
Mentor Mustafa
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Papers by Mentor Mustafa
strategies that are practised, and how these are informed by multiple understandings of customary law. Within an honour-driven context, gjakmarrja is a way of redressing the loss of an individual’s or family’s honour (nder). In a context where individual actors and kin-groups accumulate a feud performance history, blood feud regulates the flow of public
insults upon individuals’ and kin-groups’ moral and social worth in both private and public domains. Our data further suggest that diverse understandings of the traditional
law locally known as kanun inform feud relations. Enactment and re-enactment procedures do not always culminate in settlement of feuds. Instead, various interpretations of
customary law often serve as a justification of and sometimes a catalyst for more feuds. Operating alongside, and often in opposition to, state and transnational legal frameworks
such as human rights legislation, customary law and its diverse local manifestations may facilitate rather than deter the intergenerational persistence of blood feud conflicts.
https://www.academia.edu/2943799/Anthropological_Notebooks_Contributions_to_Albanian_Studies_2008_volume_XIV_number_2
spiritual leader and the pir1 founder of the Order. The origins of the founder of the Order are in the regions of northwestern Iran, central Anatolia where he devoted most of his teachings. It is here in the 15th and 16th centuries that Bektashiyya
emerged as a highly organized Sufi Order and certainly one of the most influential dervish Orders established in the Balkans by the Ottoman rule (Norton 2001). By the 17th century we have a presence of Bektashi teqes (Sufi convents or lodges) and babas and dervishes serving local communities and travelers throughout much of the southern Balkans. Moreover, it is in Albania where the Bektashi continue to have a presence as the third largest religious community after Sunni Muslims and Christians (Albanian Orthodox and Catholics). Ottoman
legacy, in this context includes the historical contributions to the religious landscape, namely the emergence of a predominantly Muslim character of Albanian religiosity, which was shaped during the prolonged contact under the
Ottoman influence in Albania and in the neighboring Albanian populated territories, most notably in Kosovo but also in Macedonia.
The following account suggests that we find „Ottoman legacy‟ not simply as „the other‟ in southeastern Europe, but rather as a highly localized or even „nativized other‟. In this view, Albanian Bektashi discourses present Bektashiyya as highly congruent with Albanian culture. To accounts of Ottoman legacies in Europe, the historical and socio-anthropological materials that follow relate to processes of cultural diffusion and models dealing with dynamics between centers and peripheries, cores and margins as well as perspectives on local and global or national or transnational contexts. The Bektashi of Albania as a case in point suggests that the „other‟ is localized through cross-fertilization between
socio-cultural and religious imports and native cultural milieu. Ottoman legacy in southeastern Europe is indeed a legitimate area of inquiry with evident theoretical implications. In this case we find Bektashiyya in Albania not only as
local tradition, but sometimes also without apparent traces of its originating source in central Anatolia.
The study acknowledges that there is an ongoing return of religion in the public sphere under way in a post-communist setting. The implications of the observed revival draw our attention to the nature of religion in communist Albania. It is the latter theme that is explored here in more detail, with the support of ethnohistorical and ethnographic fieldwork data that inform our understanding of the extent to which religion may have survived in communist Albania as an underground expression of social life that was limited to the private domain.
Jordan are consistent with the results of previous studies that align ‘Ain Di fla with the Tabun D-type Levantine
Mousterian. Technological and typological affinities are discernible from a direct comparison of tools from this assemblage with those found in Tabun layer D, as well as metrical and categorical comparisons between ‘Ain Difla and other well-known Tabun D Mousterian sites. The ‘Ain Difla sample is dominated by elongated Levallois points. Blanks were
obtained from both uni- and bipolar convergent and predominantly Levallois cores that show evidence of bidirectional flaking. The typological and technological comparisons reported here suggest that the evolution of the blade-rich Mousterian can be viewed as a continuum between the early (Tabun) and late (Boker Tachtit) Mousterian; that (on any index) ‘Ain Di fla falls somewhere around the middle of this continuum, and that Mousterian laminar technologies develop more or less continually into the early Upper Paleolithic Ahmarian.
