Videos by Raisa Ostapenko
“What it Means to be a Renaissance Person: An Interview with Story Musgrave” (DOCUMENTARY)
As ... more “What it Means to be a Renaissance Person: An Interview with Story Musgrave” (DOCUMENTARY)
As we marked the 50th anniversary of the Apollo 11 moon landing, I interviewed retired NASA astronaut Story Musgrave. We explored what it means to be a Renaissance person in the 21st century, how to achieve your full potential in this ever-changing digital world, the meaning of spirituality and universalism, and what space exploration might look like in the future.
A heartfelt thank you to Agata Sheremet for her magnificent illustrations of the Universe, which lent a truly enchanting element to the storytelling. Thank you to NASA for their inspiring presence in the world and for making their archival media available for public use. Thank you to The Cambridge Globalist, as always, for celebrating this endeavour and for publishing a full transcript of this interview.
Originally released by The Cambridge Globalist. 3 views
Peer-reviewed Articles by Raisa Ostapenko
Harvard Theological Review, 2022
In Ukraine, as was the case across occupied Europe, while most residents of any given locality di... more In Ukraine, as was the case across occupied Europe, while most residents of any given locality divided into bystanders, collaborators, and accomplices during the Holocaust, a minority turned to rescue work. Faith-motivated rescue work by large institutions or individuals representing prominent branches of Christianity is well documented; its prevalence exemplifies the critical role that the altruism of individual members of the clergy, laity, and religious orders played in the survival of many Jews. However, rescuers from less prominent denominations of Christianity, amongst them Baptists, Evangelicals, Seventh-day Adventists, and Sabbatarians, are less spoken about, although these rescuers were often equally as motivated to rescue and more poorly resourced to do so due to disadvantageous political circumstances. Some scholars suggest that it was their “underdog” identity that made such groups empathize with persecuted Jews, but primary testimony offers an even more intriguing perspective: it was the philo-Semitic underpinnings of some members of the minority Protestant denominations in question that provided a broad theological basis for rescuing Jews, transcending the sociopolitical phenomenon of the common underdog mentality and even more widespread ecumenical obligations for being a good Christian.
Op-Eds by Raisa Ostapenko
Zoryan Institute, 2023
“As a scholar of genocide specializing in rescue work, I believe that we owe it to both the memor... more “As a scholar of genocide specializing in rescue work, I believe that we owe it to both the memory of those who sacrificed their lives for the potential of ‘Never Again’ and the future of mankind to reinvigorate our efforts to foster compassion and fight scapegoating, dehumanization, and other precursors of crimes against humanity not just through academic research and engagement with humanitarian organizations, but through the democratization of knowledge on genocide across media types, insightful yet accessible grassroots discussions of key concepts, and social responsibility initiatives focused on education, de-escalation, reconciliation, and pluralism. As the saying goes, we must speak out for others, because if we do not, there will be no one left to speak out for us.”
Zoryan Institute, 2023
« En qualité de chercheuse spécialiste des génocides me consacrant particulièrement au sauvetage,... more « En qualité de chercheuse spécialiste des génocides me consacrant particulièrement au sauvetage, je pense que nous devons à la fois à la mémoire de ceux qui ont sacrifié leur vie pour le potentiel du « plus jamais ça » et à l’avenir de l’humanité de redoubler d’efforts pour encourager la compassion et lutter contre les boucs émissaires, la déshumanisation et d’autres précurseurs des crimes contre l’humanité ; cela doit être fait non seulement par la recherche universitaire et l’engagement avec les organisations humanitaires, mais aussi par la démocratisation des connaissances sur le génocide par le biais de tous types de médias, par des discussions approfondies mais accessibles sur les concepts clés au niveau populaire et par des initiatives de responsabilité sociale orientées vers l’éducation, la désescalade, la réconciliation et le pluralisme. Comme le dit l’adage, nous devons parler pour les autres, car si nous ne le faisons pas, il n’y aura plus personne pour parler pour nous ».
