Articles by Aleksandra Bulatović
Srpska politička misao, 2022
Pitanja o ljudskim pravima se danas diskutuju pre svega u kontekstu individualnih prava, kao supr... more Pitanja o ljudskim pravima se danas diskutuju pre svega u kontekstu individualnih prava, kao suprotstavljenih kolektivnim interesima. U skladu sa dugom liberalnom političkom tradicijom, ljudska prava se uglavnom sagledavaju kao suštinski protivna kolektivnim pravima, koja mogu ograničiti slobodu pojedinca da pravi izbore koji bi mogli ugroziti relevantne kolektivne interese. U ovom tekstu se ljudska prava sagledavaju kao izvedena socijalna prava. Kao što priroda i identitet zajednice kojoj pojedican pripada bitno određuju identitet tog pojedinca (Agambenov pojam „Socialitas“, ili „društvenosti“), individualna prava nemaju puno značenje van konteksta vrednosti, prava i interesa zajednice. Opisani kontekst tek omogućava postojanje autentičnog i čvrstog pojma nacionalnog interesa. Po definiciji, nacionalni interesi su povezani sa kolektivnim pravima i vizijama zajednice; oni nikad ne počivaju na pogledima i stavovima individualnog, izolovanog pojedinca. Jedno od ključnih kolektivnih prava, i u isto vreme kolektivnih interesa, koje konstituiše nacionalni interes je skup prava porodice. U ovom tekstu se argumentiše da odgovarajuća zaštita porodice i porodičnih prava baca senku na samu pretpostavku o moralnosti i političkoj legitimnosti različitih savremenih ideologija, uključujući i feminističku ideologiju, koje sugerišu da, umesto da se štite prava i interesi porodice kao primarni nacionalni interes, država treba da štiti pojedince od porodice. Ideologije koje porodicu predstavljaju kao toksičnu, kao izvor pretnje individualnoj dobrobiti, u stvari su antisocijalne, totalitarne ideologije. Najveći broj argumenata koje takve ideologije iznose protiv porodice u stvari se sa jednakom snagom mogu primeniti protiv socijalnosti bilo kog tipa. Stoga u ovom tekstu argumentišemo da se Agambenov „moralni imperativ“ da svaki pojedinac doprinosi, na načine koji su mu na raspolaganju, soijalnosti njegovog društva, odnosi na odgovarajuće razumevanje porodice i treba da se shvati kao sama osnova anti-totalitarnog mišljenja.
(Issues of human rights are prevalently discussed as pertaining to individual rights as opposed to collective interests. Following the long liberal political tradition, human rights tend to be seen as potentially in opposition to collective rights, which may limit the liberty of the individual to make choices that would militate against the relevant collective interests. In this paper, we argue that individual rights ought to be seen as derivative, social rights. Just as an individual’s identity is markedly determined by the nature and identity of the community one belongs to (Agamben’s concept of ‘Socialitas’ or sociality), individual rights have little meaning outside the context of values, rights and entitlements of one’s community. This is a context that gives rise to the concept of national interest. By definition, national interests are associated with collective rights, entitlements and visions; they are never associated with the views and positions of a single, discrete individual. One of the key collective rights that constitutes national interest is the set of rights of the family. We argue that protecting the family and family rights casts a shadow on the very morality and political legitimacy of the various ideologies of today, including that of feminism, which suggest that, rather than protecting family rights and interests as a primary national policy the state should protect individuals from the family. The ideologies which portray the family as toxic, as a source of threat to individual well-being, are in fact antisocial, totalitarian ideologies, as most of the arguments levied by such ideologies against the family can bear with equal force against Socialitas of any type, against sociality. We argue that Agamben’s ‘moral imperative’ for any individual to contribute, by whatever means one has at one’s disposal, to one’s sociality, applies to our understanding of the family and ought to be taken as a foundation of anti-totalitarian thinking.)
Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology, 2022
Recommender algorithms shape societies by individually expo sing online users to everything they ... more Recommender algorithms shape societies by individually expo sing online users to everything they see, hear and feel in real time. We examine the development of recommender algorithms from t he Page Rank and advertising platforms to social media trending tools to draw conclusions about their social effects. Decisions on how to simplify the complex world around us into dozens of possibilities immensely affect societies and individuals. Similar to our perceptive apparatus, algorithms are eyes and ears in the online world, as they focus our attention towards what they "think" should be important, which is similar to news priming. That is why recommender algorithms are compared to mass media, given their similar roles to sell products and prolong content exposure of online users. This inquiry concludes that AI driven recommender algorithms represent the most powerful social force at present.
Key words: recommender systems, mass media, social polarization, echo chambers,
negative news.
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Strašna crna kutija: algoritmi za preporuke
zasnovani na veštačkoj inteligenciji kao najveća društvena sila
Algoritmi koji preporučuju sadržaj oblikuju društva tako što individualno
izlažu korisnike onlajn platformi svemu što oni na njima vide, čuju i osećaju, u
realnom vremenu. U radu ispitujemo razvoj algoritama za preporučivanje od sistema
za rangiranje stranica i reklamnih platformi do alata za društvene medije,
kako bismo izvukli zaključke o njihovim društvenim efektima. Odluke o tome
kako da se pojednostavi kompleksan svet u kome živimo, tako što se kao odgovor
na upite kreira samo mali broj preporuka za korisnika, utiču na individue
ali i društva u celini. Slično kognitivnom aparatu, algoritmi su naše oči i uši u
onlajn svetu, s obzirom da fokusiraju našu pažnju prema onome šta oni „misle”
da je bitno, što je slično selekciji najvažnijih tema za emisiju vesti u klasičnim
medijima. Zbog toga su algoritmi upoređeni sa mas medjima, jer imaju slične
uloge da prodaju proizvode i produže izloženost sadržajima. Zaključak jeste da
algoritmi za preporuke zasnovani na veštačkoj inteligenciji predstavljaju najsnažniju
društvenu silu u ovom momentu kojom je izložen ceo svet.
Ključne reči: sistemi za preporučivanje, mas mediji, društvena polarizacija,
eho komore, negativne vesti.
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L’effroyable boîte noire: les algorithmes de recommandation
basés sur l’intelligence artificielle comme
la force sociale la plus puissante
Les algorithmes de recommandation modèlent les sociétés en exposant individuellement
les utilisateurs en ligne à tout ce qu’ils voient, entendent et ressentent
en temps réel. Nous examinons le développement des algorithmes de
recommandation depuis des systèmes de classement des sites et des plateformes
publicitaires jusqu’aux outils de tendance des réseaux sociaux pour tirer des conclusions sur leurs effets sociaux. Les décisions concernant la simplification
du monde complexe autour de nous consistant à ramener à un petit nombre
les réponses aux requêtes des utilisateurs affectent immensément les sociétés
et les individus. Semblablement à notre appareil cognitif, les algorithmes sont
les yeux et les oreilles dans le monde en ligne, comme ils concentrent leur attention
sur ce qu’ils „pensent” devoir être important, ce qui est semblable à la
sélection des informations dans les médias classiques. C’est pourquoi les algorithmes
de recommandation sont comparés aux médias de masse du fait de leur
rôle similaire dans la vente des produits et la prolongation de l’exposition des
utilisateurs à des contenus divers. Cette recherche aboutit à la conclusion que les
algorithmes de recommandation basés sur l’intelligence artificielle représentent
la force sociale la plus puissante de notre temps.
Mots clés: systèmes de recommandation, médias de masse, polarisation
sociale, chambres d’écho, nouvelles négatives.
Glasnik Etnografskog instituta SANU, 2022
Ovaj rad daje uvid u pojavnost organizovanog kriminala kao istorijskog i kao savremenog fenomena ... more Ovaj rad daje uvid u pojavnost organizovanog kriminala kao istorijskog i kao savremenog fenomena i razmatra pitanja njegovog razumevanja i definisanja. Pošto je društveni ambijent definišući za ulogu i značaj koje organizovani kriminal ima u društvu, u radu se ukazuje na uticaj političkog konteksta na njegovo određenje kroz prikaz geneze kriminalnog organizovanja. U radu je ponuđena i analiza suštinskih pojmovnih veza između shvatanja organizovanog kriminala, pre svega u onom smislu u kome se ona reflektovala u normativi, budući da su normativna određenja krivičnog dela organizovanog kriminala uvek pod uticajem shvatanja o tome kako organizovani kriminal generiše društvenu opasnost. Ovakvim osvrtom na nastanak normi kojima se reguliše krivično delo organizovanog kriminala, autori nastoje da daju doprinos produbljenom razumevanju izazova u društvenoj kontroli ove društveno destruktivne pojave.
This paper provides an insight into the phenomenology of organised crime as a historical and contemporary experience, and discusses issues related to understanding and definitions. Since the social environment determines significance of organised crime in society, the paper highlights influence of political context in normative design of organised crime acts through the presentation of the genesis of criminal organisation. The paper also offers an analysis of the essential conceptual connections between various understanding of organised crime, primarily in the sense in which it is reflected in the norms, given that normative definitions of organised crime are typically influenced by the understanding of how organised crime generates social danger. By offering historical and anthropological overview of organised crime normative regulation, the authors seek to contribute to a deeper understanding of this socially destructive phenomenon and related challenges in social control state of affairs.
Sociologija, 2018
Koncept otpornosti je relativno nov teorijski i praktični pristup u
društvenim nauk... more Koncept otpornosti je relativno nov teorijski i praktični pristup u
društvenim naukama, preuzet iz inženjerskih i sistemskih teorija, a jezgrovito
se opisuje kao suočavanje sa izazovima i rizicima. U fokusu kritičke diskusije
ovog koncepta su njegova teorijska fluidnost, otežana empirijska proverljivost i
ideološka ukorenjenost u neoliberalni globalni kapitalistički poredak. Autorke u radu
predstavljaju odnos feminističke kritike prema konceptu otpornosti koja ga sagledava
kao teorijsku instancu neoliberalne hegemonije sa temeljima u deregulaciji tržišta.
