
Yang LIAO 廖暘
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Papers by Yang LIAO 廖暘
明万历《方氏墨谱》《程氏墨苑》刊六根清净墨样,构图恍若月下竹影,竹梢圆轮实则为梵字金刚笑轮。墨锭另一面铭“六根清净”,印“生欢喜心”,正背图文呼应且互补,《程氏墨苑》中编者程大约更借题挥斥胸臆。此墨与布袋弥勒合款;至清乾隆十六罗汉像屏之上,类似竹图则与第一扇屏面的尊者相表里,寓意安养于极乐世界。从合款再到移植入更广阔的语境,图样流转过程中经艺术家们创作重组,精神内涵潜移默化。以六根清净图为线索,可见利用各种象征元素而不断重构语境,跨媒介跨阶层跨族群跨文化的交流互动滋生灵感、丰满意蕴。
《千佛与世界:西藏阿里札达东嘎2号窟再认识》(《形象史学》第32辑,2024年冬之卷)一文的附录,为该窟周壁壁画贤劫千佛尊号榜题与序列编号。
in: Religious Faith and Ethnic Culture 17, eds. HE Xingliang and GUO Hongzhen (Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press, 2023), 17-55.
近十年以來, 文獻記載中的“海侖” 逐漸引起學者們的關注。通過各種著錄可知多件五十三參圖、十八尊者像等作品具其款印, 幷從不同角度關聯到“烏斯藏”。進一步拓寬視野, 可檢出海內外收藏的多件傳世品亦據署款或題簽而系于其名下, 從而形成多維度的圖文證據群, 使得反思明清以來的既有認識成爲可能。同時, 澄清歷史原貌的嘗試也有助于思考特定地域和文化語境中的內地人群對于西藏文化的誤讀和借用。
刊於何星亮、郭宏珍主編:《宗教信仰與民族文化》第17輯,北京:社會科學文獻出版社,2023年,第17-55頁
DOI:10.16319/j.cnki.0452-7402.2020.12.003
Part Two
DOI:10.16319/j.cnki.0452-7402.2021.01.005
Visual materials discovered in China suggest that the maṇḍalas created based on Āryagrahamātṛka-dhāraṇī and related ritual texts emerged in the 12th-13th centuries. The deification of the Dhāraṇī as the holy mother of the astral deities, Grahamātṛkā (Ch. 星曜佛母, Tib. gZa’ yum), appeared in the first half of the 14th century at the latest, according to historical documents. The earliest known representations of her are found in the murals and clay statues of Tsuglagkhang at Pelkhor Chöde Monastery in Gyantse, TAR, and the adjoining Great Kumbum Stūpa, dating back to the first half of the 15th century. Her images can be divided into two types that trace back to different lineages. Additionally, a new iconographic type was created in Tibet. Buddhist practices that focus on Grahamātṛkā involve reciting mantras and offering to planetary deities to pray for longevity and safety. Her dhāraṇī was often copied together with several special dhāraṇīs, and therefore she forms various combinations with other goddesses of the same function. In retrospect, her prototype may be found in earlier Indian culture. Later, she was also extensively worshipped in Inner China, where she was associated with Doumu斗姆. The creation and transformation of her is a microcosm of the evolution of the Buddhist pantheon during that time.
目前尋得的中國材料顯示,根據《聖曜母陀羅尼》及相關儀軌創作的曼荼羅出現在12-13世紀,而星曜佛母形象則至遲出現在14世紀上半葉,尚存于15世紀上半葉西藏江孜白居寺祖拉康與吉祥多門塔繪塑等作品中。圖像分屬兩個體系,可追溯到不同的傳承,在西藏還出現新的面貌。星曜佛母法事的根基在于誦咒供養諸曜,祈世壽平安。該咒常與數種陀羅尼合抄,而作爲陀羅尼化身的星曜佛母則因此與其他同樣職司護佑的女神形成多種組合。繼續往前追溯,在更早的印度文化中或可發現其原型;而向後發展,她與中國內地崇奉的斗母又有所牽連。其創造與改造的歷程,是當時神系演化的一個縮影。
The four corners of an astral maṇḍala from Khara-Khoto feature a special motif. This motif, which depicts a half-vajra on top of a crescent moon outside the circular wall, is not a common element of a maṇḍala. According to Buddhist rituals that are still popular in Tibet, this motif should appear in certain positions of a śāntihoma 'pacifying fire offering' hearth. This observation provides a foundation for interpreting Buddhist visual materials in the same cultural region. For example, the maṇḍala templates discovered in the Mogao Caves of Dunhuang, as well as the Xi Xia murals in the Yulin and the Eastern Thousand Buddha Caves, could be further analyzed using this foundation.