«Як дослідниця геноциду, котра спеціалізується на рятувальних операціях, я вважаю, що ми зобов'яз... more «Як дослідниця геноциду, котра спеціалізується на рятувальних операціях, я вважаю, що ми зобов'язані – в пам'ять про тих, хто віддав свої життя за перспективу «Ніколи знову» та заради майбутнього людства – знову сконцентрувати наші зусилля на виховання співчуття та боротьбі зі зневагою, дегуманізацією й іншими провісниками злочинів проти людяності не лише через наукові дослідження та взаємодію з гуманітарними організаціями, а й за допомогою демократизації знань про геноцид завдяки різним засобам масової інформації, глибокому і доступному для широкого загалу обговоренню ключових понять, а також завдяки ініціативам у сфері соціальної відповідальності, спрямованих на освіту, деескалацію, примирення і плюралізм. Як то кажуть, ми маємо виступити на захист інших, бо якщо ми цього не зробимо, то нікому буде виступити на наш захист».
«Как исследовательница геноцида, специализирующийся на спасательных операциях, я считаю, что мы о... more «Как исследовательница геноцида, специализирующийся на спасательных операциях, я считаю, что мы обязаны - в память о тех, кто отдал свои жизни за перспективу «Никогда больше» и ради будущего человечества – снова сконцентрировать наши усилия по воспитанию сострадания и по борьбе с презрением, дегуманизацией и другими предвестниками преступлений против человечности не только путём научных исследований и взаимодействия с гуманитарными организациями, но и путём демократизации знаний о геноциде, благодаря различным средствам массовой информации, глубокому и доступному широкой аудитории обсуждению ключевых понятий, а также благодаря инициативам в области социальной ответственности, направленных на образование, деэскалацию, примирение и плюрализм. Как говорится, мы должны выступить в защиту других, потому что если мы этого не сделаем, то некому будет выступить в нашу защиту».
Als Genozidforscherin, die sich auf das Thema Rettungsarbeit spezialisiert hat, glaube ich, dass ... more Als Genozidforscherin, die sich auf das Thema Rettungsarbeit spezialisiert hat, glaube ich, dass wir es sowohl dem Andenken an diejenigen, die ihr Leben für das Versprechen des “Nie wieder” geopfert haben, als auch der Zukunft der Menschheit schuldig sind, unsere Bemühungen zu verstärken, um Mitgefühl zu fördern und Sündenbockdenken, Entmenschlichung und andere Vorläufer von Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit zu bekämpfen. Dies sollte nicht nur durch akademische Forschung und die Zusammenarbeit mit humanitären Organisationen geschehen, sondern auch durch die Demokratisierung des Wissens über Völkermord über alle Medien hinweg, durch aufschlussreiche und dennoch zugängliche Diskussionen an der Basis über Schlüsselkonzepte und durch Initiativen sozialer Verantwortung, die sich auf Bildung, Deeskalation, Versöhnung und Pluralismus konzentrieren. Wie die Worte Martin Niemöllers verdeutlicht haben, müssen wir uns für andere einsetzen, denn wenn wir das nicht tun, wird es irgendwann niemanden mehr geben, der protestiert und sich für uns einsetzt.
“Jako badacz ludobójstwa specjalizujący się w operacjach ratunkowych uważam, że mamy obowiązek – ... more “Jako badacz ludobójstwa specjalizujący się w operacjach ratunkowych uważam, że mamy obowiązek – ku pamięci tych, którzy oddali życie za perspektywę “Nigdy więcej” i za przyszłość ludzkości – wznowić nasze wysiłki na rzecz wspierania współczucia i zwalczania zaniedbań, dehumanizacji i innych prekursorów zbrodni przeciwko ludzkości, nie tylko poprzez badania i zaangażowanie w organizacje humanitarne, ale także poprzez demokratyzację wiedzy o ludobójstwie za pośrednictwem różnych mediów, dogłębne i przystępne dyskusje na temat kluczowych pojęć oraz inicjatywy odpowiedzialności społecznej mające na celu edukację, deeskalację, pojednanie i pluralizm. Jak mówi przysłowie, musimy stanąć w obronie innych, ponieważ jeśli tego nie zrobimy, nikt nie stanie w naszej obronie.”
