For several decades, critical theories of society have relegated contemporary antisemitism to the margins. Often regarded as “non-systemic” or “residual,” and associated primarily with the past, antisemitism appears to elude the traditional frameworks of social and political critique. In academic research, efforts to connect the study of antisemitism with analyses of other forms of domination and othering remain limited. This international conference aims to move beyond this situation and to fully reintegrate the question of antisemitism into contemporary critical theory.

Program

DAY 1 (June 18)

9 am – 9:15 am Welcome

9.15 am - 9:45 am Introduction by the organizers

10 am – 12:45 pm Panel 1: Critical Theory of Antisemitism I – Looking Back at the Work of the Early Frankfurt School (in English)

Chair : Katia Genel, Université Paris Nanterre

• Jack Jacobs, City University of New York The Frankfurt School and Antisemitism from Horkheimer to Marcuse
• Eva-Maria Ziege, Universität Bayreuth Outlaws - Horkheimer, Hobbes, and the Persecution of the Jews
• Philipp von Wussow, Goethe-Universität Frankfurt/Main Horkheimer and Adorno on Jews and Judaism: A Critical Revaluation

2:15pm – 5:45 pm Panel 2: Critical Theory of Antisemitism II: Extensions and Updates (in English).

Chair : Salima Naït Ahmed (Universität Freiburg / FNS)

• Marcel Stoetzler, Bangor University Antisemitism, anti-capitalism, community: the antisemitic dream of non-corrosive modernity
• Jonathan Judaken, Washington University in St. Louis Missing Memmi in Critical Theories of Anti-Semitism
• Klaus Holz (Evangelische Akademie in Deutschland) and Ilka Quindeau (Frankfurt University of applied sciences) Antisemitism and Non-identity
• Etienne Balibar (Université Paris-Nanterre) Antisemitism after Gaza: how to analyze it and confront it?

6:00 pm - 7:30 pm Round table 1: Education and prevention (in French)

Chair: Pap Ndiaye, French ambassador to the Council of Europe, former Minister of education

• Benoît Drouot, Institut national supérieur du professorat et de l’éducation, Reims
• Marie-Anne Matard-Bonucci, Université Paris 8 (Vincennes/Saint-Denis)
• Theo Cohen, Lycée Faÿs de Villeurbanne

DAY 2 (June 19)

9 am – 9:15 am Welcome

9:15 am - 10:15 am Round table 2: Education (in English)

Chair : Sina Arnold, Zentrum für Antisemitismusforschung, Technische Universität Berlin

• Dominique Trimbur, Fondation pour la Mémoire de la Shoah
• Janis Detert, Bildungsstätte Anne Frank (Frankfurt/Main)

10:30 am – 12:30 pm  Panel 3: Definitions, periodizations and typologies of antisemitism - Old questions, new approaches in historical and cultural sciences (in English)

Chair : Philippe Mesnard, Université de Clermont-Ferrand/IUF

• Stefanie Schüler-Springorum, Zentrum für Antisemitismusforschung, Technische Universität Berlin Religion & Racism : Towards an entangled understanding of Antisemitism
• Uffa Jensen, Zentrum für Antisemitismusforschung, Technische Universität Berlin Do antisemitic and racist images differ ?

2 pm – 5:15 pm Panel 4: Intersectionality and entangled histories (in English)

Chair : Elissa Mailänder, Sciences Po Paris

• Christine Achinger, University of Warwick Beyond what society has made of us: Entangled histories and the politics of non-identity
• Christina Späti, Universität Freiburg Entangled Histories: Antisemitism, Orientalism, and Gender
• David Schraub, Lewis & Clark Law School of Oregon Smothering (the Fight Against) Antisemitism

5:30 pm - 7:30 pm Round table 3: Muslim Antisemitism / Anti-Judaism? Interdisciplinary approaches (In English)

Chair: Jonas Sibony, Sorbonne Université

• Reuven Firestone, Hebrew Union College of Los Angeles
• Amir Dziri, Universität Freiburg
• Sina Arnold, Zentrum für Antisemitismusforschung, Technische Universität Berlin
• Vincent Tiberj, Sciences Po Bordeaux

DAY 3 (June 20)