仪式是宗教实践非常重要的组成部分,但历史上举行的佛教仪式今人难于窥知,盖因其器用材质不能持久保存、甚或事后特意销毁之故。因此,在解读图像时关注细节特征,藉以寻找并还原仪式的环节与流程,是宗教美术史研究中非常重要的维度。本文尝试以一件个案研究展示在这方面进行探索的可能性。
黑水城发现的西夏星曜曼荼罗在圆形金刚墙外四隅绘初月半杵图案,相对少见。参考藏传佛教文物以及现在仍流行于藏地的仪式做法,可确知它出现于护摩炉四角。这可能为进一步解读同一文化区域的佛教图像——敦煌藏经洞所出9-10世纪曼荼罗样和榆林窟、东千佛洞西夏壁画等——提供新的线索。
This is the second in a series of case studies on Dungkar Cave 2. For the previous paper, see "To be Subdued or/and to be Assimilated: The Hindu and pan-Indian Deities in the Pantheon of Dharmadhātuvāgīśvaramaṇḍala painted on the Ceiling of Dungkar Cave 2".
作为藏传佛教后弘期早期的代表性视觉艺术遗存,约12世纪凿建的东嘎2号窟窟内绘塑与建筑空间共同营造出庞大的神系。窟顶壁画设计为立体的法界语自在曼荼罗,而主尊文殊形象(部分残毁)与目前进入学术视野的文本描述以及大多数存世图像有所不同。本文尝试指出并阐释该形象的特异之处,揭示此多面多臂化身形象的复合神格,丰富对于文殊菩萨图像志的认识,从而有助于理解特定时代佛教的发展、西藏跨文化交流交往中的包融与创造。
此为东嘎2号窟系列论文第二篇。第一篇请见《摄伏与融纳——试论西藏阿里札达东嘎2号窟法界语自在曼荼罗壁画的神系结构》。
元代回鶻僧必蘭納識里以元成宗替僧身份登上歷史舞臺,爲仁宗所用,在文宗朝的政治鬥爭中未能善終。正史有傳,簡筆勾勒出其特長與宗教身份、職位升遷。歷史、佛教史、語文學、民族學等多領域的研究者已深度挖掘各種相關資料進行補充,幷從不同角度充分展開探討。本文立足于前人既有的豐碩成果,從其多種名號入手、結合職銜等綫索,在文匯、序跋等佛教文獻以及金石材料中探求,嘗試輯補其事迹,做跨學科辨析綜合,從碎片化的存世材料中盡可能立體地復原人物,進而延展到其交游與譯撰涉及的群體。必蘭納識里對漢地天臺宗、禪宗義理的熱忱,與中峰明本等高僧、趙孟頫等文士的密切關係均頗具啓發性,亦有助于思考回鶻團體如何融入地方社會。他以通擅多種語言的才能擔負起溝通職責,正爲熔鑄統一多民族國家的進程所需;在元代大歷史背景下,其翻譯與創作展現出佛教文化承載了跨民族多元文化的接觸與融通。冀以片羽,求現吉光。
Key words: Tangut (Xīxià); Khara-khoto; astral cult; Grahamātṛkā-maṇḍala; homa ritual; transcultural communications.
https://akjournals.com/view/journals/062/76/1/article-p47.xml
青海省玉树州杂多县昂赛乡吉日沟塔群(སྐྱིད་རེའི་དགོན་གསེབ་མཆོད་རྟེན,当地亦称巴艾雄དཔལ་ངེ་གཞུང古塔)现为为省级文物保护单位,可据位置分布划为1-3号、4-5号两组。从遗存现状看,诸塔塔身呈铃形,平头粗大,未见塔刹。塔表绘有壁画,塔基部分在仰覆莲座图案周边表现护法神;塔身则绘成行小佛像,根据数量与尚存的题记推测为贤劫千佛。诸塔中1号塔保存相对较好,画风流行于13-14世纪,在千佛行列之前还表现半行上师小像。根据上师形像、序列可判断为噶举派传承,由整体构图以及建筑遗存可进一步推测塔群为高僧灵塔,当地传说更明确指向叶巴噶举。此处艺术遗存有助于更充分地展示澜沧江流域的文化以及早期噶举派艺术的风貌与蕴涵。
在辨识陕西延长七里村石窟明代浮雕神祇尊格的基础上,本文讨论该窟的诸尊组合、对应关系及整体图像配置。造像突显了以南北极、南北斗为核心的星斗信仰,折射出信众对消灾解厄、祈福延寿的宗教诉求。窟内镌刻的炽盛光佛像意义重大,是目前所知该佛明确出现在道教语境的首例造像材料,为进一步研究炽盛光佛信仰补充了新的证据,为探索艺术背后的信仰、文化与社会提供了关键线索。
Chishengguang paired with Bhaiṣajyaguru is common since Song Dynasty. The iconographical attributes of the planetary deities here again confirms and deepens the cognition of its Indo-Tibetan tradition (for details, see “Iconographical Analysis of a Ming Print of Fó shuō jīnlún fódǐng dàwēidé chìshèngguāng rúlái tuóluóní jīng in the Collection of Zhìhuà Monastery,” Journal of Tibetology vol. X). As far as the author knows, the spread of this iconography system in Inner China was geographically limited; accompanied with the eastward spread of Tibetan Buddhism, it is a reasonable route from the imperial court to the local prince.