strategies that are practised, and how these are informed by multiple understandings of customary law. Within an honour-driven context, gjakmarrja is a way of redressing the loss of an individual’s or family’s honour (nder). In a context where individual actors and kin-groups accumulate a feud performance history, blood feud regulates the flow of public
insults upon individuals’ and kin-groups’ moral and social worth in both private and public domains. Our data further suggest that diverse understandings of the traditional
law locally known as kanun inform feud relations. Enactment and re-enactment procedures do not always culminate in settlement of feuds. Instead, various interpretations of
customary law often serve as a justification of and sometimes a catalyst for more feuds. Operating alongside, and often in opposition to, state and transnational legal frameworks
such as human rights legislation, customary law and its diverse local manifestations may facilitate rather than deter the intergenerational persistence of blood feud conflicts.
https://www.academia.edu/2943799/Anthropological_Notebooks_Contributions_to_Albanian_Studies_2008_volume_XIV_number_2
spiritual leader and the pir1 founder of the Order. The origins of the founder of the Order are in the regions of northwestern Iran, central Anatolia where he devoted most of his teachings. It is here in the 15th and 16th centuries that Bektashiyya
emerged as a highly organized Sufi Order and certainly one of the most influential dervish Orders established in the Balkans by the Ottoman rule (Norton 2001). By the 17th century we have a presence of Bektashi teqes (Sufi convents or lodges) and babas and dervishes serving local communities and travelers throughout much of the southern Balkans. Moreover, it is in Albania where the Bektashi continue to have a presence as the third largest religious community after Sunni Muslims and Christians (Albanian Orthodox and Catholics). Ottoman
legacy, in this context includes the historical contributions to the religious landscape, namely the emergence of a predominantly Muslim character of Albanian religiosity, which was shaped during the prolonged contact under the
Ottoman influence in Albania and in the neighboring Albanian populated territories, most notably in Kosovo but also in Macedonia.
The following account suggests that we find „Ottoman legacy‟ not simply as „the other‟ in southeastern Europe, but rather as a highly localized or even „nativized other‟. In this view, Albanian Bektashi discourses present Bektashiyya as highly congruent with Albanian culture. To accounts of Ottoman legacies in Europe, the historical and socio-anthropological materials that follow relate to processes of cultural diffusion and models dealing with dynamics between centers and peripheries, cores and margins as well as perspectives on local and global or national or transnational contexts. The Bektashi of Albania as a case in point suggests that the „other‟ is localized through cross-fertilization between
socio-cultural and religious imports and native cultural milieu. Ottoman legacy in southeastern Europe is indeed a legitimate area of inquiry with evident theoretical implications. In this case we find Bektashiyya in Albania not only as
local tradition, but sometimes also without apparent traces of its originating source in central Anatolia.
The study acknowledges that there is an ongoing return of religion in the public sphere under way in a post-communist setting. The implications of the observed revival draw our attention to the nature of religion in communist Albania. It is the latter theme that is explored here in more detail, with the support of ethnohistorical and ethnographic fieldwork data that inform our understanding of the extent to which religion may have survived in communist Albania as an underground expression of social life that was limited to the private domain.
Jordan are consistent with the results of previous studies that align ‘Ain Di fla with the Tabun D-type Levantine
Mousterian. Technological and typological affinities are discernible from a direct comparison of tools from this assemblage with those found in Tabun layer D, as well as metrical and categorical comparisons between ‘Ain Difla and other well-known Tabun D Mousterian sites. The ‘Ain Difla sample is dominated by elongated Levallois points. Blanks were
obtained from both uni- and bipolar convergent and predominantly Levallois cores that show evidence of bidirectional flaking. The typological and technological comparisons reported here suggest that the evolution of the blade-rich Mousterian can be viewed as a continuum between the early (Tabun) and late (Boker Tachtit) Mousterian; that (on any index) ‘Ain Di fla falls somewhere around the middle of this continuum, and that Mousterian laminar technologies develop more or less continually into the early Upper Paleolithic Ahmarian.