9 am – 9:15 am Welcome

9:15 am – 00:30 pm Panel 5: Antisemitism and Racism: Proximity, Differences, Intersections, Entanglements, Definitional Issues (in English)

Chair : Magali Bessone, Université Panthéon Sorbonne

• Claudia Bruns, Humboldt-Universität Berlin Entanglements between Antisemitism and colonial Racisms in Genealogical Perspective
• Urs Lindner, Universität Duisburg-Essen Antisemitism as a Specific Form of Racism: the Clustered Continuum View
• David Feldman, Birkbeck University of London Antisemitism and Racism: two concepts in history 

2 pm – 5:15 pm Panel 6: Antisemitism and Islamophobia: longue-durée History and Challenges of Colonial Memory (in English)

Chair : Benjamin Stora, Sorbonne Paris Nord

• James Renton, Edge Hill University The Theological Looking Glass: Anti-Palestinian Racism and Antisemitism in the Longue Durée
• Ethan B. Katz, University of California Berkeley Antisemitism and Islamophobia in the Colonial Frame – Secret Sharers or Competing Hatreds?
• Hamza Esmili, Université Libre de Bruxelles Suspicious Integration : Anti-Semitism and Islamophobia in Republican France

5:30 pm – 7:30 pm Round table 4: Antisemitism and the Fight Against it in France (in French)

Chair : Michel Wieviorka, École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales

• Denis Charbit, Open University of Ra’anana
• Marie-Anne Matard-Bonucci, Université Paris 8 (Vincennes / Saint-Denis)
• Jean-Yves Pranchère, Université Libre de Bruxelles
• Danny Trom, CNRS, LIER-FYT

Argument

In recent decades, critical theories of society have tended to marginalize the issue of antisemitism[1] (or Judeophobia[2]). While its centrality in the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century is beyond dispute (Back & Solomos 2000, p. 191), many scholars today consider antisemitism to be significantly less prominent in the post-1945 and 21st-century contexts. Contemporary critical social sciences, which focus on various forms of domination — such as class, race, and gender — seldom treat antisemitism as a major object of study, despite empirical evidence indicating that hostility toward Jews persists[3]. By way of illustration, one may cite the work of Nancy Fraser, particularly her recent Cannibal Capitalism (2022), which makes no reference to the question of antisemitism[4].

This evolution can be attributed to at least three main factors, each with historical, political, and epistemological dimensions:

Postwar “latency” and new forms of articulation

The Holocaust constituted a major rupture in both Jewish history and the history of antisemitism. In its aftermath, hostility towards Jews entered a phase of “latency” in Western societies (Bergmann & Erb 1986). Outside of the far right, few individuals wished to be publicly associated with antisemitic views (Haury 2023). After 1945, the burden of proof shifted: it was now the antisemites who had to justify themselves before the court of public opinion. Yet antisemitism did not vanish — it persisted in the form of a new kind of “mass prejudice” lacking “political legitimization” (Marin 1979). Within this new context, antisemitism circulated both in private (within families, peer groups, etc.) and in public, albeit in more implicit or coded forms — such as “Israel-related antisemitism”[5], historical negationism and so-called “secondary antisemitism.”[6] These transformations in the object and mode of antisemitic discourse render it more elusive and harder to study—even for scholars engaged in critical social analysis. This calls for renewed and deeper investigation.

The founding of the State of Israel and the 1967 War

The creation of the State of Israel in 1948 marked another turning point in both Jewish history and the history of antisemitism. From its inception, Zionism was marked by ambivalence: on the one hand, it was a national liberation movement formed in response to antisemitic persecution; on the other, it was shaped by a European colonial imaginary (Vogt 2016; Charbit 2023). After World War II and the Holocaust, Zionism succeeded in establishing a state intended to function as a refuge from antisemitism. However, this came at the cost of the Nakba — the displacement of approximately 750,000 Palestinians — and sustained conflict with neighboring Arab states[7]. The situation grew more complex following the 1967 War, which resulted in the occupation of Palestinian territories, including the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem. This triggered what has since become a “conflict over the conflict” in public debate[8].

