Asian Studies

Using horror as social commentary is not an unknown practice for filmmakers; however, instead of virtue signaling or a ham-fisted storytelling approach to represent his political views overtly, Kim Ki-young ambivalently depicts the disparity of South Korean social hierarchy in his 1960 psychological thriller, The Housemaid. By doing so, he tells the viewer not what to think of the characters that represent each social class, but instead presents to the viewer how the nation is developing through modernity and westernization, the gap between economic classes, and the futility of capitalism. Making no direct claims on preference of traditionalism versus modernity, Kim's film ends with no solution on the state of South Korea in the 1960s without a call to action other than for older men, the upper-middle class, to not interact with younger women, the working class. Nevertheless, even this is done with a hint of irony, a strange breaking of the fourth wall, not an actual call for class segregation by the director himself. With only the meeting of the Confucian-steeped, patriarchal traditionalism of the couple of the house, and the newfound westernization and modernization of urban Korea, represented by the destructive, titular housemaid, Kim presents the incompatibility of the era, rather than an answer for what is right and what is wrong. More succinctly, The Housemaid is about the crossing of borders: both into westernization and in social class, and the resulting consequences.

Marxist class consciousness and oppression are connected to gender inequality in that one cannot be fully liberated without the other. Korean feminist text From Wonso Pond[인간문제 人間問題] by Kang Kyong-ae [강경애 姜敬愛] and Russian feminist text Red Love by Alexandra Kollontai both explore these subtextual themes to varying degrees and in different presentation styles. Both of these works of proletarian literature depict relationship dynamics between the genders and through multiple different character perspectives so that a better understanding of class consciousness can be achieved. A common dynamic in these proletarian works is that the women begin as being in the direction of men and possessing little personal agency and autonomy for themselves. However, typically, as these works progress, the females are able to come together in collective strength and solidarity. For example, in From Wonso Pond, the feminist aspect is centered around the character Sonbi as she runs away from a victimized life in search of a better life in Incheon. In Red Love, protagonist Vassilissa is dedicated to moving through the ranks of Russian revolutionaries while navigating romantic disappointments that shape her views of feminism and class. The characters in both proletarian novels are driven–at least subconsciously–by the idea of solidarity and of raising class consciousness. As the story progresses, the characters become aware of their status as women in a society that does not value as much as it values men. This realization guides the protagonists in their search for solidarity, equality, and peace. Both novels Red Love and From Wonso Pond depict feministic solidarity as a conception of shared trauma and Marxist class consciousness between female characters within the constraints of male-dominated societies.

The evolving relationship between the People’s Republic of China and Russia has received a great deal of scholarly attention in recent years, particularly in the wake of the collapse of the Soviet Union and of China’s growing participation in the global market as a rival of the United States. However, the often highly positive relationship between China and Russia is not a twenty-first century phenomenon. The two nations have a robust history of partnership, affiliation, and mutual support. This research will examine the nature and evolution of Sino-Russo relations, with a particular emphasis on the mechanisms and motivations informing the nations’ contemporary interactions. Of particular interest will be the premise of the emergence of a “New Cold War” or new “Great Game.” These models will provide an important context through which to assess Russia and China’s current efforts to pursue and cultivate their mutual interests, both on their own terms and in regard to the alliance’s strategic positioning against the powers of the European Union and, especially, the United States.

By the time Bob Dylan released his seminal album, Blood on the Tracks, in 1975, he was nearly years into retirement, seeking to be a hermit from a clamoring public that sought to claim his voice as their own. It was a turbulent era that often stunned even the most gallant hearts into silence. Blood on the Tracks appeared as the nation was endeavoring to heal itself not only from the penetrating wounds of the Vietnam War but also from the seismic shocks of Watergate. However, the album is far more than Dylan’s concession to a traumatized generation seeking to appropriate his voice and to draw the artist out of his intensely desired seclusion for their own needs and purposes. Rather, Blood on the Tracks is an exemplar of artistic self-fashioning, a lyrical reaction formation in which identities are assumed, tested, discarded, and replaced in an effort not only for self-renewal but for self-protection.

