Antrieb erfahrt noch ob die Konservativen in Europa ihre Vorherrschaft fortsetzen. Viel mehr verlangen die Burger eine zuverlassige Losung ihrer wirklich wichtigsten Alltagsprobleme. In diesem Zusammenhang existiert eine Notwendigkeit fur Europa, aus der Logik der geschlossenen Kreise rauszukommen in denen Politiker untereinander in Fraktionen und Ausschussen verhandeln. Es besteht die klare Notwendigkeiten der Wiederendeckung des souveranen Volkes. Im heutigen Sinne handelt es sich um das europaische Volk das an sich noch nicht institutionalisiert ist ( Habermas: 1996). Daher auch der Mangel an Demokratie . Die fortschrittlichen Krafte Europas , allen voran die Sozialdemokratie sollten sich mit dem Gedanken konfrontieren ein neues Potential an offentlichen Gutern zu definieren im Rahmen eines gesamteuropaischen Sozialstaates der die neuen Ungleichheiten in Europa zu entscharfen vermag. Denn die Vereinigung Europas ist braucht letztendlich ein entsprechendes gedankliches institutionelles Vorspiel, das wie ein Idealtyp im Bewusstsein der Burger funktionieren kannEnglish Abstract: The rise of the extreme poles in the European political Spectrum, corresponds currently with a clear call for help by the site of simple People, combined with the desire for a serious confrontation with the tragic impasse reproduced by the extreme Problems of the everyday live . In this case, the Citizens spends little care about the Question whether the far-right, the Social Democrats, the Greens or left-wing populism becomes a drive, even if the conservatives in Europe continue their dominance. Much more the Citizens requires a reliable solution to their really important everyday problems. In this context, there is a need for Europe, to get out from the logic of closed circles , in which politicians negotiate with each other in groups or other forms of Representation . There is a clear necessity of recover the mean of sovereignty of the People in a holistic European Dimension that has to be institutionalized (Habermas 1996). Hence the lack of democracy. The progressive Forces of Europe, led by the Social Democrats should confront herself with the idea to define a new potential of public Goods in the context of a pan-European welfare state that is able to defuse the new inequalities in Europe. The e-unification of Europe ultimately needs an appropriate institutional notionally foreplay, which can function as an ideal type in the consciousness of the citizen.
Germany has drawn the most advantages both from the introduction of the euro and the ongoing econ... more Germany has drawn the most advantages both from the introduction of the euro and the ongoing economic crisis. The euro has made it a geoeconomic power and the economic crisis a hegemonic one. Consequently then, a possible collapse of the eurozone would make the country a primary victim. However, the strategy followed by Germany does not tend necessarily to the deepening of European integration but accentuate the increase insecurity of European integration. In the southern countries of Europe as subject to strict fiscal adjustment programs observed an obvious fragmentation of political forces and high liquidity in the political landscape. Next is growing centrifugal tendencies of the German policy as expressed by all countries of the South, but mainly from Italy, Greece and France but also from the northern countries such as Great Britain. The euro rescue can not be done by hegemony but only through cooperation.
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2016
There have been almost 40 years after the restoration of democracy in Greece and a peculiar prosp... more There have been almost 40 years after the restoration of democracy in Greece and a peculiar prosperity, which was consciously cultivated by the leaders of political and economic elites, was promoted before the onset of the financial crisis. However, from the beginning of the financial recession, the temporal illusions have been revealed and the need of a complete transformation of the financial policies has been expressed, while a significant transformation of the entire political culture has started. Parties such as SYRIZA, Independent Greeks(ANEL) and Golden Dawn took advantage of the growing social discontent by propagating their selves as exponents of ordinary people and of their concerns or their fears, as the expression of resistance against an avoidable sellout of public values. However, crisis has exposed a number of successive truths which were elaborately hiding in the underbelly of the detaining political and socioeconomic system. These truths were exteriorized once it became clear that the foundations on which the Greek society was based after the restoration of democracy, were weak and insufficient to guide the country's way towards a modern future.
