Le présent article entend montrer comment les mots d’ordre de la guerre froide, les jeux d’aligne... more Le présent article entend montrer comment les mots d’ordre de la guerre froide, les jeux d’alignements, les ententes stratégiques résultent de processus politique croisant scènes intérieures et extérieures. Autour de l’analyse d’évéments clés, émerge une « domestication » de la guerre froide, c’est-à-dire l’incorporation de la bipolarisation comme cadre mental et cognitif pour penser les tensions internationales. Le travail comparatif autour de l’Irak et la Syrie vise à pondérer une historiographie qui laisse une large part aux dynamiques propres à l’Egypte. En reprenant les évolutions de ces deux pays, il devient possible de saisir pourquoi et comment neutralité et engagement en faveur du bloc de l’Est finissent au début des années 1960 à dominer un grand nombre des pays du Moyen-Orient.
This article aims to show how the slogans and protocols of the Cold War, strategic alliances, alignment in the bipolar world resulted from interplay between local and foreign policies. By focusing on events and the specific reaction of populations and the local authorities, it is possible to underline how the Cold War was “adopted”, in other words how it provided a cognitive system and a general framework through which actors analysed the international tensions. Comparisons drawn between Iraq and Egypt have altered the historiography, which overlapped events by referring to Egyptian history. Changes in both countries shed light on how and why the defense of neutrality and the Eastern Bloc became dominant at the beginning of the 1960s.
Le rapprochement de deux séquences de faits, l’une centrée sur les grandes manifestations du Cair... more Le rapprochement de deux séquences de faits, l’une centrée sur les grandes manifestations du Caire entre le 30 juin et le 3 juillet 2013, l’autre sur les combats de rue dans la capitale syrienne entre le 13 et le 23 juillet 2012, montre toute l’importance de mettre en récit les événements. Ces derniers sont envisagés comme outil de compréhension et mode de construction des sciences sociales. Après avoir constaté l’omission de cette catégorie d’analyse dans les sciences sociales, nous nous proposons d’introduire la notion de durée dans l’événement pour saisir la manière dont à un certain moment, de multiples temporalités se croisent et interagissent les unes avec les autres. Les situations changent, les acteurs apparaissent et disparaissent, leurs perceptions se transforment tout aussi rapidement. Dans le contexte révolutionnaire caractérisé par ces bouleversements incessants, seul le récit de l’événement, c’est-à-dire sa description pour lui-même, peut permettre de restituer la complexité de la réalité dans une narration propre à montrer les enjeux qui s’y déroulent.
L'État islamique est-il un État, comme il le revendique ? Ou désigne-t-il une nouvelle forme de s... more L'État islamique est-il un État, comme il le revendique ? Ou désigne-t-il une nouvelle forme de souveraineté de type impérial ? Matthieu Rey en retrace l'histoire en Syrie et en Irak, depuis la domination coloniale européenne et les deux guerres du Golfe.
In 1954, free legislative elections took place in Syria and in Iraq. In both countries, there was... more In 1954, free legislative elections took place in Syria and in Iraq. In both countries, there was a competition between different political forces for the first time. This might be considered as a period of pluralism. To understand these two elections, it is not enough to analyse the vote share in order to define the way majority was constituted. Both elections took place in an ‘electoral moment’ . Indeed, institutionalization of parliamentary mechanisms and election practices had been underway since the end of the Ottoman Empire. Furthermore, the political context in 1954, in both Syria and Iraq proved that the different components in the political arena were keen to participate in electoral politics. Thus, governments, parliamentarians, political opponents, executive members, all wanted to run for the elections. All of them regarded that the ballot box would mediate power between them. Taking into consideration the results alone, after studying the day of polling, might not help us understand the real significance of these elections. It had been built between protagonists who negotiated for power and its distribution.