Ideja o svakovrsnoj deregulaciji, koja je tipična za neoliberalizam, legitimiše otpornost
kao koncept koji negira politike identiteta i na njima zasnovane isključenosti.
Međutim, u praksi se otpornost pokazuje kao važna strategija za apsorbovanje
štete koju proizvode neoliberalna ekonomska i socijalna restrukturacija. Otpornost
reciklira štetu koju neoliberalni procesi proizvode i tokom tog procesa se kreiraju novi
identitetski okviri i estetika. Zbog toga se rodni status više ne povezuje sa polnim
i vidljivim performansima roda, već se pojavljuje kao efekat ili ishod ekonomske
i socijalne pozadine. Tako otpornost postaje novi neoliberalni ženski ideal koji
omogućava jačanje vitalnosti belog supermačističkog patrijarhata.
The concept of resilience originated in engineering and environmental
systems theories. Resilience entered humanities relatively recently as a new
theoretical and practical approach to addressing challenges and risks in both
macro and micro-communities. The concept of resilience is being criticized for
theoretical fluidity behind it, difficulties related to its empirical verification and
1 [email protected]
2 [email protected]
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SOCIOLOGIJA, Vol. LX (2018), N° 1
for being ideologically embedded in the neoliberal framework of global capitalism.
Subject of this paper is an overview of a sharper critique of the concept that is
coming from feminist perspective. In perspective of feminist criticism, the concept
of resilience is perceived as an element of hegemony in neoliberal theory that
purports deregulation and in particular market deregulation. While at first glance
the concept of resistance denies identity policies and social exclusion deriving from
it, in fact it absorbs harm inflicted by ne
oliberal economic and social restructuring.
Resilience allows induced damage to be
recycled given that new identity frames
and aesthetics become created. Gender status is no longer associated with visible
gender manifestation – it rather appears as it is shaped by economic and social
background. Resilience becomes new neoliberal female ideal feature that only
enhances vitality of white supremacist patriarchy.
Kultura polisa, 2018
Ljudsko delovanje usmerava zajedničke vrednosti i procene svrsishodnosti delovanja, tj. prosuđiva... more Ljudsko delovanje usmerava zajedničke vrednosti i procene svrsishodnosti delovanja, tj. prosuđivanje u duhu tih vrednosti, a u srži njegove motivacije je dobrobit kao kvalitet života. Individualna i društvena dobrobit formiraju se pod uticajem brojnih faktora čiji međusobni odnos formira široki dijapazon — od prirodnih okolnosti do društveno konstruisanih normi.
Koncept otpornosti je blisko povezan sa konceptima dobrobiti i društvenog kapitala. U ovom radu se predstavljaju načini na koji su navedeni koncepti povezani i njihovi zajednički prediktori. Cilj rada je da razmatranjem različitih aspekata otpornosti ukaže na mogućnosti intervencije putem kreiranja socijalnih politika koje bi bile zasnivane na boljem razumevanju načina na koji otpornost, dobrobit i društveni kapital univerzalno funkcionišu — na nivou pojedinca i na nivou zajednice.
Temida, 2017
Medijsko prikazivanje žrtava nasilja, trauma, bolesti, siromaštva i katastrofa u globalnim okviri... more Medijsko prikazivanje žrtava nasilja, trauma, bolesti, siromaštva i katastrofa u globalnim okvirima zauzima značajan deo javnog informisanja i utiče na identitet svih aktera, aktivnih i pasivnih. Medijsko prikazivanje oblikuje razmišljanje i rasuđivanje na grupnom nivou, a uticaj tog prikazivanja doseže do solidarnosti u zajednici koja je, kao nemonetarna forma društvenih interakcija, pozicionirana na izvoru društvenog kapitala. Društveni kontekst medijskog izveštavanja o žrtvama oblikovan je kapacitetom društvenog sistema da žrtvu prepozna, prizna, osnaži i zaštiti. Kao aspekt tog kapaciteta, medijsko izveštavanje o žrtvama predstavlja indikator vidljivosti viktimizacije. U radu se razmatra priroda fenomena medijskog izveštavanja o različitim oblicima viktimizacije i etičkim aspektima izveštavanja o žrtvama. Cilj rada je da doprinose kritičkoj analizi medijske prezentacije žrtava na osnovu razmatranja povećane vidljivosti žrtava i njihove patnje, koju generiše medijsko izveštavanje, a čije je dominantno obeležje prikazivanje žrtava u interpretativnom i performativnom maniru.
Zbornik Instituta za kriminološka i sociološka istraživanja, 2017
Banditizam se konceptualno razume kao kršenje društvenih normi što zajednica odbacuje kao nedvosm... more Banditizam se konceptualno razume kao kršenje društvenih normi što zajednica odbacuje kao nedvosmisleno štetno i nastoji da eliminiše. Socijalni banditizam je fenomen čiji je pojam širi jer obuhvata i političku i ideološku dimenziju, a usmeren je na obezbeđivanje zaštite socijalnih interesa u najširem smislu tog izraza.
U izrazito podeljenim društvima u kojima postoje velike razlike teže je razdvojiti nasilni i organizovani kriminal od pobune, pogotovo što se ona često finansira kroz kriminalne aktivnosti. Takođe, nasilni kriminal ima tendenciju da opravdava svoje postupke pozivanjem na etničke, verske i klasne podele.
Određujući različite uzroke nastanka ovih fenomena u procesima diferencijacije, konfliktima, specifičnom okruženju i adaptaciji pripadnika društva van standardnih društvenih tokova, autorke u radu razmatraju određene analogije ovih fenomena. Cilj ovog rada je potpunije razumevanje bande kao kriminalnog fenomena koje se zasniva na određenju kompleksnog odnosa između pojedinaca, dinamike kolektivnog ponašanja i procesa društvenih promena.
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The concept of banditism can be determined as a form of breaking social norms, a way of harming society that triggers social reaction towards its elimination. Social banditism is a wider phenomenon, stretching over political and ideological spheres and it can be determined as an irregular form of securing protection of social interests in the broadest sense.
In extremely divided societies it can be difficult to separate violent, organised crime and rebellion because rebellion is often financed with criminal activities. Additionally, violent crime has a tendency to justify its actions by insisting on ethnic, religious and class divisions.
Authors of the article are examining certain analogies among the phenomena discussed here by determining processes of differentiation, conflicts, specific surrounding and adaptation of the society members. The aim of this paper is to contribute to a deeper understanding of gang as a criminal phenomenon that is rooted in complex relation between individuals, dynamics of collective behavior and processes of social changes.
Kultura polisa, 2016
Tema etike je blisko povezana sa pitanjem o individualnim i ličnim performansama profesionalaca k... more Tema etike je blisko povezana sa pitanjem o individualnim i ličnim performansama profesionalaca koje se pozicionira u institucionalnim okvirima. Umnožavanje obaveštajnih aktivnosti kao dela borbe protiv transnacionalnog organizovanog kriminala i terorizma, zbog specifičnih ovlašćenja i upotrebe posebnih istražnih tehnika kojima se zadire u standardni korpus građanskih i ljudskih prava, istovremeno je uticalo na povećanje interesa za etički aspekt tih aktivnosti. Usmeravanje pažnje na etička pitanja u obaveštajnom radu uslovilo je pojavu etike obaveštajnog rada kao nove naučne oblasti u okviru koje se istražuju brojni etički problemi sa kojima se obaveštajna zajednica suočava, ali i formira teorija koja bi bila ekvivalent teoriji pravednog rata.
Bezbednosni sektor je oblast u kojoj profesionalci uživaju veći stepen autonomije u odnosu na druge profesionalce koji zastupaju javni interes. Diskreciono odlučivanje utemljeno na interpretaciji jeste ključna karakteristika operativnog nivoa rada. U razvijenim demokratskim sredinama gde su institucije ustrojene po principu uslužnog servisa građana kao njihovih klijenata, legitimno je i pitanje troškova bezbednosnog sektora, i to kako ekonomske tako i društvene cene. Društvena cena bezbednosti se odnosi na njen društveni uticaj.
U radu se upućuje na moguć negativan uticaj na društveni život koji mogu imati bezbednosne mere i praksa iako su delotvorni u smislu odvraćanja bezbednosnih pretnji, pa zbog toga nisu prihvatljivi kao produktivni jer ugrožavaju društveni poredak i kvalitet života u smislu usvojenih vrednosti. Cilj ovog rada je doprinos konsolidaciji argumentacije o nužnosti institucionalizacije kontinuiranog karijernog razvijanja etičke kompetencije u bezbednosnom sektoru.
Summary: Within an institutional context, ethics is closely related to individual and personal performance. The current proliferation of intelligence activities has arisen as a reaction to the growing threats by organised crime and terrorism. However, the use of intelligence–led policing and criminal justice policies more generally brings with it an inevitable threat to the core civic and human rights which were once fundamental to the very concept of liberal democracy. Thus intelligence ethics has established itself as a new, dynamic field of professional ethics. The research within this new discipline revolves primarily around issues facing the intelligence community as a particular professional group in the modern society; its onus is largely on the theoretical development of a “just intelligence”, which is somewhat equivalent to efforts in the ethics of war to construct a theory of “just war”.