"In qualità di ricercatrice sui genocidi, con un'attenzione particolare al soccorso, credo che do... more "In qualità di ricercatrice sui genocidi, con un'attenzione particolare al soccorso, credo che dobbiamo, sia alla memoria di coloro che hanno sacrificato le loro vite per la possibilità di "mai più", sia al futuro dell'umanità, raddoppiare i nostri sforzi per incoraggiare la compassione e combattere il capro espiatorio, la disumanizzazione e altri precursori dei crimini contro l'umanità. Questo deve essere fatto non solo attraverso la ricerca scientifica e l'impegno con le organizzazioni umanitarie, ma anche mediante la democratizzazione della conoscenza del genocidio tramite tutti i tipi di media, con discussioni approfondite ma accessibili dei concetti chiave a livello base e iniziative di responsabilità sociale orientate all'educazione, alla de-escalation, alla riconciliazione e al pluralismo. Come dice il proverbio, dobbiamo parlare per gli altri, perché se non lo facciamo, non rimarrà nessuno a parlare per noi."
Como investigadora del genocidio centrado en la ayuda, creo que debemos, tanto por la memoria de ... more Como investigadora del genocidio centrado en la ayuda, creo que debemos, tanto por la memoria de quienes sacrificaron sus vidas por la posibilidad de "nunca más", como por el futuro de la humanidad, redoblar nuestros esfuerzos para fomentar la compasión y combatir la búsqueda de chivos expiatorios, la deshumanización y otros precursores de los crímenes contra la humanidad. Esto debe hacerse no sólo a través de la investigación científica y el compromiso con las organizaciones humanitarias, sino también democratizando el conocimiento del genocidio a través de todo tipo de medios de comunicación, con debates profundos pero accesibles de los conceptos clave a nivel popular, e iniciativas de responsabilidad social orientadas a la educación, la desescalada, la reconciliación y el pluralismo. Como dice el refrán, debemos hablar por los demás, porque si no lo hacemos, no quedará nadie que hable por nosotros.
Como investigadora do genocídio centrada no socorro, penso que devemos, tanto para a memória daqu... more Como investigadora do genocídio centrada no socorro, penso que devemos, tanto para a memória daqueles que sacrificaram as suas vidas pela possibilidade do "nunca mais" como para o futuro da humanidade, redobrar os nossos esforços para promover a compaixão e combater o bode expiatório, a desumanização e outros precursores dos crimes contra a humanidade. Isto deve ser feito não só através da investigação científica e do envolvimento com organizações humanitárias, mas também através da democratização do conhecimento sobre o genocídio em todos os meios de comunicação social, com debates aprofundados mas acessíveis sobre conceitos-chave a nível das bases, e iniciativas de responsabilidade social que visem a educação, o desanuviamento, a reconciliação e o pluralismo. Como diz o ditado, temos de falar pelos outros, porque se não o fizermos, não restará ninguém para falar por nós.
Long-form Journalism by Raisa Ostapenko
The Cambridge Globalist, 2022
In light of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, Raisa Ostapenko revisits an article she wrote for The C... more In light of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, Raisa Ostapenko revisits an article she wrote for The Cambridge Globalist in 2015.
The ongoing invasion has left the world reeling with grief and injustice, as Ukrainians – both members of the military and civilians – fight to the death to shield villages, towns, and cities, kindergartens, hospitals and blood banks, military sites, and residential neighbourhoods across their country from Russia’s soldiers, tanks, missiles, and bombs. Yet even in the face of Western solidarity and popular outcry, countless representatives of Russia’s ruling class, state-controlled media organisations, and academic and cultural elite continue to echo Putin’s dangerous claims of “genocide” and “Nazism,” insisting that Russian soldiers will not stand down without guarantees of Ukraine’s “neutrality,” “demilitarisation,” and “denazification.”