Le Moyen-Orient est considéré encore aujourd'hui comme un espace dépourvu de traditions parlement... more Le Moyen-Orient est considéré encore aujourd'hui comme un espace dépourvu de traditions parlementaires propres. Il s'agit de restituer les expériences d'assemblées pour montrer comment cette région du monde n'est pas exceptionnelle, mais plutôt exemplaire d'évolutions mondiales. À la fin du XIXe siècle, l'espace politique se structure alors autour d'aspirations constitutionnalistes qui deviennent les mots d'ordre des révolutions perses et jeunes turcs. Une première grammaire du politique se forme. La première guerre mondiale modifie durablement ce premier système. Elle permet l'aboutissement du mouvement constitutionnaliste mais aussi occasionne sa disparition. A l'image de l'Europe, le parlementarisme libéral ne semble guère défendu au cours de l'entre-deux-guerres bien qu'il soit établi. La victoire des alliés en 1945 favorise un renouveau d'un certain libéralisme au Moyen-Orient. Les États désormais indépendants de toute tutelle étrangère construisent des parlements qui affirment leur centralité sur la scène politique avant de péricliter au début des années 1960.
Entre le 15 et le 27 janvier 1948, l’Irak connaît une succession de manifestations qui ne cessent... more Entre le 15 et le 27 janvier 1948, l’Irak connaît une succession de manifestations qui ne cessent de prendre de l’importance, menaçant à terme le régime. Elles sont appelées « Wathba ». Cet article vise à restituer les différentes logiques animant ces journées, autour des participants, des mobiles de lutte, ainsi que des formes prises par ces protestations. Si l’origine de la contestation demeure un problème diplomatique, un amalgame se produit dans la rue qui finit par déstabiliser les forces constituées et dépasser les premiers motifs de la colère populaire. La Wathba devient le moment charnière où les critiques de l’ordre international convergent avec celles de l’ordre social interne. Il s’agit également de rendre compte des logiques de répression et de comprendre leur rôle dans l’essor du mouvement.
Egyptian and Syrian crises have shared some common patterns in the last three years’ analyses. Re... more Egyptian and Syrian crises have shared some common patterns in the last three years’ analyses. Research and studies bearing on the revolutionary process, have for most part adopted a teleological approach, which consists of studying processes while focusing on the expected result. Adopting a chronological approach seems then essential for understanding the various factors shaping the political situation in Egypt and Syria today, as a historical approach focuses on the process itself rather than on the results.
Immediate history method can contribute some very insightful tools in understanding both situations. First, it requires all the expectations of the history: building some sequence of time and qualifying them by a notion; collecting documents and criticizing them; problematizing process. Second, it calls for the historian to be part of the process as a fieldworker. These two conditions lead us to a new understanding of the Egyptian and the Syrian processes.
In both cases, it may be argued that two dynamics impacted the situation. On the one hand, the revolution process caused some opposition to organize themselves and promote some activities against the regime. On the other hand, the institutional process dealt with the arrangements initiated to stop the first phenomenon by establishing a new set of powers. This incorporated new institutional framework, mainly in Egypt, and coercion, mainly in Syria. These two criteria can be used to draw different sequences.
Both the goals and the approach of this project lay at the intersection of several disciplines, although they mostly revolve around the writing of “immediate history” of the Revolution.
Le présent article entend montrer comment les mots d’ordre de la guerre froide, les jeux d’aligne... more Le présent article entend montrer comment les mots d’ordre de la guerre froide, les jeux d’alignements, les ententes stratégiques résultent de processus politique croisant scènes intérieures et extérieures. Autour de l’analyse d’évéments clés, émerge une « domestication » de la guerre froide, c’est-à-dire l’incorporation de la bipolarisation comme cadre mental et cognitif pour penser les tensions internationales. Le travail comparatif autour de l’Irak et la Syrie vise à pondérer une historiographie qui laisse une large part aux dynamiques propres à l’Egypte. En reprenant les évolutions de ces deux pays, il devient possible de saisir pourquoi et comment neutralité et engagement en faveur du bloc de l’Est finissent au début des années 1960 à dominer un grand nombre des pays du Moyen-Orient.
This article aims to show how the slogans and protocols of the Cold War, strategic alliances, alignment in the bipolar world resulted from interplay between local and foreign policies. By focusing on events and the specific reaction of populations and the local authorities, it is possible to underline how the Cold War was “adopted”, in other words how it provided a cognitive system and a general framework through which actors analysed the international tensions. Comparisons drawn between Iraq and Egypt have altered the historiography, which overlapped events by referring to Egyptian history. Changes in both countries shed light on how and why the defense of neutrality and the Eastern Bloc became dominant at the beginning of the 1960s.