水陆庵诸圣水陆殿中彩塑济济一堂,堪称明代雕塑精品。数字化保护工作的成功开展为美术史研究创造了良好条件。从图像志角度看,有若干尊尚可讨论。其中,前壁门两侧的第四、五铺像多被认为是法报化三身佛中的两身(另一身则是全殿中心的主尊毗卢遮那佛)。通过对塑像本身特征和眷属的辨识,可知组像四为药师佛及二胁侍菩萨、十二药叉大将,组像五为炽盛光佛及诸星神。
药师佛—炽盛光佛的对置是宋以来常见的图像配置之一。而这里出现星神形象则再次印证并深化了对印—藏体系星神图像的认知(详见拙文:《明智化寺本〈佛说金轮佛顶大威德炽盛光如来陀罗尼经〉图像研究》,载《藏学学刊》第10辑)。目前来看,这一图像志体系在内地的传播范围有限;而伴随藏传佛教的向东传播,从宫廷到藩府是合理的路径。
This paper attempts to broaden our understanding of subject matters during the early period of the second introduction of Buddhism into Tibet (Tib. bstan pa’i phyi dar), and accumulate visual materials for iconographical studies of Vajradevī (or Vajraceṭī), Lakṣmī, the Four Heavenly Kings, and vidyādhāra in Tibetan Buddhist art. Since the multiple relationships between the dhāraṇīs and the deities deserve deeper investigation, it also hopes to promote the publication and reading of the dhāraṇīs and praises on the verso of a thangka.
As for another paper focusing on the triad on the recto, see “Reflections on Some Paintings during the Early Period of the Second Diffusion of Buddhism into Tibet: a Mode of Structural Composition and Its Transitional Characteristics” (Palace Museum Journal no. 6, 2017) previously uploaded on academia.
本文考察一幅13世纪达隆唐卡,结合汉藏文画像法文本、唐卡正面构图布局与形象特征以及背面相应真言的识读成果,判定表现菩提场庄严,逐一比定诸尊,对相关的文本群、图像元素的来源等问题展开探究。本文尝试拓宽对于后宏期早期西藏艺术题材乃至佛教面貌的认识;为藏传佛教艺术中的金刚使女、吉祥天、护世四天王、持明等神祇的图像志研究积累材料;思考经咒与佛像的多重关系,并希望能够藉此推动对唐卡背面咒赞文字的公开与识读。
涉及该唐卡、侧重于画面神祇结构与构图布局的另一篇论文见《藏传佛教后宏期早期绘画的一种形式构成与其过渡特征》〉,《故宫博物院院刊》2017年第6期,第15-37页。
*Tejaprabha also came to Yunnan at the turn of Yuan and Ming Dynasties. The related visual remains are discovered in Dali and Lijiang, the local centers of the Bai and Naxi people respectively. Some regional characteristics are perceptible; for example, *Tejaprabha might bear some Tibetan Buddhist artistic features in Lijiang, which was an important stop along the Tea-Horse Road.
Generally speaking, *Tejaprabha was regarded as Buddhist equivalent to Emperor Ziwei紫微, the Taoist personification of the North Star. Furthermore, he was usually paired with the Medicine Buddha in Yunnan. A new triad was established after Śākyamuni’s joining, with each member representing an element of Confucian virtues. Other alternate members included Mārīcī and Mahāmāyūrī who was taken as a Buddha.
緣於熱烈而根深蒂固的星辰崇拜,漢地創造出能教令折伏諸天曜宿的熾盛光佛,敬信延綿不絕。唐時他始進入佛教神系,在唐密衰落的大趨勢之下,其信仰仍能逆勢而上,並傳播到回鶻、遼、西夏乃至日本和朝鮮半島。11-15世紀佛教神系重構的浪潮中,熾盛光佛一方面躋身東方諸佛,另一方面也出現在過去諸佛之中,信徒從時空兩個方面對他的身份進行了重構。
目前所獲雲南地方崇信熾盛光佛的證據集中在元末明初以後的大理和麗江地區,很大程度上豐富了對該信仰的認知。本文對兩地遺存的寫經和數處圖像進行討論,期待有更確鑿的認識,從而找尋熾盛光佛信仰傳播的痕跡與其圖像的地域特徵。
熾盛光如來的神通源自消災陀羅尼,人格化的熾盛光由佛頂而佛,迅速實現了身份的躍升,並被等同於星主,與道教神系中的紫微大帝相當。不僅如此,大理麗江賦予其神格新的內涵:他以星主身份為根柢、以藥師佛—熾盛光佛的匹配為基石,出現在多種佛的組合當中。本文在梳理的過程中也嘗試找尋不同組合背後的邏輯。
夏鲁寺东无量宫三面有回廊环绕,其内侧壁画绘制于1355年后,主要表现十座大塔,展示具吉祥米聚塔圣地、善逝八塔形制与大菩提塔量度,覆盖了藏式佛塔从建筑外观到宗教意涵的多个层面。上述题材虽非布顿大师首创,但在1352年前后经他择选、厘定、融汇而集大成,最终得以广泛传播。壁画忠实于布顿对佛塔的理解与设计并予完整反映,在藏传佛教美术发展历程中具有范式般的重要意义,可由此窥见西藏艺术臻于成熟定型并形成自我体系的时代风貌。
Tan Kongque (談孔雀, lit. talking peacock; or 彈孔雀, lit. playing peacock [with stringed instruments]) was a new ritual of Mahāmāyūrī Cult in Inner China that appeared during the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Following the Mahāmāyūrī-dhāraṇī-sūtra itself or the related ritual texts, the players would recite or chant according to the routine tune (qupai曲牌) with instrumental accompaniment, or even take part in a role-playing drama. This ritual was prevalent in Jiangsu and Zhejiang, and was also found in the North, Southwest and other regions of China. Widely welcomed by the public, it mainly acted as an important part of a funeral or salvation ceremony. Buddhist nuns and Taoist priests could participate in it, too. In the early Ming Dynasty, the religious rituals and melodies of both Buddhism and Taoism was formulated and ordained officially, which should make great attributions to the attraction and popularity of Tan Kongque.
