Papers by Stewart Lloyd-Jones
The Carnation Revolution (Revolução dos Cravos) that broke out on the morning of 25 April 1974 ha... more The Carnation Revolution (Revolução dos Cravos) that broke out on the morning of 25 April 1974 has had a profound effect on Portuguese society, one that still has its echoes today, almost 30 years later, and which colours many of the political decision that have been, and which continue to be made. During the authoritarian regime of António de Oliveira Salazar (1932-68) and his successor, Marcello Caetano (1968-74), Portugal had existed in a world of its own construction. Its vast African empire (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, São Tomé e Príncipe, and Cape Verde) was consistently used to define Portugal's self-perceived identity as being 'in, but not of Europe'. Within Lisbon's corridors of power, the dissolution of the other European empires was viewed with horror, and despite international opprobrium and increasing isolation, the Portuguese dictatorship was in no way prepared to follow the path of decolonisation. As Salazar was to defiantly declare, Portugal would stand 'proudly alone', indeed, for a regime that had consciously legitimated itself by 'turning its back on Europe', there could be no alternative course of action. Throughout the 1960s and early-1970s, the Portuguese people were to pay a high price for the regime's determination to remain in Africa. From 1961 onwards, while the world's attention was focused on events in southeast Asia, Portugal was fighting its own wars. By the end of the decade, the Portuguese government was spending almost half of its GNP on sustaining a military presence of over 150,000 troops in Africa. The political, social and economic pressures of sustaining the war effort were significant. Between the outbreak of the wars in 1961 and the fall of the dictatorship in 1974, a total of 1.3 million Portuguese emigrated. Most of these emigrants were from the rural agricultural areas, and left behind them a residual elderly population incapable of working the land efficiently. Military demands for manpower and mass emigration created labour shortages in every sector of the economy, increasing the nation's need to import even the staples. The hardships of war provided opposition leaders with the tools that they could begin to use to undermine the regime domestically, while the regime's often
At its most superficial level, the coup of May 28, 1926 was little more than “a confused coincide... more At its most superficial level, the coup of May 28, 1926 was little more than “a confused coincidence of several coups”, all of which were united under the military by the sole desire to bring about the end of the hegemony (or dictatorship) of the Democratic Party. However, it is important to recognize that there were several competing motives behind the wish to bring an end to the liberal republic, ranging from the minimal (and unifying) desire to be rid of the Democratic Party and to install..
Policing Interwar Europe, 2007
This chapter focuses on the political role played by the Guarda Nacional Republicana (GNR) in Por... more This chapter focuses on the political role played by the Guarda Nacional Republicana (GNR) in Portuguese politics during the period 1919–22. The GNR was a gendarmerie force created in the aftermath of the republican revolution of October 1910 that put an end to the 75-year constitutional monarchy. It was the first truly national police force in Portuguese history and, after the Great War, became an independent revolutionary republican force.
Lusotopie, 2002
Um Fim ou um Principio para Portugal ? Algumas Notas sobre a Heranca do 25 April 1974. E chegado ... more Um Fim ou um Principio para Portugal ? Algumas Notas sobre a Heranca do 25 April 1974. E chegado o tempo de se fazer uma reavaliacao da heranca do 25 de Abril de 1974. Sustenta que foi criado um conjunto ae «verdades entendidas» sancionadas oficialmente a fim de proteger uma visao idealizada e ate mesmo mitologica das causas e das consequencias do levantamento e que essas «verdades entendidas» resultaram no facto do levantamento ser explicado e compreendido como um acontecimento independente das alteracoes sociais, economicas e politicas que estavam a ter lugar pelo menos desde os finais da decada de 1950. Prossegue, sugerindo que a Revolucao dos Cravos de 1974-76 foi importante, nao por ter trazido democracia a Portugal, mas porque a confusao revolucionaria criou uma diversao que permitiu que a democracia fosse trazida para Portugal.
Lusotopie, 2002
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Portuguese Journal of Social Science
Portuguese Journal of Social Science, 2003
Introduction It is generally acknowledged by democratic politicians and their supporters that the... more Introduction It is generally acknowledged by democratic politicians and their supporters that the main threat to their ideology at the beginning of the twentieth century came from the Left. One concomitant of liberal democracy was a belief in laissez-faire economics - a natural ...
Electoral Studies, Jan 1, 2002
Portugal, une identité dans la …, Jan 1, 2003
Portuguese Journal of Social Science, Jan 1, 2003
Introduction It is generally acknowledged by democratic politicians and their supporters that the... more Introduction It is generally acknowledged by democratic politicians and their supporters that the main threat to their ideology at the beginning of the twentieth century came from the Left. One concomitant of liberal democracy was a belief in laissez-faire economics - a natural ...
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Papers by Stewart Lloyd-Jones