Le rapprochement de deux séquences de faits, l’une centrée sur les grandes manifestations du Cair... more Le rapprochement de deux séquences de faits, l’une centrée sur les grandes manifestations du Caire entre le 30 juin et le 3 juillet 2013, l’autre sur les combats de rue dans la capitale syrienne entre le 13 et le 23 juillet 2012, montre toute l’importance de mettre en récit les événements. Ces derniers sont envisagés comme outil de compréhension et mode de construction des sciences sociales. Après avoir constaté l’omission de cette catégorie d’analyse dans les sciences sociales, nous nous proposons d’introduire la notion de durée dans l’événement pour saisir la manière dont à un certain moment, de multiples temporalités se croisent et interagissent les unes avec les autres. Les situations changent, les acteurs apparaissent et disparaissent, leurs perceptions se transforment tout aussi rapidement. Dans le contexte révolutionnaire caractérisé par ces bouleversements incessants, seul le récit de l’événement, c’est-à-dire sa description pour lui-même, peut permettre de restituer la complexité de la réalité dans une narration propre à montrer les enjeux qui s’y déroulent.
L'État islamique est-il un État, comme il le revendique ? Ou désigne-t-il une nouvelle forme de s... more L'État islamique est-il un État, comme il le revendique ? Ou désigne-t-il une nouvelle forme de souveraineté de type impérial ? Matthieu Rey en retrace l'histoire en Syrie et en Irak, depuis la domination coloniale européenne et les deux guerres du Golfe.
In 1954, free legislative elections took place in Syria and in Iraq. In both countries, there was... more In 1954, free legislative elections took place in Syria and in Iraq. In both countries, there was a competition between different political forces for the first time. This might be considered as a period of pluralism. To understand these two elections, it is not enough to analyse the vote share in order to define the way majority was constituted. Both elections took place in an ‘electoral moment’ . Indeed, institutionalization of parliamentary mechanisms and election practices had been underway since the end of the Ottoman Empire. Furthermore, the political context in 1954, in both Syria and Iraq proved that the different components in the political arena were keen to participate in electoral politics. Thus, governments, parliamentarians, political opponents, executive members, all wanted to run for the elections. All of them regarded that the ballot box would mediate power between them. Taking into consideration the results alone, after studying the day of polling, might not help us understand the real significance of these elections. It had been built between protagonists who negotiated for power and its distribution.
Le Moyen-Orient est considéré encore aujourd'hui comme un espace dépourvu de traditions parlement... more Le Moyen-Orient est considéré encore aujourd'hui comme un espace dépourvu de traditions parlementaires propres. Il s'agit de restituer les expériences d'assemblées pour montrer comment cette région du monde n'est pas exceptionnelle, mais plutôt exemplaire d'évolutions mondiales. À la fin du XIXe siècle, l'espace politique se structure alors autour d'aspirations constitutionnalistes qui deviennent les mots d'ordre des révolutions perses et jeunes turcs. Une première grammaire du politique se forme. La première guerre mondiale modifie durablement ce premier système. Elle permet l'aboutissement du mouvement constitutionnaliste mais aussi occasionne sa disparition. A l'image de l'Europe, le parlementarisme libéral ne semble guère défendu au cours de l'entre-deux-guerres bien qu'il soit établi. La victoire des alliés en 1945 favorise un renouveau d'un certain libéralisme au Moyen-Orient. Les États désormais indépendants de toute tutelle étrangère construisent des parlements qui affirment leur centralité sur la scène politique avant de péricliter au début des années 1960.
Entre le 15 et le 27 janvier 1948, l’Irak connaît une succession de manifestations qui ne cessent... more Entre le 15 et le 27 janvier 1948, l’Irak connaît une succession de manifestations qui ne cessent de prendre de l’importance, menaçant à terme le régime. Elles sont appelées « Wathba ». Cet article vise à restituer les différentes logiques animant ces journées, autour des participants, des mobiles de lutte, ainsi que des formes prises par ces protestations. Si l’origine de la contestation demeure un problème diplomatique, un amalgame se produit dans la rue qui finit par déstabiliser les forces constituées et dépasser les premiers motifs de la colère populaire. La Wathba devient le moment charnière où les critiques de l’ordre international convergent avec celles de l’ordre social interne. Il s’agit également de rendre compte des logiques de répression et de comprendre leur rôle dans l’essor du mouvement.