《谈孔雀——明清时期孔雀经咒信仰的新形式与新功能》,《世界宗教文化》2019年第1期,第91-98页。
谈(弹)孔雀经是明清时期出现的孔雀经咒信仰新形式,即使用《孔雀经》以及《孔雀尊经科仪》之类仪式文本,按照曲牌诵唱、佐以乐器伴奏甚或分角色表演的宗教仪式。该法事盛行于江浙,亦见于北方、西南等地区,主要用于丧葬超度,可由尼女参与,亦为道教所化用,广受民众欢迎。其兴起与国家层面划定应赴僧有关,明早期钦定并颁行佛道仪范、法曲乐章,对谈孔雀的流行应起到推动作用。
This paper tried to outline how the Five Great Dhāraṇīs (Tib. gzungs chen sde lnga) came together as a group for Tibetan Buddhist consecration rites in perspective of the inscriptions on various tsha tshas found in the Western Tibet and published in recent years.
I. the singular occurrence of each dhāraṇī for consecration demonstrated by archaeological discoveries.
II. the ye dharma verse -- the earliest one used for the consecration rite.
III. the Vimaloṣṇīṣa-dhāraṇī and its heart dhāraṇī -- another dhāraṇī frequently appearing in the tsha tsha inscriptions from the Western Tibet
IV. The combination of the Five Great Dhāraṇīs
V. A similar consecratory set made up of five dhāraṇīs in Buddhist practice at the end of the 11th century.
VI. Summary
《装藏用五部大陀罗尼的组合过程——以西藏西部擦擦铭文为基础的考察》,载(奥)恭特朗·哈佐德、沈卫荣主编:《西藏宗谱:纪念古格·次仁加布藏学研究文集》,北京:中国藏学出版社,2018年,第511-534页
一、从考古发现看各种陀罗尼的出现
二、缘起偈——最早用于塔装藏的真言
三、佛顶无垢大、小陀罗尼——藏西擦擦铭文中另一种高频出现的陀罗尼
四、五部大陀罗尼的组合过程
五、11世纪末所见另一种五陀罗尼装藏体系
六、小结
In: Dunhuang Research issue 4 (2018), pp. 31-44.
1931年,聂历山利用西夏文文献《圣星母中道法事供养根》,判定并阐释黑水城遗址发现的星曜曼荼罗。而该仪轨所据的根本文本之一当为《诸星母陀罗尼经》,从敦煌藏经洞所见大量汉藏文本到黑水城、武威等地陆续发现的西夏文异译本《圣曜母陀罗尼经》,提示该信仰在河西这个文化汇流的核心地带的重要性。对比西藏与内地的材料,重新解读西夏图像,对于汉、藏、夏等文化相互之间的关联,对于多维度的影响以及河西的自身创造,无疑会有更准确的认知。
The Cultural Heritage of Tibetan Buddhist Art is found in the enormous area where Tibetan cultures, religions, and languages hold sway, stretching from Gilgit-Baltistan to Yunnan and Sichuan Provinces, PRC, and from the northern reaches of India, Nepal and Bhutan to large swathes of Qinghai and Gansu Provinces, PRC. Over the past decade, intensive field work, remarkable new discoveries of Tibetan texts and works of Tibetan art have been coupled with new approaches to research and the applications of new technologies in the study of Tibetan Buddhist art. As a result, the study of Tibetan Buddhist art history has attracted increasing attention from a larger number of disciplines. Thus, we hold this symposium to promote scholarly communication and interaction.
We are very glad to announce the program of the symposium, Thank you very much for your contribution and welcome to Cambridge.