This propogandist scaremongering and claims of “Nazism” in Ukraine are especially nonsensical given the breathtaking way in which Ukrainians have united behind Volodymyr Zelensky, their courageous, charismatic leader and wartime commander – a Jew, whose relatives perished in the Holocaust, and whose grandfather spent the Second World War – dubbed the Great Patriotic War by the Soviets – fighting in the infantry of the Red Army. Zelensky’s political success is a testament to the extent to which post-Soviet Ukraine is not antisemitic. These propogandist claims are also especially vicious given the profound suffering that millions of Ukrainians endured under Nazi occupation and the tremendous sacrifices they made for the Soviet war effort. They are especially heartless given that 8 million Ukrainians died in World War II and between 2 million and 2.5 million Ukrainians were forcibly sent to Nazi Germany as slave labourers (the Ostarbeiter). They are especially ironic given the cultural and religious revival of Ukraine’s proud and thriving Jewish community since the fall of the Soviet Union. And they are especially disturbing given the very palpable way in which Putin’s military actions over recent days are reminiscent of the 1939 invasion of Poland, first by Nazi Germany and then by the Soviet Union, in operations that would mark the start of World War II.
The Cambridge Globalist, 2015
What is the so-called “Russian Soul” and how can this concept help us better understand contempor... more What is the so-called “Russian Soul” and how can this concept help us better understand contemporary geopolitics?
“To truly understand what it means to be Russian, the West needs to see the Russian people as they see themselves. Russia’s current media-promulgated propaganda has successfully enticed a remarkable percentage of the population into supporting Putin’s political agenda precisely because those who produce this propaganda understand the Russian mentality inside out and have no qualms about playing upon popular vulnerabilities. If the West too learns to understand the Russian psyche, it might be able to anticipate Putin’s moves more effectively.”
The Cambridge Globalist, 2017
From 2017: It seems that any practical benefits, whether economic, military, or ideological, that... more From 2017: It seems that any practical benefits, whether economic, military, or ideological, that Russia is able to reap in Syria are relatively unimportant for Putin. Instead, this war – in all of its complexity and distressing human tragedy – represents a lucrative and hither-to unprecedented (since the dissolution of the Soviet Union) opportunity for a one-time superpower – now frail, turbulent, and rancorous – to remind a world nestled in a false sense of security that the bully still stands on the playground. Ironically, in Russia’s eyes, the bully is none other than the West and its strategy is one of self-defence. However, in relying on force, not within its own borders, as was the case with Chechnya in the 1990s, but on an international scale, Putin gas given a clear message: Russia – in the broil of an existential crisis – finds the post-USSR order wholly unsatisfactory and is prepared to change it. It is, therefore, unlikely that January’s negotiations in Kazakhstan will prioritise terminating hostilities out of respect for justice, compassion, or humanitarianism. Questions of influence will surely be on the forefront of any diplomatic efforts.
The Cambridge Globalist, 2016
Federalism in Russia is far from a dead topic, and the subjects of separatism and secession are a... more Federalism in Russia is far from a dead topic, and the subjects of separatism and secession are as relevant now as they were in the early 1990s.
“I had not thought of the idea of the Russian Federation [falling apart] since the beginning of the 1990s, but, maybe five years ago, some Russian political scientists [from think tanks] started telling me that they thought that [the country] would explode into four or five parts within twenty years … Openly, they supported Putin, but [in private] they showed themselves to be much more sceptical of the system than even Westerners. This was happening after conferences, at dinner parties, etc.,” said Cécile Vaissié, professor of Russian and Soviet studies at l’Université Rennes 2, during our 2016 interview.
The Cambridge Globalist, 2018
From March 2018: Whilst the West seeks to call Russia to account through tough diplomacy, Putin m... more From March 2018: Whilst the West seeks to call Russia to account through tough diplomacy, Putin maintains his country’s innocence, alluding, as has become customary, to Western anti-Russian paranoia and desire to keep Russia down – an argument that, in his eyes, has only been strengthened by Western sanctions. On the domestic front, the tactic of depicting Russia as an unjustly bullied nation has historically proven effective in rallying its people around a strong political father figure.