Egyptian and Syrian crises have shared some common patterns in the last three years’ analyses. Re... more Egyptian and Syrian crises have shared some common patterns in the last three years’ analyses. Research and studies bearing on the revolutionary process, have for most part adopted a teleological approach, which consists of studying processes while focusing on the expected result. Adopting a chronological approach seems then essential for understanding the various factors shaping the political situation in Egypt and Syria today, as a historical approach focuses on the process itself rather than on the results.
Immediate history method can contribute some very insightful tools in understanding both situations. First, it requires all the expectations of the history: building some sequence of time and qualifying them by a notion; collecting documents and criticizing them; problematizing process. Second, it calls for the historian to be part of the process as a fieldworker. These two conditions lead us to a new understanding of the Egyptian and the Syrian processes.
In both cases, it may be argued that two dynamics impacted the situation. On the one hand, the revolution process caused some opposition to organize themselves and promote some activities against the regime. On the other hand, the institutional process dealt with the arrangements initiated to stop the first phenomenon by establishing a new set of powers. This incorporated new institutional framework, mainly in Egypt, and coercion, mainly in Syria. These two criteria can be used to draw different sequences.
Both the goals and the approach of this project lay at the intersection of several disciplines, although they mostly revolve around the writing of “immediate history” of the Revolution.
In November 1952, massive riots took place in Baghdad. The riots lasted for at least one week. T... more In November 1952, massive riots took place in Baghdad. The riots lasted for at least one week. They were called the « Intifadah ». This Intifadah has been analyzed for its political impact without considering the actual events. I intend to study the different parties involved in these riots and their motivations. The Intifadah is very interesting also because it occured four years after other massive riots, the Wathba. Indeed, comparing the two events can help understanding the experiences that crowds and their leaders acquired during these events. It is thus possible to understand how the « Iraqi street » impacted on the power and how it became an arena between the different oppositional forces. I intend to draw an analytical description focusing on the continuity and the differences between the Wathba and the Intifadah. First of all, it seems that the Intifadah followed the same patterns as the Wathba. Students and workers reached together the street to demonstrate. They tried to merge and to make an assault on some institutions. This merger can only be understood if we take the support of political parties into consideration. However, the traditional pattern reached a peak during the first two days, showing that students, workers and activists had acquired political experience since 1948. It also prove that demonstrations had become an usual way of contestations in Iraq. Secondly, the differences between the 1952 Intifadah and the 1948 Wathba have to be discussed. Both had a diplomatic cause, both involved numerous crowds and both were quickly transformed into a massive popular movement. Therefore, a detailed analysis of these two movements seems to be relevant: who reacted to the demonstrations and how ? When and through which forms did different groups engaged in the riots? An explanation of these two events can be proposed through a historical and sociological analysis. However the Intifadah is specific by its violences. The demonstrators' targets and their violent behaviour have to be explained to show how riots might help supporting political, economical and national claims. In this way, the Intifadah marked a new stage in Iraqi history. Thirdly, it seems that this period is also insightful for a new way of governance. Indeed, the Intifadah of 1952 occured after the political field's standstill. That was a direct result of the Palestine war in 1948. Before the Intifadah, Iraq was governed by emergency laws, that made any participation and any critical attitude against the government, impossible. Consequently, the opposition to the government did not organize any longer as a political party, but chose instead an « exit » strategy. This observation helps us to explain that the majority of the politicians who participated in the riots asked to change electoral law and required political freedom. Even though all opposition groups went to the street together, not all of them defended the same goals. Nevertheless, the Communist, the Independent and the National Democratic Party, tried to use the demonstrations aiming to become a part of the general political field.
Key words : Iraq, Middle East, demonstration, social demand, exit strategy.
This paper focuses on the impact of « neutrality » within the hierarchy of political values in th... more This paper focuses on the impact of « neutrality » within the hierarchy of political values in the Arab East. In the middle of the fifties, a great shit took place among progressive forces in Syria. Michel Aflaq and his followers did believed in the Nasserist revolution as a means for changing the political system and to achieve Arab unification. This paper will focus on the connections between internal changes in Syria and the discourse of neutrality in order to understand how and when the Bathists came to be defenders of violent change in order to fulfill their program. It intends to show how cold war politics was played out within the national political arena and thereby ended up jeopardising the parliamentary system and justifying military regimes as a form of good government. This study will also shed light on the meaning of neutrality and its evolution from one of a fight against external interventions to that of cooperation with those powers or countries which assist them. Finally, I wish to understand how the political arena began to get divided by the Cold War and internalising its values, and how this process lead to a further radicalisation of the political struggle.
