Papers by Shamshad A Khan

Strategic analysis, 2021
T he passage of the revised National Referendum Law by the Japanese Diet on 11 June 2021 has gene... more T he passage of the revised National Referendum Law by the Japanese Diet on 11 June 2021 has generated renewed optimism in Japanese pro-amendment circles over the possibility of key revisions in the US-drafted postwar Constitution, 75 years after its promulgation. 1 Japan's ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) has inched closer to realizing its long-cherished goal of the revising postwar Japanese Constitution adopted in 1947 during US occupation. However, the LDP continues to face longstanding bottlenecks-the requirement of a twothirds majority in favour of the revision in both Houses of the Japanese Diet and public approval in a nationwide Referendum. 2 Despite being in power for almost seven decades, barring two short spells, the LDP has found these requirements to be the major impediments in changing the pacifist clauses of the Constitution and implementing a robust national security policy as per its party line. Japan's constitutional revision lobbies 3 as well as a section of security experts believe that 'pacifism has constrained Japan's national security policy.' 4 It is believed that the postwar Constitution 'severely restricts Japan's use of force, relegating the country to a minimum military role in the world.' 5 With a view to overcoming the restraints of pacifism on Japanese security policy, the LDP has adopted a gradualist approach to revise the Constitution, and especially the war renunciation clause-Article 9, 6 over the last few decades. The revised National Referendum Law, adopted amid a changing East Asian security outlook and an assertive China, is yet another step in that direction. Constraints on revising constitution during the Cold War period The LDP believes that constitutional amendment is a must to make Japan a 'truly sovereign state'. 7 In fact, constitutional revision-especially the war-renouncing clause of the Constitution-was one of the key agendas of the LDP when it was formed in 1955 amid a socialist surge, following the merger of two conservative parties: the Liberal Party and Japan Democratic Party. The merger did help LDP to stop division within the conservative vote, thereby thwarting the chances of socialists gaining power. However, the socialist parties managed to gain more than one-third of the seats in parliament, making it impossible for the LDP to initiate constitutional revision. A substantial number of Japanese-as reflected in opinion polls during the Cold War 8-supported the upholding of pacifist ideals
Journal of Borderlands Studies, 2013
Alexander Bukh, London: Routledge, Sheffield Centre for Japanese Studies/Routledge Series, 2010. ... more Alexander Bukh, London: Routledge, Sheffield Centre for Japanese Studies/Routledge Series, 2010. Reviewed by Edward Boyle* The present study, based on the author's 2006 PhD thesis, seeks to “explor...
India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs, 2010

The political leadership of the leading democracies in the Asia-Pacific has been arguing for the ... more The political leadership of the leading democracies in the Asia-Pacific has been arguing for the creation of a rule-based order in the region. Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe put forth this idea in his speech at the 2014 Shangri-La Dialogue urging the international community to adhere to "international law" when making their claims and resolving their disputes. Similar statements have been made by leaders in the US, the G-7, and India. They have expressed concerns about China's expansive behavior and claims in the South China Sea and the East China Sea. This research paper evaluates the statements and speeches of Japanese and Indian leaders. It also tries to assess how the strategic thinkers and the media that help shape public opinion view their calls for forging a new regional architecture. Analyses of their debates in India and Japan would be helpful in understanding the converging and diverging points toward creating a new rule-based order. Interestingly, though both Indian and Japanese leadership have sounded positive about forming a rule-based order to check China's rise, they have not hesitated to embrace China wherever their national interests converged with Beijing's. While Japan denounces China's aggressive behavior, Tokyo has been amenable to the idea that Beijing should play an influential role in the Six-party Talks to restrain Pyongyang's provocations. The need for a new architecture can be seen not only in the field of security but also in the economic realm. While Japan so far finds itself comfortable with the European-and US-led economic order, India is uncomfortable with this Western-led economic order as the existing order is based on the 1950s economic order and does not represent the changed economic realities of the present world. Though India allies with Japan on security issues, it has aligned with China to forge a new alternative economic order that includes the China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). This paper, while summarizing the Japanese and Indian strategic thinking, suggests India and Japan to bridge their perceptions over various global and regional issues and offers policy recommendations in order to forge a strongly-knit rule-based order in the Asia-Pacific.

Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has been re-elected as the President of the ruling Liberal Dem... more Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has been re-elected as the President of the ruling Liberal Democratic (LDP) in presidential election held on September 20, 2018 by defeating Shigeru Ishiba, a former Secretary General of the party. By winning re-election for Party’s presidency for another three year term, Abe has cemented his position within the party and will continue to assume Prime Minister’s office till September 2021 which coincides with the term of his presidency. Various lessons could be learnt from the result of the LDP’s Presidential election. Most important among them is that the hawkish factions of the LDP have cemented their position within the LDP leadership. In the past, leadership rotated between the so called dovish and hawkish factions. The hawkish factions have been more aggressive on changing the pacifist Constitution and giving more power to Japanese defense forces, a move which has been opposed and resisted by Japan’s immediate neighbours as well as pacifist constituency within the country. During the Presidential election campaign, Shinzo Abe has unveiled his agenda to revise the Constitution to give Constitutional status to its Defense Force. Other agenda include making economy more vibrant, providing free and affordable education to students. At the foreign policy front, Abe is grappling with resolution of abduction of Japanese nationals with North Korea, normalization of relations with China which has deteriorated after Japan’s decision to nationalize the Senkaku Islands as well as resolution of territorial dispute with Russia. Against this context, this paper analyses the LDP’s election process, key issues highlighted by the candidates and Abe’s agenda for Japan during his apparently final term in the office as well as challenges he faces to implement these agenda.

The political leadership of the leading democracies in the Asia-Pacific has been arguing for the ... more The political leadership of the leading democracies in the Asia-Pacific has been arguing for the creation of a rule-based order in the region. Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe put forth this idea in his speech at the 2014 Shangri-La Dialogue urging the international community to adhere to “international law” when making their claims and resolving their disputes. Similar statements have been made by leaders in the US, the G-7, and India. They have expressed concerns about China’s expansive behavior and claims in the South China Sea and the East China Sea.
This research paper evaluates the statements and speeches of Japanese and Indian leaders. It also tries to assess how the strategic thinkers and the media that help shape public opinion view their calls for forging a new regional architecture. Analyses of their debates in India and Japan would be helpful in understanding the converging and diverging points toward creating a new rule-based order. Interestingly, though both Indian and Japanese leadership have sounded positive about forming a rule-based order to check China’s rise, they have not hesitated to embrace China wherever their national interests converged with Beijing’s. While Japan denounces China’s aggressive behavior, Tokyo has been amenable to the idea that Beijing should play an influential role in the Six-party Talks to restrain Pyongyang’s provocations.
The need for a new architecture can be seen not only in the field of security but also in the economic realm. While Japan so far finds itself comfortable with the European- and US-led economic order, India is uncomfortable with this Western-led economic order as the existing order is based on the 1950s economic order and does not represent the changed economic realities of the present world. Though India allies with Japan on security issues, it has aligned with China to forge a new alternative economic order that includes the China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). This paper, while summarizing the Japanese and Indian strategic thinking, suggests India and Japan to bridge their perceptions over various global and regional issues and offers policy recommendations in order to forge a strongly-knit rule-based order in the Asia-Pacific.
The investment flows from Japan to India as well as increasing number of Japanese companies setti... more The investment flows from Japan to India as well as increasing number of Japanese companies setting up their industry in India are encouraging signs. However, a comprehensive and complementary economic relationship, which was envisioned by the leaderships of the two countries, is yet to be achieved. This policy brief, in this regard, offers some suggestions, whose implementation may give a new fillip to economic and trade relationship between India and Japan.
Indian Council of World Affairs, Sapru House, May 21, 2014