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2015
Die griechischen Parlamentswahlen vom Januar 2015 zeitigten einen lange vorhersehbaren Machtwechs... more Die griechischen Parlamentswahlen vom Januar 2015 zeitigten einen lange vorhersehbaren Machtwechsel. Die Koalitionsregierung zwischen der konservativen Machtpartei Nea Dimokratia und der sozialdemokratischen PASOK, wurde von einer Koalitionsregierung zwischen der linkextremen Partei SYRIZA und der rechtsextremen ANEL ("Unabhängigen Griechen"} abgelöst. Ursache dieser radikalen politischen Verlagerung ist der latente Zorn der Bürger gegenüber den politischen Eliten, der sich schon seit langem anstaute und nun seinen Ausdruck in den Wahlurnen fand. Der Unmut der Bevölkerung gründet auf den harten Konsolidierungskurs der von den Kreditgebern Griechenlands (Troika-EU, EZB, IWF) eingeschlagen wurde um die Fiskalkrise des Landes zu bändigen. Diese Geldgeber verordneten dem Land eine bittere Austheritätskur , die das Land aus den Schulden führen sollte, aber auch rund ein Viertel der Bevölkerung in Armut versetzte. Das Sanierungsziel innerhalb eines ziemlich kurzen Zeitraumes, die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit zu fördern und Griechenland als Investitionsstandort attraktiver zu gestalten, wurden an massive Lohnkürzungen, Rentenkürzungen, Steuererhöhungen und flexiblere Arbeitsbedingungen gekoppelt Die neue Bündnisregierung obwohl nun nicht mehr in der Opposition, schürt weiterhin, einerseits einen sozialen Messianismus im Sinne einer Befreiung der Gesellschaft von ihrer Not und andererseits die Hoffnung auf eine Schuldenregelung durch eine Konferenz von Kreditgebern oder durch günstige Regelungen der EU Partnerländer. Damit gekoppelt ist die auch die Ankündigungen einer ganzen Reihe ambitionierter Programme für den Wiederaufbau und die Entwicklung. Auch diese Version des politischen Wandels in Griechenland ist eingebettet in einer Obsession von der Rückkehr in die gute Zeiten der Vergangenheit. In diesem Sinne ist davon auszugehen das dieser politischer Wechsel keinen zukunftsweisenden Charakter hat für Griechenland, sondern eine Übergansphase der Abfederung des sozialen Zorns darstellt. Es wird sich allerdings noch zeigen müssen ob die Folgen dieses Übergangsprozesses für Griechenland tragbar sind.
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2015
German Abstract: Der Aufstieg der extremen Pole im politischen Spektrum Europas entspricht moment... more German Abstract: Der Aufstieg der extremen Pole im politischen Spektrum Europas entspricht momentan noch einem Hilferuf von einfachen Burgerinnen und Burgern, verbunden mit dem Wunsch nach einer ernsthaften Auseinandersetzung, mit den tragischen Sackgasse die in europaischen Lebensalltag reproduziert werden. In diesem Fall kummert es die Burger kaum ob das rechtsextreme Lager , die Sozialdemokratie, die Grunen oder der linke Populismus einen Antrieb erfahrt noch ob die Konservativen in Europa ihre Vorherrschaft fortsetzen. Viel mehr verlangen die Burger eine zuverlassige Losung ihrer wirklich wichtigsten Alltagsprobleme. In diesem Zusammenhang existiert eine Notwendigkeit fur Europa, aus der Logik der geschlossenen Kreise rauszukommen in denen Politiker untereinander in Fraktionen und Ausschussen verhandeln. Es besteht die klare Notwendigkeiten der Wiederendeckung des souveranen Volkes. Im heutigen Sinne handelt es sich um das europaische Volk das an sich noch nicht institutionalisiert ist ( Habermas: 1996). Daher auch der Mangel an Demokratie . Die fortschrittlichen Krafte Europas , allen voran die Sozialdemokratie sollten sich mit dem Gedanken konfrontieren ein neues Potential an offentlichen Gutern zu definieren im Rahmen eines gesamteuropaischen Sozialstaates der die neuen Ungleichheiten in Europa zu entscharfen vermag. Denn die Vereinigung Europas ist braucht letztendlich ein entsprechendes gedankliches institutionelles Vorspiel, das wie ein Idealtyp im Bewusstsein der Burger funktionieren kannEnglish Abstract: The rise of the extreme poles in the European political Spectrum, corresponds currently with a clear call for help by the site of simple People, combined with the desire for a serious confrontation with the tragic impasse reproduced by the extreme Problems of the everyday live . In this case, the Citizens spends little care about the Question whether the far-right, the Social Democrats, the Greens or left-wing populism becomes a drive, even if the conservatives in Europe continue their dominance. Much more the Citizens requires a reliable solution to their really important everyday problems. In this context, there is a need for Europe, to get out from the logic of closed circles , in which politicians negotiate with each other in groups or other forms of Representation . There is a clear necessity of recover the mean of sovereignty of the People in a holistic European Dimension that has to be institutionalized (Habermas 1996). Hence the lack of democracy. The progressive Forces of Europe, led by the Social Democrats should confront herself with the idea to define a new potential of public Goods in the context of a pan-European welfare state that is able to defuse the new inequalities in Europe. The e-unification of Europe ultimately needs an appropriate institutional notionally foreplay, which can function as an ideal type in the consciousness of the citizen.