The Cold War has been generally studied from the perspective of the Great Powers without taking i... more The Cold War has been generally studied from the perspective of the Great Powers without taking into consideration local feelings and reactions. Works on the beginning of the Cold War shared this misunterstanding. It is commonly unterstood that the Cold War started in 1946 thanks to the Iranian and the Turkish crises. Eventhough these two events were important, they were not the « local » beginning of the Cold War. In the present paper, I argue that a reading of the local press and focusing on local reactions and perception might change the way we understand the history of the Cold War in the Middle East. Following Rashid Khalidi's recent works, it is necessary to assess the role of the Cold War in shaping the local political arena so as better appreciate how it had been tamed. Syria is an interesting case in point. In 1946, it was an new independent country. A large section of the political class was in favor of the United States, remembering its help during the national struggle. On the contrary, Communist activities were very low. None of the events happening that took place in Europe seemed to be of any importance or of particular interest for Syrian or Arab news. In this regard, the Cold War was conceived primaly as a European matter. Things changed by 1950. Gradually, the Syrian press and politicians became aware of the international tension and the tense situation. During the Korean War, a new vocabulary appeared and « Neutrality » came to dominate as the right response to the way the situation was unfolding.
Key words : Cold War, Middle East, Neutrality, Arab Political Forces.
Entre le milieu des années 1950 et le début des 1970, un nouveau jeu politique s'organise en Irak... more Entre le milieu des années 1950 et le début des 1970, un nouveau jeu politique s'organise en Irak et en Syrie, autour de la montée en puissance de groupes situés aux marges, appartenant à des catégories délaissées. Cette mutation procède en trois temps. Tout d'abord, le système parlementaire entre en crise ne pouvant répondre aux urgences sociales et économiques. Puis des séries de coup et de contre-coups bouleversent les équipes dirigeantes, déconstruisant toujours plus les ressorts normatifs régulant l'Etat. Enfin, deux chefs parviennent autour de leur personne, à faire consensus devant des sociétés fatiguées de secousses répétées. Ils stabilisent de nouvelles formules de gouvernement en suspendant les mécanismes même qui leur ont permis de connaître leur promotion.
Les premiers mouvements de contestation à Deraa, en mars 2011, ont conduit à une profonde transfo... more Les premiers mouvements de contestation à Deraa, en mars 2011, ont conduit à une profonde transformation de la socialisation politique de la population syrienne. Elle a vu la formation de structures militantes, originales et particulièrement résistantes, les coordinations locales (altansiqiyya al-mahalliyya). Le principe est aussi simple que nécessaire dans un contexte hyper-répressif : quelques individus se réunissent pour mettre en commun leurs efforts en faveur de la mobilisation. Chaque cellule comporte de cinq à quelques dizaines de membres, selon les espaces concernés. Elle reproduit la structure spatiale de la révolution : les quartiers ou les villages. Ainsi reflète-t-elle le visage de chaque lieu de la Syrie. La mise en place du pavage sur l'ensemble du territoire a été extrêmement rapide. Dès mai et juin 2011, il était possible de décompter plus de quatre-vingt-dix comités de coordination locale essaimant sur tout le territoire a . S'ensuivit un second processus tendant à fragmenter le mouvement : l'unification au niveau national à travers des collèges représentatifs de chaque gouvernorat auxquels n'adhérèrent pas toutes les coordinations, d'où un effet de division.
Le 30 juillet 2011, le colonel Riyad al-As'ad inaugure un nouveau rituel de la révolution syrienn... more Le 30 juillet 2011, le colonel Riyad al-As'ad inaugure un nouveau rituel de la révolution syrienne. Devant les caméras, il présente sa carte d'identité et annonce sa désertion. Avec quelques autres officiers, il fonde l'Armée syrienne libre (al-jaych al-souri al-hourr), ou ASL. Les commentateurs s'emparent de cette nouvelle pour parler de militarisation et engager un long monologue sur la possible qualification de la situation syrienne comme guerre civile. Une narration propose dès lors de considérer cette prise d'armes comme la suite logique des mobilisations populaires. Elle distingue ainsi les deux temps et les deux dynamiques, voire les acteurs, pour suggérer ce qui s'apparenterait à une révolution par le haut : des officiers font défection et « créent » la lutte armée. Il s'agit ici de nuancer cette approche en proposant une généalogie de la militarisation de la lutte syrienne entre mars et décembre 2011.