Professionals in the security sector tend to enjoy a higher degree of autonomy than most other public servants. A discretionary operational decision–making emphasizes the need for high quality training of intelligence officers. They need to be able to conceptually understand ethical issues as they arise in the course of their daily work and to interpret them adequately in order to make quality discretionary decisions. This means that intelligence professionals cannot be predominantly drawn from the “rank–and–file” of the security profession, especially from the police ranks without a critical assessment and a recruitment discriminacy.
The paper discusses not only the potential of intelligence–based policies to address organized crime, but also their potential to undermine the quality of life in a democratic society. The author argues that one way to address the need to balance intelligence–led criminal justice as a tool to fight crime on the one hand, and the need to use it scrupulously, on the other, is to pay far greater attention to a career development of intelligence officers, especially in the field of criminal intelligence, where theoretical education, the learning of theoretical thinking and conceptual skills are absolutely critical.
Temida, 2015
Restorativna pravda kao teorijsko utemeljenje društvene reakcije na kriminalitet jedna je od klju... more Restorativna pravda kao teorijsko utemeljenje društvene reakcije na kriminalitet jedna je od ključnih tema savremenog kriminološkog diskursa. U korpusu ideja koje ovaj koncept obuhvata, izdvaja se ideja o razumevanju krivičnog dela kao narušenog odnosa između učinioca i žrtve, koja se razlikuje od tradicionalnog razumevanja krivičnog dela kao odnosa države i pojedinca. Ova promena u perspektivi upućuje na drugačije društveno reagovanje, različito u odnosu na tradicionalni krivičnopravni pristup. Kako je proces obnavljanja narušenih odnosa nastalih konfliktom u neposrednoj vezi sa mogućnostima za uključivanje učesnika konflikta u ovaj proces, institucionalizacija participiranja u okviru pravosudnog sistema određuje domet restorativnog procesa. U radu se ukazuje na tradicionalni krivičnopravni pristup i pristup restorativne pravde kao alternativne društvene reakcije na kriminalitet, uz stavljanje akcenta na odnos učinioca i žrtve krivičnog dela i proces rešavanja konflikta. Cilj ovog rada je da ukaže na perspektivu konflikta, kao definišućeg elementa odnosa učinioca i žrtve krivičnog dela, i potencijal restorativne pravde kao efikasne društvene reakcije na kriminalitet, koji doprinosi optimizaciji odnosa zajednice i izvršioca krivičnog dela.
(Restorative justice as the theoretical foundation of social reaction to crime is one of the key themes of contemporary criminological discourse. The idea of crime as a conflict between perpetrator and victim of crime is included in the core ideas related to the concept of restorative justice, which differs from traditional understanding of crime as a relationship between the state and the individual. This change in perspective on crime points towards social reaction to crime that differs from traditional criminal justice system. As the restoration process of relationship damaged by crime is directly related to possibilities of participation in the very process, institutionalisation of that participation sets the scope of restorative process. In this article, the author points towards the traditional criminal justice and restorative justice processes, focusing the relationship of perpetrator and victim of crime and the process of conflict resolution. The aim of the article is to highlight the conflict perspective as a defining element of the relationship between offender and victim, and to underline the effectiveness of restorative justice as social reaction to crime, which contributes to optimisation of the relationship between the offender and the community.)
Zbornik Instituta za kriminološka i sociološka istraživanja, 2015
Sa tačke gledišta teorije bezbednosti, fenomen terorizma se velikim delom deskriptivno izučava,... more Sa tačke gledišta teorije bezbednosti, fenomen terorizma se velikim delom deskriptivno izučava, kroz organizaciju terorističkih grupa, i nastojanjima da se analizira motivacija pojedinih grupa i modeli njihovog odgovora na represivne udare. Istovremeno, međutim, pitanje o tome kakva je suštinska vrednost modela ratovanja protiv terorizma ostalo je velikim delom nerešeno. Iako se terorizam uvek isto ispoljava, percepcija terorizma opredeljejuje reakciju, a u tome politički faktori imaju dominantnu težinu.
Princip da nasilje prema civilima ne može biti nagrađeno političkim ustupcima predstavlja jednu od duboko uvreženih vrednosti u zapadnoj civilizaciji, ali iskustveni zaključak da „sa teroristima nema pregovora” ne samo da ne smanjuje, već jednoznačano upućuje da se na taj način širi dijapazon pretnje od terorizma šire na nove teritorije. Autorka u tekstu argumentuje da dosadašnji rezultati „rata protiv terora”, kao i posledice isključive primene represije i oslanjanja na princip nepregovaranja sa teroristima, upućuju na potrebu da se uobičajeni pristup terorizmu kritički preispituje.
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Contemporary theoretical approaches to security, by and large, depict terrorism as a phenomenon best comprehended by using descriptive methodologies, via studing terrorist groups, and by analising motivation of particular terrorist groups, and models of response to their actions. Parallely, the core value of war making against terrorism model remains unresolved. Although terrorism appears fundamentaly the same in its every instance, perception of terrorism defines reaction and political factors determine its weight.
Principle embeded in the idea that violence against civilians cannot be rewarded with political concessions, stands as one of the deeply rooted valuus of the western civilisation. However, the experience generates the conclusion that stance "there could be no negotiations with terrorists" is not viable given that it is not diminishing terrorist threat but, quite the contrary, it is facilitating expansion of terrorism to new territorites in every sense of the word. The author provides arguments in the article in support of conclusion that results of the "war against terror", as consequencies of exclusive repression and non–negotiation, point towards the necessity to critically re–examine standard repressive aproach as a reaction to terrorism.
Zbornik radova Instituta za kriminološka i sociološka istaživanja , 2015
Odnos legaliteta i legitimiteta bi trebalo da kao svoj finalni ishod ima povećavanje inkluzivnost... more Odnos legaliteta i legitimiteta bi trebalo da kao svoj finalni ishod ima povećavanje inkluzivnosti društvene interakcije i moralni progres. Namera autorki ovog rada je da prikažu određene aspekte odnosa legaliteta i legitimiteta koji imaju pravno–filozofski i širi društveno teorijski značaj, kao i da naznače najznačajnije tačke u kojima se ovi uvidi razmimoilaze sa razumevanjem društvene stvarnosti u okvirima moralnih temelja. U društvenoj praksi se slabljenje konvergencije legaliteta i legitimiteta manifestuje na različite načine, a usko je povezano sa fenomenom kriminala i njegove političke i društvene percepcije.
Autorke u radu izlažu nekoliko ključnih problema koji stoje na putu procesa dekriminalizacije srpskog društva sagledavajući ih, u jednoj perspektivi, kao nedostatak kapaciteta prevazilaženja političkog koncepta prijatelj–neprijatelj na širokom društvenom nivou, a u drugoj, kao istrajnost u političkoj manipulaciji fenomenom kriminala i odustvo stabilnog institucionalnog balansa. Polazeći od razumevanja uloge kriminološke teorije i kao traganja za odgovorom na pitanje „šta sve proizvodi surovost“, kao antipod solidarnosti koja predstavlja vezivo zajednice, autorke u radu daju argumente u prilog zabrinutosti zbog moralnog cinizma i apatije kao preovlađujućeg emocionalnog stanja savremenog srpskog društva fokusirajući njegov potencijal transmutacije u nekontrolisano nasilje.
The ratio of legality and legitimacy should have as its final outcome enhancment of inclusiveness of social interactions as well as moral progress. The ambition of the authors was to illustrate in this paper certain aspects of the legality and legitimacy that have legal and theoretical broader social significance, as well as to highlight the most important aspects in which these insights disagree with the understanding of social reality in terms of moral foundations. In social practice, the weakening of the convergence of legality and legitimacy is manifested in different ways, and is closely related to the phenomenon of crime and its political and social perception.
The authors underligned some key issues that stand in the way of the process of decriminalization of Serbian society by perciving it, both, as a lack of capacity to overcome "friend–enemy" political concept in a broad social context, and, endurence in political manipulation of the crime phenomenon and the absence of a stable institutional balance. Starting from the understanding of the function of criminological theory also as a search for the answer to the question "what creates cruelty?" as the antipode to solidarity being 'the social glue', the authors provide arguments in support of concernes over raising moral cynicism and apathy as the predominant emotional feature of contemporary Serbian society by focusing its potential for transmutation into uncontrolled violence.
Filozofija i društvo (Philosophy and Society), 2014
The concept of well being has become the main criterion to assess quality of life in contemporary... more The concept of well being has become the main criterion to assess quality of life in contemporary society. Individual well–being describes the individual quality of life, while social well–being refers to quality of life in a society. Given that well–being has a multitude of dimensions, a unique definition of it is elusive to scholars. In this article social well–being is conceptualised as a dynamic process within the context set by social integration as one's relationship to society and the community. This includes the quality of interaction between the individual and society and one’s ‘social actualisation’ understood as the realisattion of one’s social capacities. Social actualisation also involves one’s ability to influence social processes and to benefit from social cohesion, which consists, in any society, of the quality, organisation and functioning of the social world. Hence the ability to impact society is an integral part of individual well being. This paper suggests that philosophical practice as a new paradigm in the humanities holds out promise for the improvement of both individual and social well–being.
Zbornik Instituta za kriminološka i sociološka istraživanja, 2012
Glavna tema ovog rada je uticaj etike, kao posebnog socio-kulturnog faktora, na formiranje kultur... more Glavna tema ovog rada je uticaj etike, kao posebnog socio-kulturnog faktora, na formiranje kulture bezbednosnog sektora. Etika je ključni faktor koji oblikuje stavove profesionalaca i utiče na vršenje njihove funkcije. U vršenju svoje funkcije u okviru društva i u pribavljanju za to potrebnih resursa, institucije u bezbednosnom sektoru moraju postupati kao čuvari vrednosti društvenog poretka. Zbog toga se uticaj na društveni život bezbednosnih mera i prakse ne procenjuje samo na osnovu delotvornosti u smislu odvraćanja bezbednosnih pretnji, već i spram očuvanja društvenog poretka i kvaliteta života u okvirima usvojenih vrednosti. Autori razmatraju prirodu sinegije formalne i neformalne etike u bezbednosnom sektoru i njenu kompatibilnost sa, u sektoru, dominantnim opštim kulturnim standardima. Sagledavajući kritički ovaj odnos, autori ukazuju na vezu između kulture bezbednosnog sektora i načina na koji ona utiče na ispoljavanje moći države nad građanima.