Nevertheless, whilst Russia’s toxic duo of state-sponsored anti-Western propaganda and domestic policing infrastructure may have been enough to quell internal unrest in the past, Putin’s tightening of power in recent years has cultivated popular discontent and a fearful environment reminiscent of that of the Soviet period, all the while increasing political factionalism.
The Cambridge Globalist, 2016
What was the resonance of the Chernobyl nuclear disaster 30 years on?
“I personally think that C... more What was the resonance of the Chernobyl nuclear disaster 30 years on?
“I personally think that Chernobyl contributed to the fall of the Soviet Union,” said Dr. Galia Ackerman, taking a sip of her café allongé. The Franco-Russian journalist and I sat in her living room in Paris on the morning of 28 April, just two days after the 30th anniversary of the catastrophic explosion at the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant.
Her suggestion was not unprecedented. Even Mikhail Gorbachev wrote over a decade earlier that Chernobyl, “even more than [his] launch of perestroika, was perhaps the real cause of the collapse of the Soviet Union five years later.” The thought, nonetheless, remains ever as striking, boldly evincing that there will always be a straw, however unexpected, that breaks the camel’s back, even in a totalitarian state with a seemingly voiceless populace.
The Cambridge Globalist, 2018
The Cambridge Globalist spoke with Chatham House’s US & Americas Programme Deputy Head Jacob Para... more The Cambridge Globalist spoke with Chatham House’s US & Americas Programme Deputy Head Jacob Parakilas, the European Council of Foreign Relation’s Middle East and North African Programme Coordinator Camille Lons, and France 24 journalist and political commentator Leela Jacinto to better understand what the United State should and precisely what it can do to keep Saudi Arabia in check and what United States’ inaction, in the face of the murder of a dissident journalist, risks showing the world.
The Cambridge Globalist, 2015
From March 2015: In mid-January, I had the honour of receiving an invitation from Lucy Cavendish ... more From March 2015: In mid-January, I had the honour of receiving an invitation from Lucy Cavendish College, Cambridge to report on the 'Women of Achievement' lecture series organised in celebration of the College's 50th anniversary. The “Women of Achievement” lecture series was a fitting testament to just how much women are able to achieve in nourishing environments, but also a necessary reminder of how much there remains to be done, especially in societies that may not put as much weight on gender equality as ours does. In light of International Women’s Day on March 8th, I would like to share some of the observations and conclusions that I made during this enlightening journey.
The Cambridge Globalist, 2015
Reporting from the ‘Gender, nationalism, and citizenship in anti-authoritarian protests in Belaru... more Reporting from the ‘Gender, nationalism, and citizenship in anti-authoritarian protests in Belarus, Russia and Ukraine’ workshop that took place at Robinson College, Cambridge in June 2015.
The workshop was organised by Olesya Khromeychuk, the Leverhulme Early Career Fellow at the University of East Anglia, and featured experts in the fields of civil action, humanitarian affairs, women’s rights, and LGBT rights.
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Videos by Raisa Ostapenko
As we marked the 50th anniversary of the Apollo 11 moon landing, I interviewed retired NASA astronaut Story Musgrave. We explored what it means to be a Renaissance person in the 21st century, how to achieve your full potential in this ever-changing digital world, the meaning of spirituality and universalism, and what space exploration might look like in the future.
A heartfelt thank you to Agata Sheremet for her magnificent illustrations of the Universe, which lent a truly enchanting element to the storytelling. Thank you to NASA for their inspiring presence in the world and for making their archival media available for public use. Thank you to The Cambridge Globalist, as always, for celebrating this endeavour and for publishing a full transcript of this interview.
Originally released by The Cambridge Globalist.