The Israeli–Palestinian conflict cannot be understood as the cause of antisemitism, since antisemitism constitutes a worldview that is independent of the existence or actions of Jews. However, the conflict does shape the framework within which antisemitism is expressed and interpreted. In this context, “Israel” has increasingly become a projection surface for antisemitic fantasies: the state is demonized, likened to Nazism, and accused of crimes that often bear little relation to its actual policies (Lintl & Ullrich 2024). Hatred of Israel is also present within progressive and left-wing movements: after 1967, Jean Améry already denounced a “respectable antisemitism” hiding behind anti-zionism, anti-imperialism, and solidarity with the Palestinians (Améry 1969; see also Poliakov 1969). Since October 7, some have spoken, in the same vein, of a “virtuous antisemitism” (Illouz 2024). At the same time, Israeli state actions can also be the subject of legitimate critique grounded in non-antisemitic political and ideological positions. What emerges is a complex entanglement of real and imagined conflict between Jews and non-Jews—where some accusations are based on empirical realities, while others are rooted in antisemitic mythologies. The recent global debates over how to define antisemitism — particularly the controversy over, the IHRA Working Definition and the Jerusalem Declaration on Antisemitism (JDA) — are symptomatic of this very challenge (Haury 2023; Mazower 2025).

The new Jewish condition in Western societies

In Western countries, legal and institutional discrimination against Jews has steadily declined since World War II. While antisemitic violence persists sporadically, Jewish communities today are generally socioeconomically integrated into the middle class and face few barriers in employment, housing, healthcare, or public life — particularly in France (Ghiles-Meilhac 2015)[9]. This level of integration, combined with new postwar perceptions of Jewish identity, has led some scholars to argue that Jews are now incorporated into “whiteness” (Brodkin 1998, Goldstein 2006, Traverso 2013)[10]. Contemporary antisemitism, which is neither promoted by the state nor rooted in socioeconomical discrimination, is also widely condemned in mainstream discourse by political, intellectual, and cultural elites. As a result, it remains difficult for contemporary critical theories to grasp its structure and function — even as antisemitic incidents have increased since the early 2000s. Antisemitism is frequently regarded as an outdated prejudice with no political role or as a fringe ideology associated only with the radical far right or Islamist movements. In this context, it is perceived as “non-systemic”. Consequently, the fight against antisemitism is often devalued in critical thought and dismissed as a “moral” or “bourgeois” concern — distinct from more radical and transformative political causes such as feminism, anti-racism, anti-capitalism, or environmentalism.

Most of the current difficulties in theorizing contemporary antisemitism in a critical way arise from these post-1945 transformations. Since the early 2000s, they have been further exacerbated by events such as the September 11 attacks, the 2001 Durban Conference, and the Second Intifada. On one side, the antisemitism issue has been increasingly appropriated by (neo)conservative intellectuals and even the far right, who often blame the radical left and Muslim communities for the persistence of antisemitism (Segré 2009). On the other, parts of the left tend to downplay or relativize the phenomenon, reducing it to an issue of political instrumentalization by reactionary forces (Arnold 2016, Segré 2017, Hirsch 2017, Brenni et al. 2019). Meanwhile, other forms of racism — particularly Islamophobia, seen as a legacy of colonialism and a central “cultural code” of contemporary Western nationalism (Traverso 2016) — have become the primary focus of critical scholarship. This has contributed to a dynamic of polarization, in which antisemitism and racism are increasingly conceptualized as separate or even opposing concerns (Arnold 2018; Biskamp 2020; Mendel et al. 2022; Lindner 2022).

This international conference aims to challenge that division, addressing both the epistemological and political obstacles that have prevented a fuller integration of antisemitism into contemporary critical theory.

B - Guiding Principles

The conference is organized around five key guiding principles:

Pluralism and Interdisciplinarity

At a time when the issue of antisemitism has become deeply entangled in intellectual, activist, and political controversies—especially since October 7, 2023—this conference seeks to provide a space for dialogue and constructive debate among scholars from a variety of geographic, disciplinary, political, and epistemological backgrounds. The use of the plural in the title, Critical Theories of Antisemitism, is deliberate. The objective is not to privilege one critical tradition over another, but rather to foster dialogue, mutual learning, and conceptual cross-fertilization.