Medjunarodni problemi, 2012
The author discusses the relationship between the truth and criminal trial in general, with a spe... more The author discusses the relationship between the truth and criminal trial in general, with a special focus on war crimes trials and their consequences for the fragile processes of consolidation of violated collective identities in post-conflict states. The authors challenge the idea that a criminal trial is a search for the truth, and present a philosophical argument to the effect that the trial is in fact an event conforming to the model of what the author calls ?quasi-epistemological games?, rather than the model of an epistemological engine. The purpose of the trial is quasi-epistemological, because the model of an epistemological engine entails that the trial is primarily a search for the truth, while this is not the case with criminal trials in general, and especially with war crimes trials. He argues that, while the criminal trial readily invites the truth of the events if it is discovered, it can be and often is both valid and valuable regardless of whether ?the truth, the f...
Medjunarodni problemi, 2011
Rad analizira perspektivu izgradnje zajedničkog tržišta Evropske unije u oblasti vojnog naoružanj... more Rad analizira perspektivu izgradnje zajedničkog tržišta Evropske unije u oblasti vojnog naoružanja i opreme i to sa stanovišta privrednih efekata, uspostavljanja institucionalnog okvira i unapređenja vojnih kapaciteta Zajedničke bezbednosne i odbrambene politike. Proces stvaranja jedinstvenog tržišta roba i usluga zaobišao je vojnu industriju kao neprikosnoveno polje u nadležnosti nacionalnih vlasti zemalja članica, pa usled njene rascepkanosti EU postepeno gubi konkurentsku sposobnost na globalnom tržištu. Utoliko važan korak napred predstavlja uspostavljanje Evropskog tržišta vojnog naoružanja i opreme kao dobrovoljnog i pravno neobavezujućeg međuvladinog režima, i Kodeksa ponašanja u vojnim nabavkama kao dokumenta koji predviđa osnovna načela funkcionisanja liberalizovanih vojnih nabavki. Autori zaključuju da se uvođenjem međuvladinog režima vojnih nabavki otvara perspektiva za ostvarenje ušteda u nacionalnim budžetima, jačanje konkurentnosti vojne industrije članica EU na globalnom tržištu i za izgradnju respektabilnih vojnih kapaciteta za Zajedničku bezbednosnu i odbrambenu politiku. Ključne reči: vojne nabavke, odbrambena industrija, Kodeks EU za vojne nabavke, Evropsko tržište vojnog naoružanja i opreme, Evropska odbrambena agencija, Evropska/Zajednička odbrambena i bezbednosna politika.
Review of International Affairs, Apr 2011
The authors argue that diplomacy as a higher-order cooperative activity is possibly only against ... more The authors argue that diplomacy as a higher-order cooperative activity is possibly only against the backdrop of assumptions about a prior disposition of those taking part in it to reach out to their counterparts not only rationally, but also emotionally. While the traditional, negotiations-based model of diplomacy continues to be verbally depicted as the generic model for diplomacy as a whole, it is essentially a negative stereotype that portrays diplomatic relations as compromise-seeking efforts between otherwise entrenched opposed positions. Modern diplomacy transcends this traditional model and can thus be called “integrative diplomacy”: it arises from broadening perceptions of common identities and similarities between the various communities, and thus rests much more on empathy, sympathy and solidarity than the negotiations-based model. It is thus not surprising that the integrative methodology of diplomacy makes it predominantly multilateral, as opposed to structurally fundamentally bilateral traditional negotiations.
Socijalna misao, 2010
Iako je definicija javnog ovlašćenja predmet debate u okviru savremenog diskursa društvenih nauka... more Iako je definicija javnog ovlašćenja predmet debate u okviru savremenog diskursa društvenih nauka, suština pojma javnog ovlašćenja je nesporna ― javno ovlašćenje zavisi od voljnog podređivanja naredbama koje nadređeni izdaju podređenima, pa se zbog toga efektivno javno ovlašćenje možda najkraće može definisati kao legitimno vršenje faktičke vlasti. Element legitimiteta je ključan za pojam javnog ovlašćenja i na osnovu njega se javno ovlašćenje razlikuje od opšteg koncepta moći. Legitimitet javnog ovlašćenja postoji onda kada ga i nadređeni i podređeni priznaju i smatraju opravdanim.
Kriminal belog okovratnika odnosi se na brojna krivična dela od kojih većina može biti izvršena samo ukoliko izrvršilac poseduje faktičku institucionalnu vlast, bilo da je u pitanju javni ili privatni sektor. Zloupotreba ovlašćenja koja je inherentna ovoj vrsti kriminala, ne generiše posledice samo u jednoj sferi društvenih odnosa, već znatno šire ― u okvirima u kojima funkcioniše poverenje građana u institucije i u njihov integritet. Podrivanjem legitimiteta javnog ovlašćenja u smislu formalne vlasti, putem kriminalizacije te vlasti, kriminal belog okovratnika proizvodi devijaciju u načinu na koji institucije nastupaju spram javnosti i društva u celini. Zbog toga su političke posledice kriminala belog okovratnika slične onim posledicama koje izaziva pojava korupcije u opštem smislu, a to je stvaranje deficita legimiteta javnog ovlašćenja i, posledično tome, ozbiljno narušavanje poverenja javnosti u institucije. U opisanoj situaciji, u ekonomskoj sferi, posledice se ispoljavaju kao usporavanje dinamike legitimnih i produktivnih društvenih, institucionalnih i ekonomskih transakcija. A pošto se istovremeno smanjuje građanska participacija u političkim procesima i stavovi građana o demokratičnosti društva slede negativan trend, narušava se ukupna demokratičnost takvog društva.
Medjunarodni problemi, 2008
By discussing the general philosophy of punishment in its contours, the authors attempt to establ... more By discussing the general philosophy of punishment in its contours, the authors attempt to establish conceptual connections between the philosophical roots of international criminal law for war crimes and reconciliation as an overarching goal of international criminal justice. Reconciliation is discussed in the paper both as a value and as a process and the authors strive to practically underline the issue of the capability of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) to actually serve the purpose of reconciliation. The authors conclude that the ITCY suffers from substantial deficiencies in its capability to effect reconciliation, not because it is politically biased, as is often remarked by analysts, but rather because of procedural and substantive legal problems encountered in its operation that shape it as less than an adequate criminal court generally speaking.
Revija za bezbednost, Oct 2007
Dinamika promena u načinu i delovanju organizovanog kriminala diktira analitički pristup i utiče ... more Dinamika promena u načinu i delovanju organizovanog kriminala diktira analitički pristup i utiče na uspešnost kreiranje mehanizama koji bi uticali na smanjenje ovog oblika kriminala. Analiza konkretnih organizovanih kriminalnih grupa moguća je samo putem utvrđivanja dinamičnog odnosa između različitih pokazatelja. Pokazatelji delovanja organizovanih kriminalnih grupa koji se standardno prate i analiziraju su:
- međunarodna dimenzija;
- organizovanje u grupne strukture;
- korišćenje zakonitih struktura u poslovanju;
- specijalizacija;
- uticaj i korupcija;
- upotreba nasilja; i
- tzv. protiv-mere.
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Articles by Aleksandra Bulatović
(Issues of human rights are prevalently discussed as pertaining to individual rights as opposed to collective interests. Following the long liberal political tradition, human rights tend to be seen as potentially in opposition to collective rights, which may limit the liberty of the individual to make choices that would militate against the relevant collective interests. In this paper, we argue that individual rights ought to be seen as derivative, social rights. Just as an individual’s identity is markedly determined by the nature and identity of the community one belongs to (Agamben’s concept of ‘Socialitas’ or sociality), individual rights have little meaning outside the context of values, rights and entitlements of one’s community. This is a context that gives rise to the concept of national interest. By definition, national interests are associated with collective rights, entitlements and visions; they are never associated with the views and positions of a single, discrete individual. One of the key collective rights that constitutes national interest is the set of rights of the family. We argue that protecting the family and family rights casts a shadow on the very morality and political legitimacy of the various ideologies of today, including that of feminism, which suggest that, rather than protecting family rights and interests as a primary national policy the state should protect individuals from the family. The ideologies which portray the family as toxic, as a source of threat to individual well-being, are in fact antisocial, totalitarian ideologies, as most of the arguments levied by such ideologies against the family can bear with equal force against Socialitas of any type, against sociality. We argue that Agamben’s ‘moral imperative’ for any individual to contribute, by whatever means one has at one’s disposal, to one’s sociality, applies to our understanding of the family and ought to be taken as a foundation of anti-totalitarian thinking.)
Key words: recommender systems, mass media, social polarization, echo chambers,
negative news.