Peer-reviewed Articles by Raisa Ostapenko
Op-Eds by Raisa Ostapenko
Long-form Journalism by Raisa Ostapenko
The ongoing invasion has left the world reeling with grief and injustice, as Ukrainians – both members of the military and civilians – fight to the death to shield villages, towns, and cities, kindergartens, hospitals and blood banks, military sites, and residential neighbourhoods across their country from Russia’s soldiers, tanks, missiles, and bombs. Yet even in the face of Western solidarity and popular outcry, countless representatives of Russia’s ruling class, state-controlled media organisations, and academic and cultural elite continue to echo Putin’s dangerous claims of “genocide” and “Nazism,” insisting that Russian soldiers will not stand down without guarantees of Ukraine’s “neutrality,” “demilitarisation,” and “denazification.”
This propogandist scaremongering and claims of “Nazism” in Ukraine are especially nonsensical given the breathtaking way in which Ukrainians have united behind Volodymyr Zelensky, their courageous, charismatic leader and wartime commander – a Jew, whose relatives perished in the Holocaust, and whose grandfather spent the Second World War – dubbed the Great Patriotic War by the Soviets – fighting in the infantry of the Red Army. Zelensky’s political success is a testament to the extent to which post-Soviet Ukraine is not antisemitic. These propogandist claims are also especially vicious given the profound suffering that millions of Ukrainians endured under Nazi occupation and the tremendous sacrifices they made for the Soviet war effort. They are especially heartless given that 8 million Ukrainians died in World War II and between 2 million and 2.5 million Ukrainians were forcibly sent to Nazi Germany as slave labourers (the Ostarbeiter). They are especially ironic given the cultural and religious revival of Ukraine’s proud and thriving Jewish community since the fall of the Soviet Union. And they are especially disturbing given the very palpable way in which Putin’s military actions over recent days are reminiscent of the 1939 invasion of Poland, first by Nazi Germany and then by the Soviet Union, in operations that would mark the start of World War II.
“To truly understand what it means to be Russian, the West needs to see the Russian people as they see themselves. Russia’s current media-promulgated propaganda has successfully enticed a remarkable percentage of the population into supporting Putin’s political agenda precisely because those who produce this propaganda understand the Russian mentality inside out and have no qualms about playing upon popular vulnerabilities. If the West too learns to understand the Russian psyche, it might be able to anticipate Putin’s moves more effectively.”
“I had not thought of the idea of the Russian Federation [falling apart] since the beginning of the 1990s, but, maybe five years ago, some Russian political scientists [from think tanks] started telling me that they thought that [the country] would explode into four or five parts within twenty years … Openly, they supported Putin, but [in private] they showed themselves to be much more sceptical of the system than even Westerners. This was happening after conferences, at dinner parties, etc.,” said Cécile Vaissié, professor of Russian and Soviet studies at l’Université Rennes 2, during our 2016 interview.
Nevertheless, whilst Russia’s toxic duo of state-sponsored anti-Western propaganda and domestic policing infrastructure may have been enough to quell internal unrest in the past, Putin’s tightening of power in recent years has cultivated popular discontent and a fearful environment reminiscent of that of the Soviet period, all the while increasing political factionalism.
“I personally think that Chernobyl contributed to the fall of the Soviet Union,” said Dr. Galia Ackerman, taking a sip of her café allongé. The Franco-Russian journalist and I sat in her living room in Paris on the morning of 28 April, just two days after the 30th anniversary of the catastrophic explosion at the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant.
Her suggestion was not unprecedented. Even Mikhail Gorbachev wrote over a decade earlier that Chernobyl, “even more than [his] launch of perestroika, was perhaps the real cause of the collapse of the Soviet Union five years later.” The thought, nonetheless, remains ever as striking, boldly evincing that there will always be a straw, however unexpected, that breaks the camel’s back, even in a totalitarian state with a seemingly voiceless populace.
The workshop was organised by Olesya Khromeychuk, the Leverhulme Early Career Fellow at the University of East Anglia, and featured experts in the fields of civil action, humanitarian affairs, women’s rights, and LGBT rights.