Anchoring in the Social Sciences

Is theory “good for the Jews”? (Chaouat 2016). Our answer is yes—provided it remains firmly grounded in the empirical work of the social sciences. Just as empirical studies on antisemitism often suffer from insufficient epistemological reflection on their core concepts (Judaken 2018), we also observe a widening gap between theoretical inquiry and empirical research. This has led to the proliferation of conceptually rich essays whose empirical grounding is, however, sometimes lacking. This is particularly true in France, where since Michel Wieviorka’s seminal works and his survey on antisemitism in France (2005a) as well as Didier Lapeyronnie and Laurent Courtois’ survey on the Urban Ghetto (2008), major qualitative sociological studies seem to be on the wane. However, there are still important quantitative studies, such as those published in the annual report on antisemitism, racism and xenophobia by the Commission nationale consultative des droits de l’homme[11], and areas surveys in urban sociology (Mayer & Tiberj 2022, Mayer 2025). In this particular context, the conference aims to bridge this divide between empirical studies and theoretical essays by encouraging theoretically informed empirical work—and empirically informed theoretical reflection.

Engagement with Other Critical Theories of Society

While a disjunction between theory and empirical work is often noted in research on antisemitism, this is far less true in the fields of critical research on capitalism, racism, and gender relations. One of the goals of this conference is to reinsert the study of antisemitism into these broader critical conversations. By fostering dialogue with adjacent areas of critical inquiry, we aim to promote the circulation of concepts, theoretical tools, and methodological innovations.

A Universalist Ethical and Political Framework

The organizers seek to move beyond what has been described as the “unhappy consciousness” of contemporary anti-racism, wherein the fight against antisemitism and the fight against racism are increasingly framed as mutually exclusive or even opposed (Holz & Haury 2021; Wieviorka 2023). We maintain that both struggles are equally essential, though they address different historical and social phenomena. The working hypothesis of this conference — open to discussion — is that conceptual equivalence (e.g., “antisemitism is racism like any other”) is just as inadequate as rigid separation (e.g., “antisemitism has nothing to do with racism”). We argue that antisemitism should be approached as a specific mode of othering that is historically connected to, but not reducible to, racism. Its unique semantic, functional, and historical characteristics must be taken into account, along with its intersections and entanglements with other forms of othering.

A Reflexive Approach Grounded in the “Tolerance of Ambiguity” (E. Frenkel-Brunswik)

In an era of heightened conceptual confusion — where terms such as “antisemitism”[12] are increasingly subject to overuse, instrumentalization, or misinterpretation — there is a pressing need for theoretical clarity and conceptual precision. However, this conference does not aim to impose definitive definitions or to promote a binary, moralizing worldview. Rather, we advocate for a reflexive approach that embraces ambivalence, ambiguity, complexity, and grey zones. In doing so, we explicitly reject the logic of “campism” and encourage a more nuanced, self-critical, and open-ended mode of inquiry (Holz & Haury 2021, Quindeau 2025).

II – Program Summary

This international conference aims to stimulate social science research on contemporary antisemitism in France and to foster international dialogue on the subject. Taking as its point of departure a series of recent publications, the conference seeks to renew critical theories and epistemologies of antisemitism (Wieviorka 1998, 2005 & 2005a; Holz 2001; Haury 2002; Bergmann & Körte 2004; Von Braun & Ziege 2004; Matard-Bonucci 2005; Trom 2007; Nirenberg 2013; Stoetzler 2014, 2023; Schaub 2015; Birnbaum 2015; Weyand 2016; Fine & Spencer 2017; Renton & Gidley 2017; Heilbronn, Rabinovici & Sznaider 2019; Schaub & Sebastiani 2021; Holz & Haury 2021; Schüler-Springorum & Suselbeck 2021; Goldberg, Ury & Weiser 2021; Zia-Ebrahimi 2021; Feldman & Volovici 2023; Ury & Miron 2023; Elbe 2024; Ullrich et al. 2024; Judaken 2024; Quindeau 2025).

The event will also lead to one or two publications in international peer-reviewed journals in the field of social science research.