Conveners:
Prof. ZHANG Changhong
(The Palace Museum, Beijing; HYI Coordinate Research Scholar 2017-18)
Prof. LIAO Yang
(Chinese Academy of Social Sciences; HYI Visiting Scholar 2017-18)
Mr. WANG Chuanbo
(Doctoral Candidate, Zhejiang University; HYI Visiting Fellow 2017-18)
Harvard Faculty Moderators:
Prof. Leonard W. J. van der Kuijp
(Professor of Tibetan and Himalayan Studies, South Asian Studies; Chair: Inner Asian and Altaic Studies, Harvard University)
Prof. Eugene Y. Wang
(Abby Aldrich Rockefeller Professor of Asian Art, Harvard University)
Prof. Jinah Kim
(Gardner Cowles Associate Professor of History of Art and Architecture, South Asian Art )
明万历《方氏墨谱》《程氏墨苑》刊六根清净墨样,构图恍若月下竹影,竹梢圆轮实则为梵字金刚笑轮。墨锭另一面铭“六根清净”,印“生欢喜心”,正背图文呼应且互补,《程氏墨苑》中编者程大约更借题挥斥胸臆。此墨与布袋弥勒合款;至清乾隆十六罗汉像屏之上,类似竹图则与第一扇屏面的尊者相表里,寓意安养于极乐世界。从合款再到移植入更广阔的语境,图样流转过程中经艺术家们创作重组,精神内涵潜移默化。以六根清净图为线索,可见利用各种象征元素而不断重构语境,跨媒介跨阶层跨族群跨文化的交流互动滋生灵感、丰满意蕴。
《千佛与世界:西藏阿里札达东嘎2号窟再认识》(《形象史学》第32辑,2024年冬之卷)一文的附录,为该窟周壁壁画贤劫千佛尊号榜题与序列编号。
in: Religious Faith and Ethnic Culture 17, eds. HE Xingliang and GUO Hongzhen (Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press, 2023), 17-55.
近十年以來, 文獻記載中的“海侖” 逐漸引起學者們的關注。通過各種著錄可知多件五十三參圖、十八尊者像等作品具其款印, 幷從不同角度關聯到“烏斯藏”。進一步拓寬視野, 可檢出海內外收藏的多件傳世品亦據署款或題簽而系于其名下, 從而形成多維度的圖文證據群, 使得反思明清以來的既有認識成爲可能。同時, 澄清歷史原貌的嘗試也有助于思考特定地域和文化語境中的內地人群對于西藏文化的誤讀和借用。
刊於何星亮、郭宏珍主編:《宗教信仰與民族文化》第17輯,北京:社會科學文獻出版社,2023年,第17-55頁
DOI:10.16319/j.cnki.0452-7402.2020.12.003
Part Two
DOI:10.16319/j.cnki.0452-7402.2021.01.005
Visual materials discovered in China suggest that the maṇḍalas created based on Āryagrahamātṛka-dhāraṇī and related ritual texts emerged in the 12th-13th centuries. The deification of the Dhāraṇī as the holy mother of the astral deities, Grahamātṛkā (Ch. 星曜佛母, Tib. gZa’ yum), appeared in the first half of the 14th century at the latest, according to historical documents. The earliest known representations of her are found in the murals and clay statues of Tsuglagkhang at Pelkhor Chöde Monastery in Gyantse, TAR, and the adjoining Great Kumbum Stūpa, dating back to the first half of the 15th century. Her images can be divided into two types that trace back to different lineages. Additionally, a new iconographic type was created in Tibet. Buddhist practices that focus on Grahamātṛkā involve reciting mantras and offering to planetary deities to pray for longevity and safety. Her dhāraṇī was often copied together with several special dhāraṇīs, and therefore she forms various combinations with other goddesses of the same function. In retrospect, her prototype may be found in earlier Indian culture. Later, she was also extensively worshipped in Inner China, where she was associated with Doumu斗姆. The creation and transformation of her is a microcosm of the evolution of the Buddhist pantheon during that time.
目前尋得的中國材料顯示,根據《聖曜母陀羅尼》及相關儀軌創作的曼荼羅出現在12-13世紀,而星曜佛母形象則至遲出現在14世紀上半葉,尚存于15世紀上半葉西藏江孜白居寺祖拉康與吉祥多門塔繪塑等作品中。圖像分屬兩個體系,可追溯到不同的傳承,在西藏還出現新的面貌。星曜佛母法事的根基在于誦咒供養諸曜,祈世壽平安。該咒常與數種陀羅尼合抄,而作爲陀羅尼化身的星曜佛母則因此與其他同樣職司護佑的女神形成多種組合。繼續往前追溯,在更早的印度文化中或可發現其原型;而向後發展,她與中國內地崇奉的斗母又有所牽連。其創造與改造的歷程,是當時神系演化的一個縮影。
The four corners of an astral maṇḍala from Khara-Khoto feature a special motif. This motif, which depicts a half-vajra on top of a crescent moon outside the circular wall, is not a common element of a maṇḍala. According to Buddhist rituals that are still popular in Tibet, this motif should appear in certain positions of a śāntihoma 'pacifying fire offering' hearth. This observation provides a foundation for interpreting Buddhist visual materials in the same cultural region. For example, the maṇḍala templates discovered in the Mogao Caves of Dunhuang, as well as the Xi Xia murals in the Yulin and the Eastern Thousand Buddha Caves, could be further analyzed using this foundation.