As we marked the 50th anniversary of the Apollo 11 moon landing, I interviewed retired NASA astronaut Story Musgrave. We explored what it means to be a Renaissance person in the 21st century, how to achieve your full potential in this ever-changing digital world, the meaning of spirituality and universalism, and what space exploration might look like in the future.
A heartfelt thank you to Agata Sheremet for her magnificent illustrations of the Universe, which lent a truly enchanting element to the storytelling. Thank you to NASA for their inspiring presence in the world and for making their archival media available for public use. Thank you to The Cambridge Globalist, as always, for celebrating this endeavour and for publishing a full transcript of this interview.
Originally released by The Cambridge Globalist.
The ongoing invasion has left the world reeling with grief and injustice, as Ukrainians – both members of the military and civilians – fight to the death to shield villages, towns, and cities, kindergartens, hospitals and blood banks, military sites, and residential neighbourhoods across their country from Russia’s soldiers, tanks, missiles, and bombs. Yet even in the face of Western solidarity and popular outcry, countless representatives of Russia’s ruling class, state-controlled media organisations, and academic and cultural elite continue to echo Putin’s dangerous claims of “genocide” and “Nazism,” insisting that Russian soldiers will not stand down without guarantees of Ukraine’s “neutrality,” “demilitarisation,” and “denazification.”
This propogandist scaremongering and claims of “Nazism” in Ukraine are especially nonsensical given the breathtaking way in which Ukrainians have united behind Volodymyr Zelensky, their courageous, charismatic leader and wartime commander – a Jew, whose relatives perished in the Holocaust, and whose grandfather spent the Second World War – dubbed the Great Patriotic War by the Soviets – fighting in the infantry of the Red Army. Zelensky’s political success is a testament to the extent to which post-Soviet Ukraine is not antisemitic. These propogandist claims are also especially vicious given the profound suffering that millions of Ukrainians endured under Nazi occupation and the tremendous sacrifices they made for the Soviet war effort. They are especially heartless given that 8 million Ukrainians died in World War II and between 2 million and 2.5 million Ukrainians were forcibly sent to Nazi Germany as slave labourers (the Ostarbeiter). They are especially ironic given the cultural and religious revival of Ukraine’s proud and thriving Jewish community since the fall of the Soviet Union. And they are especially disturbing given the very palpable way in which Putin’s military actions over recent days are reminiscent of the 1939 invasion of Poland, first by Nazi Germany and then by the Soviet Union, in operations that would mark the start of World War II.
“To truly understand what it means to be Russian, the West needs to see the Russian people as they see themselves. Russia’s current media-promulgated propaganda has successfully enticed a remarkable percentage of the population into supporting Putin’s political agenda precisely because those who produce this propaganda understand the Russian mentality inside out and have no qualms about playing upon popular vulnerabilities. If the West too learns to understand the Russian psyche, it might be able to anticipate Putin’s moves more effectively.”
“I had not thought of the idea of the Russian Federation [falling apart] since the beginning of the 1990s, but, maybe five years ago, some Russian political scientists [from think tanks] started telling me that they thought that [the country] would explode into four or five parts within twenty years … Openly, they supported Putin, but [in private] they showed themselves to be much more sceptical of the system than even Westerners. This was happening after conferences, at dinner parties, etc.,” said Cécile Vaissié, professor of Russian and Soviet studies at l’Université Rennes 2, during our 2016 interview.
Nevertheless, whilst Russia’s toxic duo of state-sponsored anti-Western propaganda and domestic policing infrastructure may have been enough to quell internal unrest in the past, Putin’s tightening of power in recent years has cultivated popular discontent and a fearful environment reminiscent of that of the Soviet period, all the while increasing political factionalism.
“I personally think that Chernobyl contributed to the fall of the Soviet Union,” said Dr. Galia Ackerman, taking a sip of her café allongé. The Franco-Russian journalist and I sat in her living room in Paris on the morning of 28 April, just two days after the 30th anniversary of the catastrophic explosion at the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant.