The conference will take place over three days:

Day 1 will be dedicated to assessing the state of critical theories of antisemitism. We will begin by revisiting the foundational work of the Frankfurt School (Adorno & Horkheimer 1944/1947; Löwenthal & Guterman 1949; Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik, Levinson and Sanford 1950; Adorno 1955; Ziege 2009; Jacobs 2015; König 2016), and examine how their approach compares with other influential perspectives, notably those of Hannah Arendt (1950) and Jean-Paul Sartre (1946) (Panel 1). Next, we will trace the development and diversification of these critical models in the postwar period, highlighting their resonance with later French theoretical contributions that link antisemitism, racism, and gender—particularly in the works of Abraham Léon, Léon Poliakov, Albert Memmi, Edgar Morin, Colette Guillaumin, Étienne Balibar, Michel Wieviorka, Pierre Birnbaum and Pierre-André Taguieff, (Panel 2). The day will conclude with a dual roundtable discussion on education and prevention in the fight against antisemitism and racism, bringing together international experts.

Day 2 will focus on new theoretical approaches in the social sciences, including affect theory, iconology, Wissenssoziologie, and cultural studies. These different frameworks will be examined for their contributions to the debates on definitions, periodizations, and typologies of antisemitism (Panel 3). Given the transformative impact of gender and intersectionality studies on the social sciences and humanities, an entire panel will be devoted to their relevance for contemporary analyses of antisemitism, developing approaches rooted in history of gender and orientalism (Späti et al. 2017), sometimes questioning the limits of the concept of intersectionality (Achinger 2022) or introducing original critiques of “goy normativity” (Coffey & Laumann 2021) (Panel 4).

The second day will conclude with a dual roundtable discussion on the controversial topic of antisemitism in so-called “Muslim contexts” and its links to or transmission via Arab nationalism.

Day 3 will explore the intersections, distinctions, and entanglements between antisemitism and racism. We will begin with a longue durée perspective (Panel 5), followed by a focused discussion on the relationship between antisemitism and Islamophobia, with particular attention to the French (post-)colonial context (Panel 6).

The conference will close with a roundtable discussion on the current state of antisemitism and countermeasures in France, with special emphasis on antisemitism in the far-right and on the contentious issue of anti-Zionism and “Israel-related antisemitism”.

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[1] There are, of course, exceptions—notably in Germany and Austria — where the legacy of the Frankfurt School continues to play a central role in contemporary theoretical research on antisemitism.

[2] Some scholars prefer to use judeophobia as a broader, transhistorical concept referring to all forms of hostility toward Jews, while reserving antisemitism for its modern, racialized, and biologizing form, rooted in pseudo-scientific discourse. The terminological debate will be addressed in Panel 3.

[3] For the French case, see the annual reports of the French National Consultative Commission on Human Rights (CNCDH), authored by Nonna Mayer, Yuma Ando, Tommaso Vitale, and Vincent Tiberj, as well as recent empirical sociological studies on antisemitism in France: Wieviorka (2005a), Lapeyronnie (2012), Birnbaum (2015), Fourquet and Manternach (2016), Druez and Mayer (2018), Allouche-Benayoun et al. (2022), Mayer and Tiberj (2022), and Mayer (2025). For a recent political history of antisemitism in France after 1967, see Hirsch 2017 and Bande and alii. 2024. See also various contributions in the journal ALARMER (https://revue.alarmer.org/). After October 7, 2023, France witnessed a large number of intellectual interventions criticizing what is seen as a denial of antisemitism within the (radical) left; see, for example, Karsenti (2024), Bensussan (2025), and numerous articles in the journal K (https://k-larevue.com/en/).

[4] See Kolja Lindner’s otherwise very positive review in La Vie des idées: https://laviedesidees.fr/IMG/pdf/20291005_fraser.pdf. Moreover, several authors associated with critical theoretical traditions, such as Alain Badiou and Judith Butler, have been accused of reproducing antisemitic tropes in their writings (Chaouat 2016). In recent years, heated debates have also emerged around postcolonial and decolonial theories, especially in relation to antisemitism and anti-Zionism (Elbe 2024).

[5] As numerous studies have shown, anti-Zionism can function as a vehicle for the expression of antisemitism. This is particularly evident when classical antisemitic tropes — such as notions of secret Jewish power and domination, Jewish conspiracy, the portrayal of Jews as a subversive force undermining world order, or the association of Jews with modernity — are transposed onto the Israeli state. Such rhetoric has existed on the far right since the early 20th century (Holz & Haury 2021), but it also appeared on the left, notably with the anti-Jewish show trials in the Stalinist-era Eastern bloc (Haury 2002), and later within the North American and European New Left, where anti-Zionism became a “cultural code” enabling antisemitic expression (Volkov 2006, Arnold 2016). Furthermore, forms of “Israel-related antisemitism” have also been identified — in varying degrees — in Arab and Palestinian nationalist movements (Kiefer 2002, Achcar 2009).