仪式是宗教实践非常重要的组成部分,但历史上举行的佛教仪式今人难于窥知,盖因其器用材质不能持久保存、甚或事后特意销毁之故。因此,在解读图像时关注细节特征,藉以寻找并还原仪式的环节与流程,是宗教美术史研究中非常重要的维度。本文尝试以一件个案研究展示在这方面进行探索的可能性。
黑水城发现的西夏星曜曼荼罗在圆形金刚墙外四隅绘初月半杵图案,相对少见。参考藏传佛教文物以及现在仍流行于藏地的仪式做法,可确知它出现于护摩炉四角。这可能为进一步解读同一文化区域的佛教图像——敦煌藏经洞所出9-10世纪曼荼罗样和榆林窟、东千佛洞西夏壁画等——提供新的线索。
This is the second in a series of case studies on Dungkar Cave 2. For the previous paper, see "To be Subdued or/and to be Assimilated: The Hindu and pan-Indian Deities in the Pantheon of Dharmadhātuvāgīśvaramaṇḍala painted on the Ceiling of Dungkar Cave 2".
作为藏传佛教后弘期早期的代表性视觉艺术遗存,约12世纪凿建的东嘎2号窟窟内绘塑与建筑空间共同营造出庞大的神系。窟顶壁画设计为立体的法界语自在曼荼罗,而主尊文殊形象(部分残毁)与目前进入学术视野的文本描述以及大多数存世图像有所不同。本文尝试指出并阐释该形象的特异之处,揭示此多面多臂化身形象的复合神格,丰富对于文殊菩萨图像志的认识,从而有助于理解特定时代佛教的发展、西藏跨文化交流交往中的包融与创造。
此为东嘎2号窟系列论文第二篇。第一篇请见《摄伏与融纳——试论西藏阿里札达东嘎2号窟法界语自在曼荼罗壁画的神系结构》。
元代回鶻僧必蘭納識里以元成宗替僧身份登上歷史舞臺,爲仁宗所用,在文宗朝的政治鬥爭中未能善終。正史有傳,簡筆勾勒出其特長與宗教身份、職位升遷。歷史、佛教史、語文學、民族學等多領域的研究者已深度挖掘各種相關資料進行補充,幷從不同角度充分展開探討。本文立足于前人既有的豐碩成果,從其多種名號入手、結合職銜等綫索,在文匯、序跋等佛教文獻以及金石材料中探求,嘗試輯補其事迹,做跨學科辨析綜合,從碎片化的存世材料中盡可能立體地復原人物,進而延展到其交游與譯撰涉及的群體。必蘭納識里對漢地天臺宗、禪宗義理的熱忱,與中峰明本等高僧、趙孟頫等文士的密切關係均頗具啓發性,亦有助于思考回鶻團體如何融入地方社會。他以通擅多種語言的才能擔負起溝通職責,正爲熔鑄統一多民族國家的進程所需;在元代大歷史背景下,其翻譯與創作展現出佛教文化承載了跨民族多元文化的接觸與融通。冀以片羽,求現吉光。
Key words: Tangut (Xīxià); Khara-khoto; astral cult; Grahamātṛkā-maṇḍala; homa ritual; transcultural communications.
https://akjournals.com/view/journals/062/76/1/article-p47.xml
青海省玉树州杂多县昂赛乡吉日沟塔群(སྐྱིད་རེའི་དགོན་གསེབ་མཆོད་རྟེན,当地亦称巴艾雄དཔལ་ངེ་གཞུང古塔)现为为省级文物保护单位,可据位置分布划为1-3号、4-5号两组。从遗存现状看,诸塔塔身呈铃形,平头粗大,未见塔刹。塔表绘有壁画,塔基部分在仰覆莲座图案周边表现护法神;塔身则绘成行小佛像,根据数量与尚存的题记推测为贤劫千佛。诸塔中1号塔保存相对较好,画风流行于13-14世纪,在千佛行列之前还表现半行上师小像。根据上师形像、序列可判断为噶举派传承,由整体构图以及建筑遗存可进一步推测塔群为高僧灵塔,当地传说更明确指向叶巴噶举。此处艺术遗存有助于更充分地展示澜沧江流域的文化以及早期噶举派艺术的风貌与蕴涵。
在辨识陕西延长七里村石窟明代浮雕神祇尊格的基础上,本文讨论该窟的诸尊组合、对应关系及整体图像配置。造像突显了以南北极、南北斗为核心的星斗信仰,折射出信众对消灾解厄、祈福延寿的宗教诉求。窟内镌刻的炽盛光佛像意义重大,是目前所知该佛明确出现在道教语境的首例造像材料,为进一步研究炽盛光佛信仰补充了新的证据,为探索艺术背后的信仰、文化与社会提供了关键线索。
Chishengguang paired with Bhaiṣajyaguru is common since Song Dynasty. The iconographical attributes of the planetary deities here again confirms and deepens the cognition of its Indo-Tibetan tradition (for details, see “Iconographical Analysis of a Ming Print of Fó shuō jīnlún fódǐng dàwēidé chìshèngguāng rúlái tuóluóní jīng in the Collection of Zhìhuà Monastery,” Journal of Tibetology vol. X). As far as the author knows, the spread of this iconography system in Inner China was geographically limited; accompanied with the eastward spread of Tibetan Buddhism, it is a reasonable route from the imperial court to the local prince.