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Strašna crna kutija: algoritmi za preporuke
zasnovani na veštačkoj inteligenciji kao najveća društvena sila
Algoritmi koji preporučuju sadržaj oblikuju društva tako što individualno
izlažu korisnike onlajn platformi svemu što oni na njima vide, čuju i osećaju, u
realnom vremenu. U radu ispitujemo razvoj algoritama za preporučivanje od sistema
za rangiranje stranica i reklamnih platformi do alata za društvene medije,
kako bismo izvukli zaključke o njihovim društvenim efektima. Odluke o tome
kako da se pojednostavi kompleksan svet u kome živimo, tako što se kao odgovor
na upite kreira samo mali broj preporuka za korisnika, utiču na individue
ali i društva u celini. Slično kognitivnom aparatu, algoritmi su naše oči i uši u
onlajn svetu, s obzirom da fokusiraju našu pažnju prema onome šta oni „misle”
da je bitno, što je slično selekciji najvažnijih tema za emisiju vesti u klasičnim
medijima. Zbog toga su algoritmi upoređeni sa mas medjima, jer imaju slične
uloge da prodaju proizvode i produže izloženost sadržajima. Zaključak jeste da
algoritmi za preporuke zasnovani na veštačkoj inteligenciji predstavljaju najsnažniju
društvenu silu u ovom momentu kojom je izložen ceo svet.
Ključne reči: sistemi za preporučivanje, mas mediji, društvena polarizacija,
eho komore, negativne vesti.
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L’effroyable boîte noire: les algorithmes de recommandation
basés sur l’intelligence artificielle comme
la force sociale la plus puissante
Les algorithmes de recommandation modèlent les sociétés en exposant individuellement
les utilisateurs en ligne à tout ce qu’ils voient, entendent et ressentent
en temps réel. Nous examinons le développement des algorithmes de
recommandation depuis des systèmes de classement des sites et des plateformes
publicitaires jusqu’aux outils de tendance des réseaux sociaux pour tirer des conclusions sur leurs effets sociaux. Les décisions concernant la simplification
du monde complexe autour de nous consistant à ramener à un petit nombre
les réponses aux requêtes des utilisateurs affectent immensément les sociétés
et les individus. Semblablement à notre appareil cognitif, les algorithmes sont
les yeux et les oreilles dans le monde en ligne, comme ils concentrent leur attention
sur ce qu’ils „pensent” devoir être important, ce qui est semblable à la
sélection des informations dans les médias classiques. C’est pourquoi les algorithmes
de recommandation sont comparés aux médias de masse du fait de leur
rôle similaire dans la vente des produits et la prolongation de l’exposition des
utilisateurs à des contenus divers. Cette recherche aboutit à la conclusion que les
algorithmes de recommandation basés sur l’intelligence artificielle représentent
la force sociale la plus puissante de notre temps.
Mots clés: systèmes de recommandation, médias de masse, polarisation
sociale, chambres d’écho, nouvelles négatives.
This paper provides an insight into the phenomenology of organised crime as a historical and contemporary experience, and discusses issues related to understanding and definitions. Since the social environment determines significance of organised crime in society, the paper highlights influence of political context in normative design of organised crime acts through the presentation of the genesis of criminal organisation. The paper also offers an analysis of the essential conceptual connections between various understanding of organised crime, primarily in the sense in which it is reflected in the norms, given that normative definitions of organised crime are typically influenced by the understanding of how organised crime generates social danger. By offering historical and anthropological overview of organised crime normative regulation, the authors seek to contribute to a deeper understanding of this socially destructive phenomenon and related challenges in social control state of affairs.
društvenim naukama, preuzet iz inženjerskih i sistemskih teorija, a jezgrovito
se opisuje kao suočavanje sa izazovima i rizicima. U fokusu kritičke diskusije
ovog koncepta su njegova teorijska fluidnost, otežana empirijska proverljivost i
ideološka ukorenjenost u neoliberalni globalni kapitalistički poredak. Autorke u radu
predstavljaju odnos feminističke kritike prema konceptu otpornosti koja ga sagledava
kao teorijsku instancu neoliberalne hegemonije sa temeljima u deregulaciji tržišta.
Ideja o svakovrsnoj deregulaciji, koja je tipična za neoliberalizam, legitimiše otpornost
kao koncept koji negira politike identiteta i na njima zasnovane isključenosti.
Međutim, u praksi se otpornost pokazuje kao važna strategija za apsorbovanje
štete koju proizvode neoliberalna ekonomska i socijalna restrukturacija. Otpornost
reciklira štetu koju neoliberalni procesi proizvode i tokom tog procesa se kreiraju novi
identitetski okviri i estetika. Zbog toga se rodni status više ne povezuje sa polnim
i vidljivim performansima roda, već se pojavljuje kao efekat ili ishod ekonomske
i socijalne pozadine. Tako otpornost postaje novi neoliberalni ženski ideal koji
omogućava jačanje vitalnosti belog supermačističkog patrijarhata.
The concept of resilience originated in engineering and environmental
systems theories. Resilience entered humanities relatively recently as a new
theoretical and practical approach to addressing challenges and risks in both
macro and micro-communities. The concept of resilience is being criticized for
theoretical fluidity behind it, difficulties related to its empirical verification and
1 [email protected]
2 [email protected]
128
SOCIOLOGIJA, Vol. LX (2018), N° 1
for being ideologically embedded in the neoliberal framework of global capitalism.
Subject of this paper is an overview of a sharper critique of the concept that is
coming from feminist perspective. In perspective of feminist criticism, the concept
of resilience is perceived as an element of hegemony in neoliberal theory that
purports deregulation and in particular market deregulation. While at first glance
the concept of resistance denies identity policies and social exclusion deriving from
it, in fact it absorbs harm inflicted by ne
oliberal economic and social restructuring.
Resilience allows induced damage to be
recycled given that new identity frames
and aesthetics become created. Gender status is no longer associated with visible
gender manifestation – it rather appears as it is shaped by economic and social
background. Resilience becomes new neoliberal female ideal feature that only
enhances vitality of white supremacist patriarchy.
Koncept otpornosti je blisko povezan sa konceptima dobrobiti i društvenog kapitala. U ovom radu se predstavljaju načini na koji su navedeni koncepti povezani i njihovi zajednički prediktori. Cilj rada je da razmatranjem različitih aspekata otpornosti ukaže na mogućnosti intervencije putem kreiranja socijalnih politika koje bi bile zasnivane na boljem razumevanju načina na koji otpornost, dobrobit i društveni kapital univerzalno funkcionišu — na nivou pojedinca i na nivou zajednice.
U izrazito podeljenim društvima u kojima postoje velike razlike teže je razdvojiti nasilni i organizovani kriminal od pobune, pogotovo što se ona često finansira kroz kriminalne aktivnosti. Takođe, nasilni kriminal ima tendenciju da opravdava svoje postupke pozivanjem na etničke, verske i klasne podele.
Određujući različite uzroke nastanka ovih fenomena u procesima diferencijacije, konfliktima, specifičnom okruženju i adaptaciji pripadnika društva van standardnih društvenih tokova, autorke u radu razmatraju određene analogije ovih fenomena. Cilj ovog rada je potpunije razumevanje bande kao kriminalnog fenomena koje se zasniva na određenju kompleksnog odnosa između pojedinaca, dinamike kolektivnog ponašanja i procesa društvenih promena.
***
The concept of banditism can be determined as a form of breaking social norms, a way of harming society that triggers social reaction towards its elimination. Social banditism is a wider phenomenon, stretching over political and ideological spheres and it can be determined as an irregular form of securing protection of social interests in the broadest sense.
In extremely divided societies it can be difficult to separate violent, organised crime and rebellion because rebellion is often financed with criminal activities. Additionally, violent crime has a tendency to justify its actions by insisting on ethnic, religious and class divisions.
Authors of the article are examining certain analogies among the phenomena discussed here by determining processes of differentiation, conflicts, specific surrounding and adaptation of the society members. The aim of this paper is to contribute to a deeper understanding of gang as a criminal phenomenon that is rooted in complex relation between individuals, dynamics of collective behavior and processes of social changes.
Bezbednosni sektor je oblast u kojoj profesionalci uživaju veći stepen autonomije u odnosu na druge profesionalce koji zastupaju javni interes. Diskreciono odlučivanje utemljeno na interpretaciji jeste ključna karakteristika operativnog nivoa rada. U razvijenim demokratskim sredinama gde su institucije ustrojene po principu uslužnog servisa građana kao njihovih klijenata, legitimno je i pitanje troškova bezbednosnog sektora, i to kako ekonomske tako i društvene cene. Društvena cena bezbednosti se odnosi na njen društveni uticaj.
U radu se upućuje na moguć negativan uticaj na društveni život koji mogu imati bezbednosne mere i praksa iako su delotvorni u smislu odvraćanja bezbednosnih pretnji, pa zbog toga nisu prihvatljivi kao produktivni jer ugrožavaju društveni poredak i kvalitet života u smislu usvojenih vrednosti. Cilj ovog rada je doprinos konsolidaciji argumentacije o nužnosti institucionalizacije kontinuiranog karijernog razvijanja etičke kompetencije u bezbednosnom sektoru.
Summary: Within an institutional context, ethics is closely related to individual and personal performance. The current proliferation of intelligence activities has arisen as a reaction to the growing threats by organised crime and terrorism. However, the use of intelligence–led policing and criminal justice policies more generally brings with it an inevitable threat to the core civic and human rights which were once fundamental to the very concept of liberal democracy. Thus intelligence ethics has established itself as a new, dynamic field of professional ethics. The research within this new discipline revolves primarily around issues facing the intelligence community as a particular professional group in the modern society; its onus is largely on the theoretical development of a “just intelligence”, which is somewhat equivalent to efforts in the ethics of war to construct a theory of “just war”.
Professionals in the security sector tend to enjoy a higher degree of autonomy than most other public servants. A discretionary operational decision–making emphasizes the need for high quality training of intelligence officers. They need to be able to conceptually understand ethical issues as they arise in the course of their daily work and to interpret them adequately in order to make quality discretionary decisions. This means that intelligence professionals cannot be predominantly drawn from the “rank–and–file” of the security profession, especially from the police ranks without a critical assessment and a recruitment discriminacy.