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2015
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2015
Admittedly, the balance of power within the European institutions, especially those related to fi... more Admittedly, the balance of power within the European institutions, especially those related to financial stability and economic policy, is controlled by Germany. The German Federal Republic as the "main creditor" controls the Eurogroup, the Euro Working Group and has privileged relations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the European Central Bank (ECB). Due to this fact, Wolfgang Schäuble as the exponent of the hard German economic strategy has a leading role within the European decision-making institutions. France, Italy and other countries are unsuccessfully trying to counteract and mitigate the German influence, as shown by the Greek issue. This framework is tightly connected with the negotiating ability of any country that inconsistently attempts to reverse the status quo, modify the rules or change the terms of an agreement. The Greek government of Alexis Tsipras sufficiently experienced this suffocating experience and announced a referendum as an attempt to open the field of negotiations.
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2015
Η κρίση καλλιέργησε το έδαφος για την εκκωφαντική καταδίκη των αρνητικών πτυχών της λιτότητας που... more Η κρίση καλλιέργησε το έδαφος για την εκκωφαντική καταδίκη των αρνητικών πτυχών της λιτότητας που εφαρμόζεται ανεπιτυχώς επί τρία συναπτά έτη στις περιφερειακές χώρες του ευρώ. Μαζί με την καταδίκη αυτή ανέκυψε ωστόσο το ερώτημα μήπως η συγκεκριμένη πολιτική έχει κάποιο δύσκολα αντιληπτό νόημα. Με δεδομένο μάλιστα ότι το επίκαιρο στίγμα, που έχει καταφέρει η κρίση να καθιερώσει στο συλλογικό υποσυνείδητο, είναι το στίγμα του νεοφιλελευθερισμού.
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Papers by Emmanouil Mavrozacharakis
Τα αποτελέσματα των νεότερων ερευνών γύρω από την δημοτικότητα της δημοκρατίας δυτικού τύπου είναι μάλλον τρομακτικά. Οι περισσότεροι ερωτηθέντες δεν έχουν καμία ή ελάχιστη εμπιστοσύνη στην πολιτική , δυσπιστούν απέναντι στα ΜΜΕ , απέναντι στην δικαιοσύνη και συνολικά απέναντι στους θεσμούς.
Η πιο εύλογη ερμηνεία των παραπάνω αποτελεσμάτων είναι ότι υπάρχει ένας μεγάλος αριθμός νέων Ευρωπαίων οι οποίοι προφανώς έχουν απολέσει την πίστη τους στο πολιτικό σύστημα που τους περιβάλει, με την έννοια ότι δεν ελπίζουν πλέον ότι θα τους δώσει το δικαίωμα και την ευκαιρία να ξεδιπλώσουν ελεύθερα την προσωπικότητα τους. Ειδικότερα οι νέες γενιές ξυπνάνε καθημερινά με την αίσθηση ότι η δημοκρατία δεν έχει να τους προσφέρει παρά μόνο ανυπόστατες ελπίδες.
Την ίδια στιγμή αυξάνεται και η δυσπιστία απέναντι στις δομές του κράτους υπό την έννοια ότι η πλειοψηφία των νέων Ευρωπαίων αισθάνεται προδομένη από τις άλλες γενιές αλλά και από το σύστημα. Τα ευρήματά των ερευνών μια αποδυνάμωση της Δημοκρατίας η οποία ορίζεται και ως δημοκρατική αποσύνθεση. Αυτό σημαίνει ένα άνοιγμα των πολιτών απέναντι σε αυταρχικές εναλλακτικές λύσεις. Η μακροπρόθεσμη σταθερότητα των δυτικών δημοκρατιών απαιτέι περισσότερη νομιμοποίηση σε εθνικό επίπεδο όχι μόνο για να εξασφαλιστεί χώρος για την εσωτερική πολιτική, αλλά και να εξασφαλίσει το σεβασμό προς κοινωνικές και οικονομικές δεσμεύσεις σε βάθος χρόνου.
Abstract English
The results of the latest research around the popularity of Western -style democracy is rather frightening. Most respondents have no or minimal trust in politics, mistrust in the media, towards justice and overall across institutions. The most reasonable interpretation of the above results is that there are a large number of young Europeans who apparently have lost their faith in the political system that surrounds them, in the sense that there are no hoping that will give them the right and the opportunity to develop freely their personality. In particular the new generations are waking up everyday with a sense that democracy has nothing to offer them except groundless hope.
At the same time increases the mistrust to the State structures in the sense that the majority of young Europeans feel betrayed by the other generations, but also from the system at all The research findings tend to an intense aweakening of democracy which is defined as democratic disconnect. That means , that citizens of mature democracies have become surprisingly open to nondemocratic alternatives. The long run Stability of western democracy needs greater legitimacy at the national level not only to secure space for domestic politics but also to secure respect for social and economic commitments over time.
Abstract English
The political, organizational and ideological impasse from which passes the European