水陆庵诸圣水陆殿中彩塑济济一堂,堪称明代雕塑精品。数字化保护工作的成功开展为美术史研究创造了良好条件。从图像志角度看,有若干尊尚可讨论。其中,前壁门两侧的第四、五铺像多被认为是法报化三身佛中的两身(另一身则是全殿中心的主尊毗卢遮那佛)。通过对塑像本身特征和眷属的辨识,可知组像四为药师佛及二胁侍菩萨、十二药叉大将,组像五为炽盛光佛及诸星神。
药师佛—炽盛光佛的对置是宋以来常见的图像配置之一。而这里出现星神形象则再次印证并深化了对印—藏体系星神图像的认知(详见拙文:《明智化寺本〈佛说金轮佛顶大威德炽盛光如来陀罗尼经〉图像研究》,载《藏学学刊》第10辑)。目前来看,这一图像志体系在内地的传播范围有限;而伴随藏传佛教的向东传播,从宫廷到藩府是合理的路径。
This paper attempts to broaden our understanding of subject matters during the early period of the second introduction of Buddhism into Tibet (Tib. bstan pa’i phyi dar), and accumulate visual materials for iconographical studies of Vajradevī (or Vajraceṭī), Lakṣmī, the Four Heavenly Kings, and vidyādhāra in Tibetan Buddhist art. Since the multiple relationships between the dhāraṇīs and the deities deserve deeper investigation, it also hopes to promote the publication and reading of the dhāraṇīs and praises on the verso of a thangka.
As for another paper focusing on the triad on the recto, see “Reflections on Some Paintings during the Early Period of the Second Diffusion of Buddhism into Tibet: a Mode of Structural Composition and Its Transitional Characteristics” (Palace Museum Journal no. 6, 2017) previously uploaded on academia.
本文考察一幅13世纪达隆唐卡,结合汉藏文画像法文本、唐卡正面构图布局与形象特征以及背面相应真言的识读成果,判定表现菩提场庄严,逐一比定诸尊,对相关的文本群、图像元素的来源等问题展开探究。本文尝试拓宽对于后宏期早期西藏艺术题材乃至佛教面貌的认识;为藏传佛教艺术中的金刚使女、吉祥天、护世四天王、持明等神祇的图像志研究积累材料;思考经咒与佛像的多重关系,并希望能够藉此推动对唐卡背面咒赞文字的公开与识读。
涉及该唐卡、侧重于画面神祇结构与构图布局的另一篇论文见《藏传佛教后宏期早期绘画的一种形式构成与其过渡特征》〉,《故宫博物院院刊》2017年第6期,第15-37页。
*Tejaprabha also came to Yunnan at the turn of Yuan and Ming Dynasties. The related visual remains are discovered in Dali and Lijiang, the local centers of the Bai and Naxi people respectively. Some regional characteristics are perceptible; for example, *Tejaprabha might bear some Tibetan Buddhist artistic features in Lijiang, which was an important stop along the Tea-Horse Road.
Generally speaking, *Tejaprabha was regarded as Buddhist equivalent to Emperor Ziwei紫微, the Taoist personification of the North Star. Furthermore, he was usually paired with the Medicine Buddha in Yunnan. A new triad was established after Śākyamuni’s joining, with each member representing an element of Confucian virtues. Other alternate members included Mārīcī and Mahāmāyūrī who was taken as a Buddha.
緣於熱烈而根深蒂固的星辰崇拜,漢地創造出能教令折伏諸天曜宿的熾盛光佛,敬信延綿不絕。唐時他始進入佛教神系,在唐密衰落的大趨勢之下,其信仰仍能逆勢而上,並傳播到回鶻、遼、西夏乃至日本和朝鮮半島。11-15世紀佛教神系重構的浪潮中,熾盛光佛一方面躋身東方諸佛,另一方面也出現在過去諸佛之中,信徒從時空兩個方面對他的身份進行了重構。
目前所獲雲南地方崇信熾盛光佛的證據集中在元末明初以後的大理和麗江地區,很大程度上豐富了對該信仰的認知。本文對兩地遺存的寫經和數處圖像進行討論,期待有更確鑿的認識,從而找尋熾盛光佛信仰傳播的痕跡與其圖像的地域特徵。
熾盛光如來的神通源自消災陀羅尼,人格化的熾盛光由佛頂而佛,迅速實現了身份的躍升,並被等同於星主,與道教神系中的紫微大帝相當。不僅如此,大理麗江賦予其神格新的內涵:他以星主身份為根柢、以藥師佛—熾盛光佛的匹配為基石,出現在多種佛的組合當中。本文在梳理的過程中也嘗試找尋不同組合背後的邏輯。
夏鲁寺东无量宫三面有回廊环绕,其内侧壁画绘制于1355年后,主要表现十座大塔,展示具吉祥米聚塔圣地、善逝八塔形制与大菩提塔量度,覆盖了藏式佛塔从建筑外观到宗教意涵的多个层面。上述题材虽非布顿大师首创,但在1352年前后经他择选、厘定、融汇而集大成,最终得以广泛传播。壁画忠实于布顿对佛塔的理解与设计并予完整反映,在藏传佛教美术发展历程中具有范式般的重要意义,可由此窥见西藏艺术臻于成熟定型并形成自我体系的时代风貌。
Tan Kongque (談孔雀, lit. talking peacock; or 彈孔雀, lit. playing peacock [with stringed instruments]) was a new ritual of Mahāmāyūrī Cult in Inner China that appeared during the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Following the Mahāmāyūrī-dhāraṇī-sūtra itself or the related ritual texts, the players would recite or chant according to the routine tune (qupai曲牌) with instrumental accompaniment, or even take part in a role-playing drama. This ritual was prevalent in Jiangsu and Zhejiang, and was also found in the North, Southwest and other regions of China. Widely welcomed by the public, it mainly acted as an important part of a funeral or salvation ceremony. Buddhist nuns and Taoist priests could participate in it, too. In the early Ming Dynasty, the religious rituals and melodies of both Buddhism and Taoism was formulated and ordained officially, which should make great attributions to the attraction and popularity of Tan Kongque.