The paper discusses not only the potential of intelligence–based policies to address organized crime, but also their potential to undermine the quality of life in a democratic society. The author argues that one way to address the need to balance intelligence–led criminal justice as a tool to fight crime on the one hand, and the need to use it scrupulously, on the other, is to pay far greater attention to a career development of intelligence officers, especially in the field of criminal intelligence, where theoretical education, the learning of theoretical thinking and conceptual skills are absolutely critical.
(Restorative justice as the theoretical foundation of social reaction to crime is one of the key themes of contemporary criminological discourse. The idea of crime as a conflict between perpetrator and victim of crime is included in the core ideas related to the concept of restorative justice, which differs from traditional understanding of crime as a relationship between the state and the individual. This change in perspective on crime points towards social reaction to crime that differs from traditional criminal justice system. As the restoration process of relationship damaged by crime is directly related to possibilities of participation in the very process, institutionalisation of that participation sets the scope of restorative process. In this article, the author points towards the traditional criminal justice and restorative justice processes, focusing the relationship of perpetrator and victim of crime and the process of conflict resolution. The aim of the article is to highlight the conflict perspective as a defining element of the relationship between offender and victim, and to underline the effectiveness of restorative justice as social reaction to crime, which contributes to optimisation of the relationship between the offender and the community.)
Princip da nasilje prema civilima ne može biti nagrađeno političkim ustupcima predstavlja jednu od duboko uvreženih vrednosti u zapadnoj civilizaciji, ali iskustveni zaključak da „sa teroristima nema pregovora” ne samo da ne smanjuje, već jednoznačano upućuje da se na taj način širi dijapazon pretnje od terorizma šire na nove teritorije. Autorka u tekstu argumentuje da dosadašnji rezultati „rata protiv terora”, kao i posledice isključive primene represije i oslanjanja na princip nepregovaranja sa teroristima, upućuju na potrebu da se uobičajeni pristup terorizmu kritički preispituje.
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Contemporary theoretical approaches to security, by and large, depict terrorism as a phenomenon best comprehended by using descriptive methodologies, via studing terrorist groups, and by analising motivation of particular terrorist groups, and models of response to their actions. Parallely, the core value of war making against terrorism model remains unresolved. Although terrorism appears fundamentaly the same in its every instance, perception of terrorism defines reaction and political factors determine its weight.
Principle embeded in the idea that violence against civilians cannot be rewarded with political concessions, stands as one of the deeply rooted valuus of the western civilisation. However, the experience generates the conclusion that stance "there could be no negotiations with terrorists" is not viable given that it is not diminishing terrorist threat but, quite the contrary, it is facilitating expansion of terrorism to new territorites in every sense of the word. The author provides arguments in the article in support of conclusion that results of the "war against terror", as consequencies of exclusive repression and non–negotiation, point towards the necessity to critically re–examine standard repressive aproach as a reaction to terrorism.
Autorke u radu izlažu nekoliko ključnih problema koji stoje na putu procesa dekriminalizacije srpskog društva sagledavajući ih, u jednoj perspektivi, kao nedostatak kapaciteta prevazilaženja političkog koncepta prijatelj–neprijatelj na širokom društvenom nivou, a u drugoj, kao istrajnost u političkoj manipulaciji fenomenom kriminala i odustvo stabilnog institucionalnog balansa. Polazeći od razumevanja uloge kriminološke teorije i kao traganja za odgovorom na pitanje „šta sve proizvodi surovost“, kao antipod solidarnosti koja predstavlja vezivo zajednice, autorke u radu daju argumente u prilog zabrinutosti zbog moralnog cinizma i apatije kao preovlađujućeg emocionalnog stanja savremenog srpskog društva fokusirajući njegov potencijal transmutacije u nekontrolisano nasilje.
The ratio of legality and legitimacy should have as its final outcome enhancment of inclusiveness of social interactions as well as moral progress. The ambition of the authors was to illustrate in this paper certain aspects of the legality and legitimacy that have legal and theoretical broader social significance, as well as to highlight the most important aspects in which these insights disagree with the understanding of social reality in terms of moral foundations. In social practice, the weakening of the convergence of legality and legitimacy is manifested in different ways, and is closely related to the phenomenon of crime and its political and social perception.
The authors underligned some key issues that stand in the way of the process of decriminalization of Serbian society by perciving it, both, as a lack of capacity to overcome "friend–enemy" political concept in a broad social context, and, endurence in political manipulation of the crime phenomenon and the absence of a stable institutional balance. Starting from the understanding of the function of criminological theory also as a search for the answer to the question "what creates cruelty?" as the antipode to solidarity being 'the social glue', the authors provide arguments in support of concernes over raising moral cynicism and apathy as the predominant emotional feature of contemporary Serbian society by focusing its potential for transmutation into uncontrolled violence.
Kriminal belog okovratnika odnosi se na brojna krivična dela od kojih većina može biti izvršena samo ukoliko izrvršilac poseduje faktičku institucionalnu vlast, bilo da je u pitanju javni ili privatni sektor. Zloupotreba ovlašćenja koja je inherentna ovoj vrsti kriminala, ne generiše posledice samo u jednoj sferi društvenih odnosa, već znatno šire ― u okvirima u kojima funkcioniše poverenje građana u institucije i u njihov integritet. Podrivanjem legitimiteta javnog ovlašćenja u smislu formalne vlasti, putem kriminalizacije te vlasti, kriminal belog okovratnika proizvodi devijaciju u načinu na koji institucije nastupaju spram javnosti i društva u celini. Zbog toga su političke posledice kriminala belog okovratnika slične onim posledicama koje izaziva pojava korupcije u opštem smislu, a to je stvaranje deficita legimiteta javnog ovlašćenja i, posledično tome, ozbiljno narušavanje poverenja javnosti u institucije. U opisanoj situaciji, u ekonomskoj sferi, posledice se ispoljavaju kao usporavanje dinamike legitimnih i produktivnih društvenih, institucionalnih i ekonomskih transakcija. A pošto se istovremeno smanjuje građanska participacija u političkim procesima i stavovi građana o demokratičnosti društva slede negativan trend, narušava se ukupna demokratičnost takvog društva.
- međunarodna dimenzija;
- organizovanje u grupne strukture;
- korišćenje zakonitih struktura u poslovanju;
- specijalizacija;
- uticaj i korupcija;
- upotreba nasilja; i
- tzv. protiv-mere.
(Issues of human rights are prevalently discussed as pertaining to individual rights as opposed to collective interests. Following the long liberal political tradition, human rights tend to be seen as potentially in opposition to collective rights, which may limit the liberty of the individual to make choices that would militate against the relevant collective interests. In this paper, we argue that individual rights ought to be seen as derivative, social rights. Just as an individual’s identity is markedly determined by the nature and identity of the community one belongs to (Agamben’s concept of ‘Socialitas’ or sociality), individual rights have little meaning outside the context of values, rights and entitlements of one’s community. This is a context that gives rise to the concept of national interest. By definition, national interests are associated with collective rights, entitlements and visions; they are never associated with the views and positions of a single, discrete individual. One of the key collective rights that constitutes national interest is the set of rights of the family. We argue that protecting the family and family rights casts a shadow on the very morality and political legitimacy of the various ideologies of today, including that of feminism, which suggest that, rather than protecting family rights and interests as a primary national policy the state should protect individuals from the family. The ideologies which portray the family as toxic, as a source of threat to individual well-being, are in fact antisocial, totalitarian ideologies, as most of the arguments levied by such ideologies against the family can bear with equal force against Socialitas of any type, against sociality. We argue that Agamben’s ‘moral imperative’ for any individual to contribute, by whatever means one has at one’s disposal, to one’s sociality, applies to our understanding of the family and ought to be taken as a foundation of anti-totalitarian thinking.)
Key words: recommender systems, mass media, social polarization, echo chambers,
negative news.
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Strašna crna kutija: algoritmi za preporuke
zasnovani na veštačkoj inteligenciji kao najveća društvena sila
Algoritmi koji preporučuju sadržaj oblikuju društva tako što individualno
izlažu korisnike onlajn platformi svemu što oni na njima vide, čuju i osećaju, u
realnom vremenu. U radu ispitujemo razvoj algoritama za preporučivanje od sistema
za rangiranje stranica i reklamnih platformi do alata za društvene medije,
kako bismo izvukli zaključke o njihovim društvenim efektima. Odluke o tome
kako da se pojednostavi kompleksan svet u kome živimo, tako što se kao odgovor
na upite kreira samo mali broj preporuka za korisnika, utiču na individue
ali i društva u celini. Slično kognitivnom aparatu, algoritmi su naše oči i uši u
onlajn svetu, s obzirom da fokusiraju našu pažnju prema onome šta oni „misle”
da je bitno, što je slično selekciji najvažnijih tema za emisiju vesti u klasičnim
medijima. Zbog toga su algoritmi upoređeni sa mas medjima, jer imaju slične
uloge da prodaju proizvode i produže izloženost sadržajima. Zaključak jeste da
algoritmi za preporuke zasnovani na veštačkoj inteligenciji predstavljaju najsnažniju
društvenu silu u ovom momentu kojom je izložen ceo svet.
Ključne reči: sistemi za preporučivanje, mas mediji, društvena polarizacija,
eho komore, negativne vesti.