Oscar Wilde’s The Picture of Dorian Gray and Goethe’s The Sorrows of Young Werther were written and published more than a century apart, yet the character archetypes presented in both works illustrate a slowly evolving view of traditional masculinity that encompasses more traditionally feminine qualities. This changing idea of masculinity can be seen in exaggerated forms in the depictions of Goethe’s Werther and Wilde’s Dorian Gray, both of whom display negative qualities associated with this new model of masculinity. For example, these negative traits of regressive masculinity are illustrated by Doran Gray's withering displays of vanity and in Werther’s self-destructive throws of passion, and of their character traits which are at times more akin to children than to grown men. Further, the regressive masculinity and effeminacy depicted by these two characters have had lasting cultural repercussions in the form of hysteria related to Werther’s popularity, as well as in Oscar Wilde’s trial on the grounds of homosexuality. By comparing displays of effeminacy and childlike regression in the titular characters of The Sorrow of Young Werther and The Picture of Dorian Gray, we can see how the negative traits associated with these regressive manifestations of masculinity subvert traditional ideas of masculinity and thus are viewed as negative qualities that contribute to each character’s tragic fate.

Humans are storytelling animals, and narratives are how we learn from and bond with each other. Stories help us define the world and tell what our place is in it. They recall the history, record the present, and predict the future. The diverse literature of East Asia speaks not only to the complex histories of the nations comprising this region, but it also provides insights into today's conflicts. The Sinographic nations-represented by China, Japan, Korea, and Vietnam-exist in an uneasy alliance on the global stage while united by a shared foundation of philosophical ideals, as well as a shared experience of Western colonial domination. In the face of this geopolitical reality, however, arises another issue of nationalism: the need to affirm and protect the unique identity and culture of each individual nation. Regional tensions reflect the challenges, however, as nations seek to guard against neighbor rivals that threaten their own cultural and political integrity. Within such a dynamic geopolitical framework, reference to particular literary canons of each nation provides a window through which to define the identity of the nation, as well as its particular role both in the region and around the world. One of the most significant challenges facing East Asian nations today is the effort to advance and preserve a unique identity for a political position on the global stage. In past decades, comparable to the situation in the Middle East, the long-shared history of European imperialistic domination has been a subtle yet devastating process of political homogenization, in which the particular culture, ideology, and politics have a shared regional identity.

Operating under the gaze of the opposite sex, depictions of feminism–in regard to girl groups–and homosexuality–in regard to male idols–in mass-produced Korean media are not necessarily the progressive, non-conformist, break away from traditional gender and sexuality standards that they seem to be. The music videos and icons, touted by media conglomerates, shown to millions of viewers on YouTube, depict not the liberated female form, nor the openly proud homosexual, but a stylized version of both that vaguely reflect these Westernized views that are growing in popularity, primarily through images. Like most mass media, K-pop’s first and foremost goal is not to send a message of social justice, but it instead is trying to generate capital. Marketing techniques and, more recently, social media, have lent the information that they have forever known to K-pop producers and managers, that sexuality in the gaze of a viewer makes them more likely to purchase a product. Whatever is trendy is also attractive, and with a generation more politically aware than ever before, the need for the idols to be palatable both to the West and to the traditional Korean standards is increasingly present. The illusion of progress remains, but the marketing technique also remains the same: female liberation in media is limited and for purposes of heteronormative consumer habits, and male femininity in style is for the same purposes.

As the world transitions more towards a digital economy, the internet and video gaming have become integral parts of society, representing a country’s cultures and posing influence on both domestic and international audiences. This is particularly true in China’s context as well as the US, Korean, and Japanese ones, of which game revenues rank the world’s top four (Newzoo 2023). Challenges arise when the Chinese internet essentially functions as an intranet due to its high degree of censorship, undermining China’s national image and global influence. This is particularly problematic in the video gaming industry, which arguably is expected to have a relatively lower risk reducing censorship. As Professor Lee Geun puts it, “Those who dominate the screen dominate the world.” This paper identifies problems in China’s general national image, its video game industry, and proposes strategies to leverage video gaming as a tool to reshape China’s image globally and redefine its soft power according to Joseph Nye’s and Professor Lee Geun’s theories. As such, the video game industry is both a soft-power means and goal for China in this proposal.