L'ultimo califfato. L'Organizzazione dello Stato islamico in Medio Oriente
Massimiliano Trentin (... more L'ultimo califfato. L'Organizzazione dello Stato islamico in Medio Oriente Massimiliano Trentin (a cura di) Il Mulino, Bologna, 2017, pp. 237. ISBN: 978-88-15-26749-8
Indice Introduzione p.7 1. Le dimensioni del fenomeno “Stato islamico”, di Lorenzo Declich p.15 2. Dall’Iraq al Medio Oriente: l’IS e la creazione di una nuova entità politica, di Matthieu Rey p. 33 3. Le tribù di Ninive: la base dello “Stato islamico”, di Koumay al-Mulhem p. 55 4. Tra “Oriente” e “Occidente”: io gioco degli specchi del fenomeno “Stato islamico”, di Lorenzo Trombetta p. 77 5. Il califfato di al-Baghdadi: l’ideologia dello “Stato islamico”, di Barbara De Poli p. 97 6. L’Organizzazione dello stato islamico, o il trionfo del nichilismo, di Antoine Courban p. 125 7. Le risposte regionali all’ascesa di IS: la trasformazione delle alleanze e le rivalità di lunga durata, di Fred H. Lawson p. 155 8. Cogliere l’occasione: l’Organizzazione dello stato islamico nella lotta per il Medio Oriente, di Massimiliano Trentin p. 183
Bibliografia p. 213 Indie dei Nomi p. 227 Gli autori
Alors que depuis décembre 2010, mouvements de contestation, soulèvements, révolutions bouleversen... more Alors que depuis décembre 2010, mouvements de contestation, soulèvements, révolutions bouleversent le Moyen-Orient, ce dossier de Vingtième Siècle revient sur la place et la fonction qu'ont occupées les armées dans plusieurs pays (Égypte, Irak, Israël, Liban, Turquie, Syrie), sur leur rapport à d'autres formes de pouvoir, notamment politique. Au moment de la constitution de ces armées, les militaires se voient reconnaître deux missions, celle d’intégrer les différentes composantes de la nation et celle de la défendre. Ils assument cependant bientôt un rôle plus important, hérité de l’époque ottomane : ils deviennent des arbitres des forces sociales et politiques, voire, dans certains cas, ils renversent les régimes, au nom d’un idéal révolutionnaire.
Pourquoi, dans des contextes historiques et dans des configurations sociopolitiques différenciée... more Pourquoi, dans des contextes historiques et dans des configurations sociopolitiques différenciées et évolutives, des acteurs politiques ont-ils opté pour l’usage en politique du lexique islamique ? L'enjeu du présent ouvrage est d’offrir une historicisation et une périodisation “longue” de ses traductions successives afin de restituer les modalités d’élaboration et de reproduction de l’alchimie identitaire qui fait choisir le lexique islamique. Chaque contribution doit s’inscrire dans un contexte spatial et temporel clairement défini et s'appuyer sur une documentation innovante. Des entretiens personnels seront organisés avec les directeurs de l’ouvrage pour préciser chacune des participations. Les abstracts (500 mots) sont attendus pour le 7 septembre 2015, et doivent être envoyés à [email protected] et [email protected] . Pour plus d’information, https://histoiredesmobilisationsislamistes.wordpress.com/
Le combat entre le régime syrien et ses opposants s’est en partie joué sur un plan interprétatif ... more Le combat entre le régime syrien et ses opposants s’est en partie joué sur un plan interprétatif et discursif. Loin d’être anodins, les termes et les expressions employés, ainsi que les cadrages des événements proposés par les différents acteurs de la crise révolutionnaire, sont porteurs de significations sociales et politiques situées. L’objectif de cet article est de les analyser en contextualisant les moments de leur émergence et en évoquant l’imaginaire collectif avec lesquels ils font résonance. Il montre tout d’abord la forte prégnance du local, malgré le travail d’alignement permanent qui cherche à les unifier et les universaliser ; ensuite, leur résonance avec des récits historiques qui facilitent leur diffusion et les inscrivent dans la longue durée ; enfin, leur articulation avec une réalité du terrain changeante. La production langagière des acteurs de la crise participe ainsi à la construction de cette dernière pour en devenir une partie constitutive fondamentale.