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L’effroyable boîte noire: les algorithmes de recommandation
basés sur l’intelligence artificielle comme
la force sociale la plus puissante
Les algorithmes de recommandation modèlent les sociétés en exposant individuellement
les utilisateurs en ligne à tout ce qu’ils voient, entendent et ressentent
en temps réel. Nous examinons le développement des algorithmes de
recommandation depuis des systèmes de classement des sites et des plateformes
publicitaires jusqu’aux outils de tendance des réseaux sociaux pour tirer des conclusions sur leurs effets sociaux. Les décisions concernant la simplification
du monde complexe autour de nous consistant à ramener à un petit nombre
les réponses aux requêtes des utilisateurs affectent immensément les sociétés
et les individus. Semblablement à notre appareil cognitif, les algorithmes sont
les yeux et les oreilles dans le monde en ligne, comme ils concentrent leur attention
sur ce qu’ils „pensent” devoir être important, ce qui est semblable à la
sélection des informations dans les médias classiques. C’est pourquoi les algorithmes
de recommandation sont comparés aux médias de masse du fait de leur
rôle similaire dans la vente des produits et la prolongation de l’exposition des
utilisateurs à des contenus divers. Cette recherche aboutit à la conclusion que les
algorithmes de recommandation basés sur l’intelligence artificielle représentent
la force sociale la plus puissante de notre temps.
Mots clés: systèmes de recommandation, médias de masse, polarisation
sociale, chambres d’écho, nouvelles négatives.
This paper provides an insight into the phenomenology of organised crime as a historical and contemporary experience, and discusses issues related to understanding and definitions. Since the social environment determines significance of organised crime in society, the paper highlights influence of political context in normative design of organised crime acts through the presentation of the genesis of criminal organisation. The paper also offers an analysis of the essential conceptual connections between various understanding of organised crime, primarily in the sense in which it is reflected in the norms, given that normative definitions of organised crime are typically influenced by the understanding of how organised crime generates social danger. By offering historical and anthropological overview of organised crime normative regulation, the authors seek to contribute to a deeper understanding of this socially destructive phenomenon and related challenges in social control state of affairs.
društvenim naukama, preuzet iz inženjerskih i sistemskih teorija, a jezgrovito
se opisuje kao suočavanje sa izazovima i rizicima. U fokusu kritičke diskusije
ovog koncepta su njegova teorijska fluidnost, otežana empirijska proverljivost i
ideološka ukorenjenost u neoliberalni globalni kapitalistički poredak. Autorke u radu
predstavljaju odnos feminističke kritike prema konceptu otpornosti koja ga sagledava
kao teorijsku instancu neoliberalne hegemonije sa temeljima u deregulaciji tržišta.
Ideja o svakovrsnoj deregulaciji, koja je tipična za neoliberalizam, legitimiše otpornost
kao koncept koji negira politike identiteta i na njima zasnovane isključenosti.
Međutim, u praksi se otpornost pokazuje kao važna strategija za apsorbovanje
štete koju proizvode neoliberalna ekonomska i socijalna restrukturacija. Otpornost
reciklira štetu koju neoliberalni procesi proizvode i tokom tog procesa se kreiraju novi
identitetski okviri i estetika. Zbog toga se rodni status više ne povezuje sa polnim
i vidljivim performansima roda, već se pojavljuje kao efekat ili ishod ekonomske
i socijalne pozadine. Tako otpornost postaje novi neoliberalni ženski ideal koji
omogućava jačanje vitalnosti belog supermačističkog patrijarhata.
The concept of resilience originated in engineering and environmental
systems theories. Resilience entered humanities relatively recently as a new
theoretical and practical approach to addressing challenges and risks in both
macro and micro-communities. The concept of resilience is being criticized for
theoretical fluidity behind it, difficulties related to its empirical verification and
1 [email protected]
2 [email protected]
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SOCIOLOGIJA, Vol. LX (2018), N° 1
for being ideologically embedded in the neoliberal framework of global capitalism.
Subject of this paper is an overview of a sharper critique of the concept that is
coming from feminist perspective. In perspective of feminist criticism, the concept
of resilience is perceived as an element of hegemony in neoliberal theory that
purports deregulation and in particular market deregulation. While at first glance
the concept of resistance denies identity policies and social exclusion deriving from
it, in fact it absorbs harm inflicted by ne
oliberal economic and social restructuring.
Resilience allows induced damage to be
recycled given that new identity frames
and aesthetics become created. Gender status is no longer associated with visible
gender manifestation – it rather appears as it is shaped by economic and social
background. Resilience becomes new neoliberal female ideal feature that only
enhances vitality of white supremacist patriarchy.
Koncept otpornosti je blisko povezan sa konceptima dobrobiti i društvenog kapitala. U ovom radu se predstavljaju načini na koji su navedeni koncepti povezani i njihovi zajednički prediktori. Cilj rada je da razmatranjem različitih aspekata otpornosti ukaže na mogućnosti intervencije putem kreiranja socijalnih politika koje bi bile zasnivane na boljem razumevanju načina na koji otpornost, dobrobit i društveni kapital univerzalno funkcionišu — na nivou pojedinca i na nivou zajednice.
U izrazito podeljenim društvima u kojima postoje velike razlike teže je razdvojiti nasilni i organizovani kriminal od pobune, pogotovo što se ona često finansira kroz kriminalne aktivnosti. Takođe, nasilni kriminal ima tendenciju da opravdava svoje postupke pozivanjem na etničke, verske i klasne podele.
Određujući različite uzroke nastanka ovih fenomena u procesima diferencijacije, konfliktima, specifičnom okruženju i adaptaciji pripadnika društva van standardnih društvenih tokova, autorke u radu razmatraju određene analogije ovih fenomena. Cilj ovog rada je potpunije razumevanje bande kao kriminalnog fenomena koje se zasniva na određenju kompleksnog odnosa između pojedinaca, dinamike kolektivnog ponašanja i procesa društvenih promena.
***
The concept of banditism can be determined as a form of breaking social norms, a way of harming society that triggers social reaction towards its elimination. Social banditism is a wider phenomenon, stretching over political and ideological spheres and it can be determined as an irregular form of securing protection of social interests in the broadest sense.
In extremely divided societies it can be difficult to separate violent, organised crime and rebellion because rebellion is often financed with criminal activities. Additionally, violent crime has a tendency to justify its actions by insisting on ethnic, religious and class divisions.
Authors of the article are examining certain analogies among the phenomena discussed here by determining processes of differentiation, conflicts, specific surrounding and adaptation of the society members. The aim of this paper is to contribute to a deeper understanding of gang as a criminal phenomenon that is rooted in complex relation between individuals, dynamics of collective behavior and processes of social changes.
Bezbednosni sektor je oblast u kojoj profesionalci uživaju veći stepen autonomije u odnosu na druge profesionalce koji zastupaju javni interes. Diskreciono odlučivanje utemljeno na interpretaciji jeste ključna karakteristika operativnog nivoa rada. U razvijenim demokratskim sredinama gde su institucije ustrojene po principu uslužnog servisa građana kao njihovih klijenata, legitimno je i pitanje troškova bezbednosnog sektora, i to kako ekonomske tako i društvene cene. Društvena cena bezbednosti se odnosi na njen društveni uticaj.
U radu se upućuje na moguć negativan uticaj na društveni život koji mogu imati bezbednosne mere i praksa iako su delotvorni u smislu odvraćanja bezbednosnih pretnji, pa zbog toga nisu prihvatljivi kao produktivni jer ugrožavaju društveni poredak i kvalitet života u smislu usvojenih vrednosti. Cilj ovog rada je doprinos konsolidaciji argumentacije o nužnosti institucionalizacije kontinuiranog karijernog razvijanja etičke kompetencije u bezbednosnom sektoru.
Summary: Within an institutional context, ethics is closely related to individual and personal performance. The current proliferation of intelligence activities has arisen as a reaction to the growing threats by organised crime and terrorism. However, the use of intelligence–led policing and criminal justice policies more generally brings with it an inevitable threat to the core civic and human rights which were once fundamental to the very concept of liberal democracy. Thus intelligence ethics has established itself as a new, dynamic field of professional ethics. The research within this new discipline revolves primarily around issues facing the intelligence community as a particular professional group in the modern society; its onus is largely on the theoretical development of a “just intelligence”, which is somewhat equivalent to efforts in the ethics of war to construct a theory of “just war”.
Professionals in the security sector tend to enjoy a higher degree of autonomy than most other public servants. A discretionary operational decision–making emphasizes the need for high quality training of intelligence officers. They need to be able to conceptually understand ethical issues as they arise in the course of their daily work and to interpret them adequately in order to make quality discretionary decisions. This means that intelligence professionals cannot be predominantly drawn from the “rank–and–file” of the security profession, especially from the police ranks without a critical assessment and a recruitment discriminacy.
The paper discusses not only the potential of intelligence–based policies to address organized crime, but also their potential to undermine the quality of life in a democratic society. The author argues that one way to address the need to balance intelligence–led criminal justice as a tool to fight crime on the one hand, and the need to use it scrupulously, on the other, is to pay far greater attention to a career development of intelligence officers, especially in the field of criminal intelligence, where theoretical education, the learning of theoretical thinking and conceptual skills are absolutely critical.
(Restorative justice as the theoretical foundation of social reaction to crime is one of the key themes of contemporary criminological discourse. The idea of crime as a conflict between perpetrator and victim of crime is included in the core ideas related to the concept of restorative justice, which differs from traditional understanding of crime as a relationship between the state and the individual. This change in perspective on crime points towards social reaction to crime that differs from traditional criminal justice system. As the restoration process of relationship damaged by crime is directly related to possibilities of participation in the very process, institutionalisation of that participation sets the scope of restorative process. In this article, the author points towards the traditional criminal justice and restorative justice processes, focusing the relationship of perpetrator and victim of crime and the process of conflict resolution. The aim of the article is to highlight the conflict perspective as a defining element of the relationship between offender and victim, and to underline the effectiveness of restorative justice as social reaction to crime, which contributes to optimisation of the relationship between the offender and the community.)