The war in Ukraine has polarized the world. Although the Ukraine conflict represents a humanitarian crisis, it also has larger economic and political implications for Russia, the West, and China. Sino-Russian relations have been complicated throughout history, dating as far back as the 13th century when the Mongol hordes invaded Kievan Rus. In the mid-19th century, Russia captured a portion of Northern China during a geostrategic and colonial competition with the West known as the Great Game, as Russia sought to control parts of Central Asia for power, wealth, and prestige.2 Nicholas II aimed to extend Russia’s influence in Asia near the turn of the 20th century, and over time, the two powers came to share some ideological perspectives in Leninism, as prominent Chinese intellectuals were attracted to the Bolshevik Revolution and its modernizing objectives, seeing the Marxist political economy to “restore national dignity.” In post-Cold War years, Sino-Russian relations have “veered between discord and cooperation,” claim Kim and Blank.4 Observers currently recognized a new strategic partnership emerging between Russia and China.

In ancient times, the wisdom of The Book of Change was often employed in the exploration of international relations. However, in the modern Eurocentric paradigm of mainstream international relations theory, its role has been marginalized. As Eurocentric theories show obvious deficiencies in explaining the development of modern China, scholars are seeking a new theoretical framework for working explanations and predictions. This paper contrasts the Eastern thoughts embodied in the The Book of Change with the mainstream Western international relations theories to explore how the The Book of Change can provide a new, Eastern perspective for modern international relations theory. While discussing how Chinese thoughts represented by The Book of Change can reveal and propose a new paradigm that transcends the dichotomy of Eurocentrism and Sinocentrism, providing new possibilities to solve the predicament of international relations theory, this paper concludes with criticism of the one-sidedness of modern China’s foreign policy.

Informed by a soft-power synergy and dilemma theory, this study comprehensively investigates the political influence of the Chinese video game Genshin Impact on its domestic players’ perceptions of China and Japan, panoramically examining its role as a soft power resource. Utilizing a mixed-methods approach that combines quantitative surveys and qualitative interviews, gathering data from sixty-four valid responses, the research is grounded in but adapts the Nation Brands Index (NBI) to measure changes in national perceptions among Chinese players before and after playing. It longitudinally measures players’ in-game experiences, perceptions of China and Japan, and political views. Employing paired-sample tests, linear regression analyses, and leveraging a quasi-natural experiment design, the findings, encompassing nine hypotheses, demonstrate that Genshin Impact exhibits coexisting soft-power synergy and soft-power dilemma. Its associations with reality exert a predominantly positive, significant influence on players’ perceptions and attitudes through subtle, immersive mechanisms, though the specific impacts may sometimes diverge. The game, however, also elevates players’ awareness of governmental issues concerning democracy and historical mistakes, thanks to its recurrent themes of liberal and democratic values; in this regard, Genshin Impact is a catharsis, a public narrative that has deftly circumvented the constraints of the censorship. The study challenges traditional soft power theories by illustrating how interactive media can bridge the gap between cultural appeal and political influence, offering new insights into the role of video games in international relations and nation branding.

소프트 파워 시너지 및 딜레마(soft-power synergy and dilemma) 이론을 바탕으로, 본 연구는 중국 비디오 게임 원신이 국내 플레이어들의 중국과 일본에 대한 인식에 미치는 정치적 영향을 철저히 조사하여 이 게임이 연성 권력(소프트 파워) 자원으로서 가지는 역할을 포괄적으로 분석한다. 양적 설문 조사와 질적 인터뷰를 결합한 혼합 연구 방법을 활용하여 64개의 유효한 응답 데이터를 수집하였으며, 국가 브랜드 지수(Nation Brands Index, NBI)를 참고하되 이를 조정하여 중국 플레이어들의 국가 인식 변화를 측정한다. 본 연구는 두 시점에 걸쳐 플레이어들의 게임 경험, 중국과 일본에 대한 인식, 정치적 견해를 종적으로 측정한다. 짝지어진 표본 검정(paired-sample tests), 선형 회귀 분석(linear regression analyses)을 사용하고 準자연 실험(quasi-natural experiment) 디자인을 활용하여, 아홉 가지 가설을 포함한 연구 결과는 원신에서 공존하는 소프트 파워 시너지와 소프트 파워 딜레마가 나타남을 보여준다. 그의 현실과의 연관성은 비록 구체적 영향은 종종 일방향적이거나 획일적이지 않고 분기(分岐)하여 나타나되 이러한 연관성은 간접적이고 몰입적인 메커니즘을 통해 플레이어들의 인식과 태도에 통계적으로 유의미한 전반적인 긍정적 영향을 미친다. 그런가 하면 게임 내에서 반복되는 자유주의 및 민주주의 가치에 대한 주제로 인해, 플레이어들은 정부의 민주주의 문제나 과거 실수에 대한 인식이 높아지며, 이러한 측면에서 원신은 검열의 제약을 교묘하게 우회한 카타르시스이자 공중(公衆)의 서사로서의 역할도 한다. 본 연구는 상호작용적 미디어가 문화적 매력과 정치적 영향력 사이의 격차를 좁힐 수 있음을 보여주며, 전통적인 연성 권력 이론에 도전하고 비디오 게임이 국제 관계와 국가 브랜드 형성에서 수행할 수 있는 새로운 역할을 제시한다.