The struggle between the Syrian regime and its opponents has played out, to a certain extent, through the various interpretations and discourses applied to it. The words and expressions used by different actors have indeed framed perceptions of reality and, consequently, affected the social and political signification of events as they unfold. This article aims to analyze these words and expressions by contextualizing them and by highlighting the collective memory they evoke. It will begin by demonstrating the importance of the local context despite continual efforts to unify and universalize slogans. It goes on to show how these discourses resonate with historical narratives, allowing for their dissemination and inscribing them into long-term historical trends. Finally, the article explores the connection between the ever-changing reality on the ground and the way vocabulary has evolved. Through language, actors build discourses that create a certain reality.
Uploads
Papers by Matthieu Rey
This article aims to show how the slogans and protocols of the Cold War, strategic alliances, alignment in the bipolar world resulted from interplay between local and foreign policies. By focusing on events and the specific reaction of populations and the local authorities, it is possible to underline how the Cold War was “adopted”, in other words how it provided a cognitive system and a general framework through which actors analysed the international tensions. Comparisons drawn between Iraq and Egypt have altered the historiography, which overlapped events by referring to Egyptian history. Changes in both countries shed light on how and why the defense of neutrality and the Eastern Bloc became dominant at the beginning of the 1960s.
Talks by Matthieu Rey
Immediate history method can contribute some very insightful tools in understanding both situations. First, it requires all the expectations of the history: building some sequence of time and qualifying them by a notion; collecting documents and criticizing them; problematizing process. Second, it calls for the historian to be part of the process as a fieldworker. These two conditions lead us to a new understanding of the Egyptian and the Syrian processes.
In both cases, it may be argued that two dynamics impacted the situation. On the one hand, the revolution process caused some opposition to organize themselves and promote some activities against the regime. On the other hand, the institutional process dealt with the arrangements initiated to stop the first phenomenon by establishing a new set of powers. This incorporated new institutional framework, mainly in Egypt, and coercion, mainly in Syria. These two criteria can be used to draw different sequences.
Both the goals and the approach of this project lay at the intersection of several disciplines, although they mostly revolve around the writing of “immediate history” of the Revolution.
This article aims to show how the slogans and protocols of the Cold War, strategic alliances, alignment in the bipolar world resulted from interplay between local and foreign policies. By focusing on events and the specific reaction of populations and the local authorities, it is possible to underline how the Cold War was “adopted”, in other words how it provided a cognitive system and a general framework through which actors analysed the international tensions. Comparisons drawn between Iraq and Egypt have altered the historiography, which overlapped events by referring to Egyptian history. Changes in both countries shed light on how and why the defense of neutrality and the Eastern Bloc became dominant at the beginning of the 1960s.
Immediate history method can contribute some very insightful tools in understanding both situations. First, it requires all the expectations of the history: building some sequence of time and qualifying them by a notion; collecting documents and criticizing them; problematizing process. Second, it calls for the historian to be part of the process as a fieldworker. These two conditions lead us to a new understanding of the Egyptian and the Syrian processes.
In both cases, it may be argued that two dynamics impacted the situation. On the one hand, the revolution process caused some opposition to organize themselves and promote some activities against the regime. On the other hand, the institutional process dealt with the arrangements initiated to stop the first phenomenon by establishing a new set of powers. This incorporated new institutional framework, mainly in Egypt, and coercion, mainly in Syria. These two criteria can be used to draw different sequences.
Both the goals and the approach of this project lay at the intersection of several disciplines, although they mostly revolve around the writing of “immediate history” of the Revolution.
First of all, it seems that the Intifadah followed the same patterns as the Wathba. Students and workers reached together the street to demonstrate. They tried to merge and to make an assault on some institutions. This merger can only be understood if we take the support of political parties into consideration. However, the traditional pattern reached a peak during the first two days, showing that students, workers and activists had acquired political experience since 1948. It also prove that demonstrations had become an usual way of contestations in Iraq.