Her suggestion was not unprecedented. Even Mikhail Gorbachev wrote over a decade earlier that Chernobyl, “even more than [his] launch of perestroika, was perhaps the real cause of the collapse of the Soviet Union five years later.” The thought, nonetheless, remains ever as striking, boldly evincing that there will always be a straw, however unexpected, that breaks the camel’s back, even in a totalitarian state with a seemingly voiceless populace.
The workshop was organised by Olesya Khromeychuk, the Leverhulme Early Career Fellow at the University of East Anglia, and featured experts in the fields of civil action, humanitarian affairs, women’s rights, and LGBT rights.
The workshop was organised by Olesya Khromeychuk, the Leverhulme Early Career Fellow at the University of East Anglia, and featured experts in the fields of civil action, humanitarian affairs, women’s rights, and LGBT rights.
Foreign radiobroadcasters began operating clandestinely within the Soviet Union as early as the late 1940s to counteract the influence of what historian Peter Kenez has astutely called the “propaganda state.” BBC Russian was one of the most important, and Novgorodsev was amongst its brightest jewels.
Novgorodsev attributes the receptiveness of his listeners to his ability to understand them on a tangibly humane level. In contrast to Soviet broadcasters, he offered his audiences an intimate listening experience, as evidenced even by the vocal fluctuations, occasional sighs and humour that can be heard in recordings of his programmes. Seen as a benevolent sage of rock and roll, Novgorodsev always chose truthfulness and sincerity over fraudulence and deception.
“I had toured so much and had seen so many people. I knew who I was talking to. They were mostly dispossessed youth from working-class backgrounds. They were shouted at by their parents, by their teachers, at work. I wanted to talk to them on human terms, encourage them and offer moral support … to give them something to be interested in, to hope for. My method was general compassion. And it worked. This is why it all became popular,” he said.
At the peak of his popularity, which he retrospectively identifies as 1980-1990, Novgorodsev estimates he had over 25 million listeners. He hoped to enable his audiences to move beyond the status of working-class adolescents and to realise that the world was not as black-and-white as they had been led to believe by the authorities. The resonance of his broadcasts is evidenced by the sheer level of audience retention and responsiveness. The Hoover Institution at Stanford University has about 120 kilograms worth of letters sent to Novgorodsev by fans. They occupy 6.5 metres of shelf space.
Through this interview with retired NASA astronaut Story Musgrave, I explore what it means to be a Renaissance person in the 21st century, how to achieve your full potential in this ever-changing digital world, the meaning of spirituality and universalism, and what space exploration might look like in the future.
Documentary produced and edited by Raisa Ostapenko, illustrated by Agata Sheremet, and released by The Cambridge Globalist.
Published both on YouTube and as an interactive report, the investigation triggered two country-wide anti-corruption protests on 26 March and 12 June 2017 (with rallies specifically in support of Navalny taking place on 8 July) that attracted a notable amount of teenagers and young adults – the generation that grew up almost entirely under the leadership of president Putin.
In March 2017, Don’t call him Dimon alleged that Medvedev is one of the most corrupt officials in Russia, having enriched himself at the expense of the populace to acquire mansions, yachts, vineyards, and mountain resorts in Russia and abroad worth over $ 1 billion.
In this exclusive interview with KYC360, Nikita Kulachenkov – one of the Anti-Corruption Foundation’s three principal investigators – reveals the logistics of creating Don’t call him Dimon and just what it took to unravel what Navalny has called a “grandiose, tangled snarl of figureheads and dummy corporations.”
Kulachenkov left Russia in autumn 2014 after being targeted for allegedly stealing a poster valued at about $3.00, according to the Vladimir-based street artist who created it. The case against him, said Kulachenkov, was such a priority for Russia’s intelligence agencies that it soon became the subject of correspondence between the country’s prosecutor general, his deputy, and the head of the Investigative Committee – Russia’s equivalent of the FBI. Kulachenkov has since been granted asylum in Lithuania.