基于“软实力协同与困境”（soft-power synergy and dilemma）理论，本研究全面深入地调查了中国电子游戏《原神》对中国玩家如何认知中国和日本所产生的政治影响，全景式地审视了其作为软实力资源的角色。研究采用量化问卷和质性访谈相结合的混合方法，收集了64份有效数据。为测量中国玩家在游玩前后两个时间点之间的认知变化，本研究主要以国家品牌指数（Nation Brands Index, NBI）为基础并对其进行了调整。研究对玩家的游戏经历、对中国和日本的认知、以及政治观点进行纵向测量。经配对样本检验、线性回归分析，并利用准自然实验（quasi-natural experiment）设计，研究结果涵盖九个假设，表明《原神》展现了软实力协同与软实力困境的共存。通过其与现实的强关联以及间接而沉浸式的机制，《原神》对玩家的认知和态度产生了整体上积极的显著影响，尽管这种影响有时并非单向或统一的。然而，与此同时，由于游戏中反复出现包含自由和民主价值观的主题，玩家对涉及民主和历史错误的政府问题的意识亦有所提升——在这方面，《原神》是一种宣泄，是巧妙避开审查制度限制的公共叙事。该研究挑战了传统的软实力理论，展示了互动媒体如何弥合文化吸引力与政治影响之间的鸿沟，为电子游戏在国际关系和国家品牌塑造中的作用提供了新的见解。

ソフトパワーのシナジーとジレンマ（soft-power synergy and dilemma）の理論に基づき、本研究は中国のビデオゲーム『原神』が国内プレイヤーの中国および日本に対する認識に及ぼす政治的影響を徹底的に調査し、そのゲームがソフトパワー資源として果たす役割を総合的に検証する。量的調査と質的インタビューを組み合わせた混合研究手法を用い、64件の有効な回答データを収集し、国家ブランド指数（Nation Brands Index, NBI）を参考にしつつ調整して、中国人プレイヤーのプレイ前後における国家認識の変化を測定した。調査はプレイヤーのゲーム経験、中国と日本に対する認識、政治的見解を縦断的に測定している。対応のあるサンプル検定、線形回帰分析を用い、準自然実験(quasi-natural experiment)のデザインを活用して、9つの仮説を含む研究結果は、『原神』にソフトパワーのシナジーとソフトパワーのジレンマ共が存するのを示している。その現実との強い関連性は、こうした影響が時に一方向的でも均一的でもなく異なる場合もあるものの、間接的で没入的なメカニズムを通じてプレイヤーの認識や態度に全体的に肯定的かつ有意な影響を与えている。しかし、ゲーム内で繰り返されるリベラルおよび民主的な価値観のテーマによって、プレイヤーは民主主義や歴史的過ちに関する政府の問題への意識が高まっている。この点で、『原神』はカタルシスであり、検閲の制約を巧みに回避した公衆の物語である。本研究は、インタラクティブなメディアが文化的魅力と政治的影響力の間のギャップを埋める方法を示し、伝統的なソフトパワー理論に挑戦するとともに、ビデオゲームが国際関係や国家ブランディングにおいて果たし得る新たな役割に関する洞察を提供できる。