Secondly, the differences between the 1952 Intifadah and the 1948 Wathba have to be discussed. Both had a diplomatic cause, both involved numerous crowds and both were quickly transformed into a massive popular movement. Therefore, a detailed analysis of these two movements seems to be relevant: who reacted to the demonstrations and how ? When and through which forms did different groups engaged in the riots? An explanation of these two events can be proposed through a historical and sociological analysis. However the Intifadah is specific by its violences. The demonstrators' targets and their violent behaviour have to be explained to show how riots might help supporting political, economical and national claims. In this way, the Intifadah marked a new stage in Iraqi history.
Thirdly, it seems that this period is also insightful for a new way of governance. Indeed, the Intifadah of 1952 occured after the political field's standstill. That was a direct result of the Palestine war in 1948. Before the Intifadah, Iraq was governed by emergency laws, that made any participation and any critical attitude against the government, impossible. Consequently, the opposition to the government did not organize any longer as a political party, but chose instead an « exit » strategy. This observation helps us to explain that the majority of the politicians who participated in the riots asked to change electoral law and required political freedom. Even though all opposition groups went to the street together, not all of them defended the same goals. Nevertheless, the Communist, the Independent and the National Democratic Party, tried to use the demonstrations aiming to become a part of the general political field.
Key words : Iraq, Middle East, demonstration, social demand, exit strategy.
In the present paper, I argue that a reading of the local press and focusing on local reactions and perception might change the way we understand the history of the Cold War in the Middle East. Following Rashid Khalidi's recent works, it is necessary to assess the role of the Cold War in shaping the local political arena so as better appreciate how it had been tamed.
Syria is an interesting case in point. In 1946, it was an new independent country. A large section of the political class was in favor of the United States, remembering its help during the national struggle. On the contrary, Communist activities were very low. None of the events happening that took place in Europe seemed to be of any importance or of particular interest for Syrian or Arab news. In this regard, the Cold War was conceived primaly as a European matter.
Things changed by 1950. Gradually, the Syrian press and politicians became aware of the international tension and the tense situation. During the Korean War, a new vocabulary appeared and « Neutrality » came to dominate as the right response to the way the situation was unfolding.
Key words : Cold War, Middle East, Neutrality, Arab Political Forces.
Massimiliano Trentin (a cura di)
Il Mulino, Bologna, 2017, pp. 237.
ISBN: 978-88-15-26749-8
Link: https://www.mulino.it/isbn/9788815267498
Indice
Introduzione p.7
1. Le dimensioni del fenomeno “Stato islamico”, di Lorenzo Declich p.15
2. Dall’Iraq al Medio Oriente: l’IS e la creazione di una nuova entità politica, di Matthieu Rey p. 33
3. Le tribù di Ninive: la base dello “Stato islamico”, di Koumay al-Mulhem p. 55
4. Tra “Oriente” e “Occidente”: io gioco degli specchi del fenomeno “Stato islamico”, di Lorenzo Trombetta p. 77
5. Il califfato di al-Baghdadi: l’ideologia dello “Stato islamico”, di Barbara De Poli p. 97
6. L’Organizzazione dello stato islamico, o il trionfo del nichilismo, di Antoine Courban p. 125
7. Le risposte regionali all’ascesa di IS: la trasformazione delle alleanze e le rivalità di lunga durata, di Fred H. Lawson p. 155
8. Cogliere l’occasione: l’Organizzazione dello stato islamico nella lotta per il Medio Oriente, di Massimiliano Trentin p. 183
Bibliografia p. 213
Indie dei Nomi p. 227
Gli autori
The struggle between the Syrian regime and its opponents has played out, to a certain extent, through the various interpretations and discourses applied to it. The words and expressions used by different actors have indeed framed perceptions of reality and, consequently, affected the social and political signification of events as they unfold. This article aims to analyze these words and expressions by contextualizing them and by highlighting the collective memory they evoke. It will begin by demonstrating the importance of the local context despite continual efforts to unify and universalize slogans. It goes on to show how these discourses resonate with historical narratives, allowing for their dissemination and inscribing them into long-term historical trends. Finally, the article explores the connection between the ever-changing reality on the ground and the way vocabulary has evolved. Through language, actors build discourses that create a certain reality.