[6] See Adorno (1955) and Bergmann (2007).

[7] One of the consequences of the hostility of Arab states toward Israel is the massive exodus — driven by distinct dynamics in each country — of Jews from North Africa (Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Egypt) and the Middle East (Yemen, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon) between 1948 and 1967. While nearly one million Jews lived in this vast region at the end of the Second World War, only about 30,000 remain there today. Although there is broad consensus regarding the facts themselves — namely, the exodus of Jews from Arab countries during the period of decolonization, primarily to Israel but also to Europe and North America —, significant disagreement persists concerning their interpretation: while some attribute responsibility to the exclusionary dimension of Arab nationalism, others emphasize Zionist separatism as the primary cause of the exodus (Charbit 2022).

[8] The intensity of public debate surrounding Israel and antisemitism varies according to developments in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Since October 7, 2023, both the conflict itself and the discourse surrounding it have assumed a new magnitude. The Hamas terrorist attack resulted in the deaths of nearly 1,200 people in Israel (including more than 800 civilians) and the abduction of 240 hostages, who were taken into the Gaza Strip. This event has had a profound and lasting impact on Israeli society. At the time of writing, a fragile ceasefire has been in effect since October 11, 2025, and the last surviving Israeli hostages have been released. In response to the October 7 attack, the Israeli government of Benjamin Netanyahu launched a military campaign in Gaza, which has resulted in more than 70,000 direct deaths caused by military action—a figure that could plausibly be nearly doubled if indirect war-related deaths are taken into account. There is a debate — both legal and political — over the appropriate qualification of Israel’s post–October 7 policy in the Gaza Strip: war crimes, crimes against humanity, or genocide? Representatives of the United Nations, human rights organizations (such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch), renowned historians of genocide (including Amos Goldberg and Omer Bartov), and numerous intellectuals (surch as Balibar 2025) no longer hesitate to employ the term genocide, while others, such as the historian Jean-Pierre Filiu or the jurist Philippe Sands, refrain from doing so. Jean-Pierre Filiu has instead described Israel’s actions as an ‘anti-humanitarian war’ (Filiu 2025), while Philippe Sands has recalled that a ‘war crime’ or a ‘crime against humanity’ is ‘no less serious than genocide’ (Sands 2025). Some intellectuals are highly skeptical of the use of the term genocide to characterize Israel’s actions. The French philosopher Gérard Bensussan views such accusations as the product of a form of antizionism that secularizes elements of Christian anti-Judaism — most notably the accusation of ‘deicide’ — within a ‘political theology’ of ‘substitution’ directed against the State of Israel (Bensussan 2025, pp. 53–55). Others situate contemporary accusations within the longer antisemitic history of genocide allegations directed against the Jewish people and against Israel (see Goda 2025, as well as Szeftel 2024 and Bolton 2025).

[9] A study by the Institut Montaigne found that Jewish applicants in France were subject to hiring discrimination when compared to their Catholic counterparts — though to a lesser extent than applicants perceived as Muslim. See Valfort (2017).

[10] For a critique of the “color line” conceptual framework when applied to Jewish identity and antisemitism, see in particular: Ghiles-Meilhac (2017), Berkovits (2018), Schraub (2019), Stoff (2021), Coffey & Laumann (2021), Elbe (2024), Gulli (2024).

[11] https://www.cncdh.fr/publications/rapport-2024-sur-la-lutte-contre-le-racisme-lantisemitisme-et-la-xenophobie

[12] See Mazower 2025 and the essay by historian Timothy Snyder (March 14, 2025), “Antisemitism and ‘Antisemitism’: The Abuse of the Word and the Spread of the Phenomenon,” available at: https://snyder.substack.com/p/antisemitism-and-antisemitism. One might also cite terms such as genocide, Zionism, anti-Zionism, settler colonialism, or apartheid, which have increasingly functioned as Kampfbegriffe and identity markers, particularly in recent years. See Policar, Mayer & Corcuff (2022).