Journalism and Communication

Sanchez (2005) proposed the future leading communicator as: “the true professional [who] will be an adroit strategist, a creative technician and a skilled facilitator – a friend of technology and an exponent of life-long learning. The future is a global voyage into the art and science of communication, where the successful communicator will be like the men and women of the Renaissance, pulling it all together, but in the high tech environment of the 21st century.” (pp.10-11) Since the 1980s, starting from Broom and Dozier’s seminal studies on the nature of public relations employment and professionalism, there has been discussion of the career paths, competencies and training needs of public relations and corporate communication professionals. More recently, the Arthur W. Page Society (2007) has scoped the role of the Chief Communication Officer’s role in the Authentic Enterprise which placed the communicator at C-Level (Executive Board) or close to it (the marzipan layer) of the co...

This study examines the online communicative dynamics between women and men during the Saudi women’s rights campaign to end male guardianship, which unfolded on Twitter. We analysed 2.7 million tweets with the #EndMaleGuardianship hashtag over a 7-month period quantitatively and 150,245 of these qualitatively to examine the extent to which Twitter shapes and facilitates cross-gender communication, and how this helped engender new spaces for expression of dissent. Our study shows that Twitter provided shared online communicative spaces that had several characteristics commonly associated with public sphere(s). There is also evidence that using these alternatives spaces, women transcended to an extent the gender segregation that exists in traditional public discourses and spaces of Saudi society. The anonymity of Twitter offered women a safe place to deliberate their concerns about male guardianship. We suggest that these deliberations created a counterpublic sphere of sorts, which he...

The #MeToo movement, which engulfed much of India's news and entertainment industry in October 2018, was projected by many as a watershed moment for Indian journalism. Driven largely through social media activism, it created significant media discourse and public outcry, leading to the 'outing' and resignation of scores of journalists. This paper explores the perception of #MeTooIndia in regional and national newsrooms. Drawing on Manuel Castells's ideas of networked social movement, we consider the origins of #MeTooIndia, including its mediation on private and social networks. We then draw on 190 semi-structured interviews with journalists working in 14 languages across the six administrative zones of India to explore the 'cause' of the campaign-the prevalence of sexual harassment and sexual violence in workspacesbefore turning our attention to the impact, or potential for impact, that journalists saw in it. We find most journalists felt the movement was "good", but did not think it influenced their newsroom environment or newswork in any meaningful manner. Regional journalists expressed more pessimism about the #MeTooIndia, men more so than women.

Sexual violence and the news media Issues, challenges, and guidelines for journalists in India About this report This report on sexual violence and the news media is a more than welcome addition to existing literature on the subject. The combination of content analysis and interviews with reporters makes it particularly credible and authentic. The scope-10 newspapers in six languages scrutinised over a three-month period and interviews with 257 journalists working in 14 languages across India in all sectors of media-renders it authoritative and persuasive. The accessible style and presentation will no doubt make it not only palatable but helpful to journalists, including decision-makers, and invaluable to media educators. If the recommendations and guidelines are taken on board by news media organisations it could result in a welcome sea-change in coverage of sexual violence in the Indian media. Ammu Joseph Independent journalist, Bengaluru An extremely thorough and thought-provoking report that contains precious analysis and many qualitative interviews with journalists. The pointers and recommendations to journalists at the end are excellent and can lead to a new form of journalism education which has been completely absent from all J-schools in India. This is an exceedingly useful report that should be made mandatory in newsrooms and all journalism training institutes.

Sources of AIDS awareness among rural and urban Indian women were analysed using data from the National Family and Health Survey (1998 Á/2000). Two measures were developed to study the impact each source had on knowledge. 'Effectiveness' was defined as the proportion of women who had heard of AIDS from only one source, from among women who had heard of AIDS from that particular source and other sources. 'Independent effect' was the proportion who had heard of AIDS from only one source in relation to all women who had heard of AIDS. Television was the most effective medium, and also had the highest independent effect. Radio and print had very low effectiveness and independent effect. Although television and print audiences are growing in India, it is likely a subgroup of women will continue to lack media access. There is an urgent need to disseminate AIDS awareness to this 'media underclass'. Since the media will not reach this group, other sources including health workers, community level activities such as adult education programmes, and networks of friends and relatives need to be explored.