《谈孔雀——明清时期孔雀经咒信仰的新形式与新功能》,《世界宗教文化》2019年第1期,第91-98页。
谈(弹)孔雀经是明清时期出现的孔雀经咒信仰新形式,即使用《孔雀经》以及《孔雀尊经科仪》之类仪式文本,按照曲牌诵唱、佐以乐器伴奏甚或分角色表演的宗教仪式。该法事盛行于江浙,亦见于北方、西南等地区,主要用于丧葬超度,可由尼女参与,亦为道教所化用,广受民众欢迎。其兴起与国家层面划定应赴僧有关,明早期钦定并颁行佛道仪范、法曲乐章,对谈孔雀的流行应起到推动作用。
This paper tried to outline how the Five Great Dhāraṇīs (Tib. gzungs chen sde lnga) came together as a group for Tibetan Buddhist consecration rites in perspective of the inscriptions on various tsha tshas found in the Western Tibet and published in recent years.
I. the singular occurrence of each dhāraṇī for consecration demonstrated by archaeological discoveries.
II. the ye dharma verse -- the earliest one used for the consecration rite.
III. the Vimaloṣṇīṣa-dhāraṇī and its heart dhāraṇī -- another dhāraṇī frequently appearing in the tsha tsha inscriptions from the Western Tibet
IV. The combination of the Five Great Dhāraṇīs
V. A similar consecratory set made up of five dhāraṇīs in Buddhist practice at the end of the 11th century.
VI. Summary
《装藏用五部大陀罗尼的组合过程——以西藏西部擦擦铭文为基础的考察》,载(奥)恭特朗·哈佐德、沈卫荣主编:《西藏宗谱:纪念古格·次仁加布藏学研究文集》,北京:中国藏学出版社,2018年,第511-534页
一、从考古发现看各种陀罗尼的出现
二、缘起偈——最早用于塔装藏的真言
三、佛顶无垢大、小陀罗尼——藏西擦擦铭文中另一种高频出现的陀罗尼
四、五部大陀罗尼的组合过程
五、11世纪末所见另一种五陀罗尼装藏体系
六、小结
In: Dunhuang Research issue 4 (2018), pp. 31-44.
1931年,聂历山利用西夏文文献《圣星母中道法事供养根》,判定并阐释黑水城遗址发现的星曜曼荼罗。而该仪轨所据的根本文本之一当为《诸星母陀罗尼经》,从敦煌藏经洞所见大量汉藏文本到黑水城、武威等地陆续发现的西夏文异译本《圣曜母陀罗尼经》,提示该信仰在河西这个文化汇流的核心地带的重要性。对比西藏与内地的材料,重新解读西夏图像,对于汉、藏、夏等文化相互之间的关联,对于多维度的影响以及河西的自身创造,无疑会有更准确的认知。
The Cultural Heritage of Tibetan Buddhist Art is found in the enormous area where Tibetan cultures, religions, and languages hold sway, stretching from Gilgit-Baltistan to Yunnan and Sichuan Provinces, PRC, and from the northern reaches of India, Nepal and Bhutan to large swathes of Qinghai and Gansu Provinces, PRC. Over the past decade, intensive field work, remarkable new discoveries of Tibetan texts and works of Tibetan art have been coupled with new approaches to research and the applications of new technologies in the study of Tibetan Buddhist art. As a result, the study of Tibetan Buddhist art history has attracted increasing attention from a larger number of disciplines. Thus, we hold this symposium to promote scholarly communication and interaction.
We are very glad to announce the program of the symposium, Thank you very much for your contribution and welcome to Cambridge.
Conveners:
Prof. ZHANG Changhong
(The Palace Museum, Beijing; HYI Coordinate Research Scholar 2017-18)
Prof. LIAO Yang
(Chinese Academy of Social Sciences; HYI Visiting Scholar 2017-18)
Mr. WANG Chuanbo
(Doctoral Candidate, Zhejiang University; HYI Visiting Fellow 2017-18)
Harvard Faculty Moderators:
Prof. Leonard W. J. van der Kuijp
(Professor of Tibetan and Himalayan Studies, South Asian Studies; Chair: Inner Asian and Altaic Studies, Harvard University)
Prof. Eugene Y. Wang
(Abby Aldrich Rockefeller Professor of Asian Art, Harvard University)
Prof. Jinah Kim
(Gardner Cowles Associate Professor of History of Art and Architecture, South Asian Art )