It is interesting to note that Japan has adopted a two-pronged strategy to deal with the situatio... more It is interesting to note that Japan has adopted a two-pronged strategy to deal with the situation emerging from the creation of AIIB. The first strategy is to join the AIIB if it meets certain conditions including transparency in loan disbursal and the second strategy is to increase ADB’s lending capacity to counter AIIB. Japan's dilemma suggests that it considers the creation of the AIIB as a political tool by China to increase its influence in Asia at a time when, due to lack of funds, Tokyo’s influence is waning. However, Tokyo is in no mood to let China dominate Asian infrastructure projects and is gearing up for a counter strategy to compete with China. It is clear that both will compete with each other for maintaining their influence by pouring more funds for Asian infrastructure. How the battle of influence between Japan and China over Asia will pan out in the near future would be interesting to watch. It remains an open ended question whether the commitments and declarations announced by China and Japan would match with actual financial support.
The snap election held in December 2014 has given a landslide victory to the Liberal Democratic P... more The snap election held in December 2014 has given a landslide victory to the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and its coalition partner, the New Komeito. They together enjoy two thirds majority in the lower house of the Japanese Diet. The election results are being labelled as an overwhelming support to Prime Minister Abe and his policies, as he led the ruling coalition in this snap election to yet another resounding victory. Prime Minister Abe himself saw this victory as a renewed mandate from the public to realise his economic revival policy also known as Abenomics.
India-Japan nuclear cooperation has been one of the much talked about issues between the two gove... more India-Japan nuclear cooperation has been one of the much talked about issues between the two governments, strategic circles and the media. Despite achieving new breakthroughs in their cooperation in the fields of trade, infrastructure, security and defence, the civilian nuclear cooperation issue remains an unfinished agenda. The inconclusive agreement, vital for India's energy security, has been passed over to the new government as a result of the regime change in India. This is one of the issues over which both the countries have had four rounds of negotiations, but they have been unable to clinch the nuclear agreement.
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Papers by Shamshad A Khan
This research paper evaluates the statements and speeches of Japanese and Indian leaders. It also tries to assess how the strategic thinkers and the media that help shape public opinion view their calls for forging a new regional architecture. Analyses of their debates in India and Japan would be helpful in understanding the converging and diverging points toward creating a new rule-based order. Interestingly, though both Indian and Japanese leadership have sounded positive about forming a rule-based order to check China’s rise, they have not hesitated to embrace China wherever their national interests converged with Beijing’s. While Japan denounces China’s aggressive behavior, Tokyo has been amenable to the idea that Beijing should play an influential role in the Six-party Talks to restrain Pyongyang’s provocations.
The need for a new architecture can be seen not only in the field of security but also in the economic realm. While Japan so far finds itself comfortable with the European- and US-led economic order, India is uncomfortable with this Western-led economic order as the existing order is based on the 1950s economic order and does not represent the changed economic realities of the present world. Though India allies with Japan on security issues, it has aligned with China to forge a new alternative economic order that includes the China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). This paper, while summarizing the Japanese and Indian strategic thinking, suggests India and Japan to bridge their perceptions over various global and regional issues and offers policy recommendations in order to forge a strongly-knit rule-based order in the Asia-Pacific.
This research paper evaluates the statements and speeches of Japanese and Indian leaders. It also tries to assess how the strategic thinkers and the media that help shape public opinion view their calls for forging a new regional architecture. Analyses of their debates in India and Japan would be helpful in understanding the converging and diverging points toward creating a new rule-based order. Interestingly, though both Indian and Japanese leadership have sounded positive about forming a rule-based order to check China’s rise, they have not hesitated to embrace China wherever their national interests converged with Beijing’s. While Japan denounces China’s aggressive behavior, Tokyo has been amenable to the idea that Beijing should play an influential role in the Six-party Talks to restrain Pyongyang’s provocations.
The need for a new architecture can be seen not only in the field of security but also in the economic realm. While Japan so far finds itself comfortable with the European- and US-led economic order, India is uncomfortable with this Western-led economic order as the existing order is based on the 1950s economic order and does not represent the changed economic realities of the present world. Though India allies with Japan on security issues, it has aligned with China to forge a new alternative economic order that includes the China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). This paper, while summarizing the Japanese and Indian strategic thinking, suggests India and Japan to bridge their perceptions over various global and regional issues and offers policy recommendations in order to forge a strongly-knit rule-based order in the Asia-Pacific.