Centre (BUDMC). He has researched and published extensively on African and Caribbean disaster management issues. Lee also advises local and national bodies on risk reduction and response arrangements in Sierra Leone, including on Covid-19 as well as the 2021 fire disaster in Susan's Bay, Freetown.

We could have been killed that day… so that gave us a new perspective. Till now I am reminded of how I was lucky to survive." News reporting from areas affected by natural disasters are fraught with difficulties, not to mention dangers, and in recent years, much has been written about the constraints involved in such journalistic endeavours. Both scholars and practitioners, drawing on experiences from sites as varied as Chile, China, Haiti, India, Japan and Nepal, have highlighted issues that challenge reporters in post-disaster situations: among others, threat to physical safety, informational vacuum, destruction of communication and transport systems, and ethical dilemmas (Puente, Pelegrini and Grassau 2013). Considerable debate has also centred around the personal trauma that such intimate encounters with human tragedy inflict on those who

This book was made possible by the efforts of several colleagues from a number of institutions in India who came together to help publish NewsTracker (www.newstracker. maar.in), a single-issue web site that formed part of the MAAR project (www.maar.in). We wish to thank the following people and institutions for their time and efforts:

The first COVID-19 case in India was reported on January 30, in the southern state of Kerala. Though the state’s response was admirably swift, it was not long before the pandemic spread in other parts of the nation. As of September, India has 4.2 million infections, more than 71,500 deaths, and is the second most-affected nation in the world—this, despite its government imposing the harshest lockdown in the world. This chapter scrutinises the timeline of India’s national response and its crisis communication. Not only did the government misjudge the threat level, it failed to utilise the time it bought by placing its 1.3 billion people under severe restrictions. Its communicative responses were delayed, and, while manifestly in line with the CERC principles, largely aimed at framing the government’s ad hoc approach to lockdown and exit as effective crisis management that has “saved lakhs of lives”

This research examines the practices and beliefs of journalists at three news websites as they integrate new communication technologies in the workplace. The results of interviews with journalists at Abendblatt, Germany, The Northern Echo in the UK, and MSN.co.uk (UK website), suggest that existing institutional cultures can sometimes affect the way Web 2.00 technologies are used and understood by occupational journalists. Market perceptions influenced specific web attitudes and practices at both newspapers. Thus Abendblatt.de and the Northern Echo have retreated from immediacy online in order to protect their print sales, whereas net-native MSN.co.uk has developed a rapid-response style of journalism that is seemingly enabled by its digital-only presentation. The research also indicates that institutional influence on practices can be unpredictable. The English newspaper sought a mostly local web audience whereas the German site focused nationally, mirroring the net-native MSN.co.uk . The English newspaper spurned web analytics while the other two sites used them avidly. The strong effects of Google on editorial gatekeeping and web optimization reported by Abendblatt.de and Msn.co.uk journalists were not reflected in the English newspaper. For the theoretical discussion, Weber's versions of rationality are used to distinguish the journalists' approaches to innovation and technological practice. The research suggests means-end 'practical' rationality that concentrates on short-term advantage is shown at all three sites to be on the ascendant at the expense of more principle-based 'substantive' rationality.

This study proposes that legacies of Puritanism are reflected in the way journalists cover a range of events and processes. The consequences are ambiguous: sometimes they may be harmful, other times they are laudable. Media coverage of the death of Peter Connelly (Baby P) in 2007 is chosen as an example of the social production of cultures of guilt and blame. In particular, journalists' productive efforts perform significant and active roles in colouring public responses to events. Thereby journalists may reflect in their secularised ethics the hidden influences of nineteenth-century Evangelical traditions and earlier Calvinist ones. Following the analysis of Weber, the paper argues that media approaches to rationality also reflect an impress of lingering Puritan structures of thought. The argument contrasts journalism with the Bohemian writing traditions, which were perhaps suffocated by more urgent Calvinistic approaches alongside the development of industrial capitalism. The paper concludes that newsroom practices and values amount to implicit or covert cultural policies of their own.