Princip da nasilje prema civilima ne može biti nagrađeno političkim ustupcima predstavlja jednu od duboko uvreženih vrednosti u zapadnoj civilizaciji, ali iskustveni zaključak da „sa teroristima nema pregovora” ne samo da ne smanjuje, već jednoznačano upućuje da se na taj način širi dijapazon pretnje od terorizma šire na nove teritorije. Autorka u tekstu argumentuje da dosadašnji rezultati „rata protiv terora”, kao i posledice isključive primene represije i oslanjanja na princip nepregovaranja sa teroristima, upućuju na potrebu da se uobičajeni pristup terorizmu kritički preispituje.
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Contemporary theoretical approaches to security, by and large, depict terrorism as a phenomenon best comprehended by using descriptive methodologies, via studing terrorist groups, and by analising motivation of particular terrorist groups, and models of response to their actions. Parallely, the core value of war making against terrorism model remains unresolved. Although terrorism appears fundamentaly the same in its every instance, perception of terrorism defines reaction and political factors determine its weight.
Principle embeded in the idea that violence against civilians cannot be rewarded with political concessions, stands as one of the deeply rooted valuus of the western civilisation. However, the experience generates the conclusion that stance "there could be no negotiations with terrorists" is not viable given that it is not diminishing terrorist threat but, quite the contrary, it is facilitating expansion of terrorism to new territorites in every sense of the word. The author provides arguments in the article in support of conclusion that results of the "war against terror", as consequencies of exclusive repression and non–negotiation, point towards the necessity to critically re–examine standard repressive aproach as a reaction to terrorism.
Autorke u radu izlažu nekoliko ključnih problema koji stoje na putu procesa dekriminalizacije srpskog društva sagledavajući ih, u jednoj perspektivi, kao nedostatak kapaciteta prevazilaženja političkog koncepta prijatelj–neprijatelj na širokom društvenom nivou, a u drugoj, kao istrajnost u političkoj manipulaciji fenomenom kriminala i odustvo stabilnog institucionalnog balansa. Polazeći od razumevanja uloge kriminološke teorije i kao traganja za odgovorom na pitanje „šta sve proizvodi surovost“, kao antipod solidarnosti koja predstavlja vezivo zajednice, autorke u radu daju argumente u prilog zabrinutosti zbog moralnog cinizma i apatije kao preovlađujućeg emocionalnog stanja savremenog srpskog društva fokusirajući njegov potencijal transmutacije u nekontrolisano nasilje.
The ratio of legality and legitimacy should have as its final outcome enhancment of inclusiveness of social interactions as well as moral progress. The ambition of the authors was to illustrate in this paper certain aspects of the legality and legitimacy that have legal and theoretical broader social significance, as well as to highlight the most important aspects in which these insights disagree with the understanding of social reality in terms of moral foundations. In social practice, the weakening of the convergence of legality and legitimacy is manifested in different ways, and is closely related to the phenomenon of crime and its political and social perception.
The authors underligned some key issues that stand in the way of the process of decriminalization of Serbian society by perciving it, both, as a lack of capacity to overcome "friend–enemy" political concept in a broad social context, and, endurence in political manipulation of the crime phenomenon and the absence of a stable institutional balance. Starting from the understanding of the function of criminological theory also as a search for the answer to the question "what creates cruelty?" as the antipode to solidarity being 'the social glue', the authors provide arguments in support of concernes over raising moral cynicism and apathy as the predominant emotional feature of contemporary Serbian society by focusing its potential for transmutation into uncontrolled violence.
Kriminal belog okovratnika odnosi se na brojna krivična dela od kojih većina može biti izvršena samo ukoliko izrvršilac poseduje faktičku institucionalnu vlast, bilo da je u pitanju javni ili privatni sektor. Zloupotreba ovlašćenja koja je inherentna ovoj vrsti kriminala, ne generiše posledice samo u jednoj sferi društvenih odnosa, već znatno šire ― u okvirima u kojima funkcioniše poverenje građana u institucije i u njihov integritet. Podrivanjem legitimiteta javnog ovlašćenja u smislu formalne vlasti, putem kriminalizacije te vlasti, kriminal belog okovratnika proizvodi devijaciju u načinu na koji institucije nastupaju spram javnosti i društva u celini. Zbog toga su političke posledice kriminala belog okovratnika slične onim posledicama koje izaziva pojava korupcije u opštem smislu, a to je stvaranje deficita legimiteta javnog ovlašćenja i, posledično tome, ozbiljno narušavanje poverenja javnosti u institucije. U opisanoj situaciji, u ekonomskoj sferi, posledice se ispoljavaju kao usporavanje dinamike legitimnih i produktivnih društvenih, institucionalnih i ekonomskih transakcija. A pošto se istovremeno smanjuje građanska participacija u političkim procesima i stavovi građana o demokratičnosti društva slede negativan trend, narušava se ukupna demokratičnost takvog društva.
- međunarodna dimenzija;
- organizovanje u grupne strukture;
- korišćenje zakonitih struktura u poslovanju;
- specijalizacija;
- uticaj i korupcija;
- upotreba nasilja; i
- tzv. protiv-mere.
In general terms, criminal justice does not target the causality of crime. As criminal justice phenomena stem from social processes, the roots of the crime prevention policy ought to be embedded in measures of social policy as much as to rely upon repressive and control measures of criminal law. In this article, the authors discuss juvenile behavior in organized criminal activities from a number of perspectives in order to outline various facets of contemporary social prevention response to this type of crime.
Brojne studije su pokazale da su kriminalne organizacije u modusu svog delovanja uglavnom lokalne što određuje kontekst ekspanzije i diversifikacije njihovih kriminalnih aktivnosti kao i menadžment rizika kriminalnog preduzetništva. Maloletnici postaju objekti kriminalne eksploatacije od strane organizovanih kriminalnih grupa zbog manje verovatnoće od otkrivanja i drukčijeg krivičnopravnog progona usled drugačijeg odmeravanja odgovornosti maloletnika u odnosu na odgovornost odraslih izvršilaca. Kontinuirani porast dece koja su izvršioci krivičnih dela koja se vrše na organizovan način ukazuju na pojavu novog trenda u delovanju organizovanih kriminalnih grupi. U tom smislu se uočava uključivanje maloletnika u kriminalno „preduzetništvo” u brojnim modalitetima — od distribucije narkotika, dela protiv imovine, pa do integrisanja profita u legalne tokove.
Kauzalitet kriminala, uopšteno uzev, sam po sebi nije proces na koji se odnosi krivičnopravno reagovanje — reč je uglavnom o socijalnim procesima koji dovode do krivičnopravnih fenomena i posledica. Ovo je osnov argumentacije da politika prevencije kriminala mora uključivati i mere socijalne politike, ravnopravno sa represivnim i kontrolnim merama krivičnopravnog karaktera. Razmatrajući aspekte delovanja dece u organizovanim kriminalnim aktivnostima autorke u tekstu polemišu o strateškim perspektivama savremenog društvenog odgovora na ovaj vid kriminaliteta.
The paper explores the capacity of philosophical counseling to contribute to the transformation of public service into a more effective and humane structure. The paper will present two typical cases of the organisation of the public service, those of Australia and Serbia, and explore the moral controvercies in both. The paper will argue that philosophical counseling in the public administration enhances the role and profile of moral labeling, thus both introducing a moral perspective to the otherwise predominantly legalistic normative environment, and at the same time changing the incentives structure of public servants by attaching perceptible moral labels to their actions. In doing so, philosophical counseling has the capacity to enhance the professional ethics of public administration and ultimately positively influence the lives and social well being of individuals in society, who are clients of the public administration.
Quite separately from its political function, which has the potential to substantially improve the quality of public democratic life, the value of sympathy plays a key function in the practical application of philosophy, which has recently become known as philosophical counselling. The commercial practice of philosophy in this way complements psychotherapy to the extent that many individual crises are not caused by emotional aberrations, but rather by issues of meaning and coherence; issues of perspective on everyday problems, which have inspired traditional philosophy outside of the academia, and which have since been banished from the „publish or perish“ exclusivity of academic philosophy. The come-back of practical philosophy in the form of counselling highlights the functional relevance of sympathy in the everyday relationships and in the care of modern personal and social problems.
The paper will relate the political and individual values of sympathy and sketch an argument in favour of sympathy as a proactive and prescriptive value for social and individual intersubjective interactions on a general and principled level.
Basic theoretical conceptions of human rights and modern knowledge about organized crime and shaping control strategies.In the introductory part of this monograph, the authors define the meaning of the term organized crime and consider the market basis for the emergence of organized crime, which is based on dysfunctional institutions, and in a generic sense is evident in the first forms of organized crime ("racketeering"). Where state effectively offers services offered by organized crime in weak states (debt collection, protection from violence and extortion, effective transactions in money and goods, etc.), the space for market placement of "products" of organized crime is significantly narrowed. Precisely for these reasons, in the socially best organized countries of Northern Europe, there is a disproportionate amount of organized crime originating from their territory (there is imported organized crime from the rest of Europe), since there is little market for it. Reducing the market for organized crime by improving good governance does not prevent the part of organized crime activity that has evolved far from its initial forms, and which is based on significant transnational dimensions.For this sphere of organized crime, proactive repressive work has no substitute in non-repressive action, but the proportional participation of transnational activities in the total volume of activities that make up the phenomenon known as modern "transnational organized crime" is significantly less, as documented in the monograph. than is usually thought because most of the specific activities take place in a way that allows for localized monitoring and is primarily locally motivated. The concluding remarks in the monograph given in the chapter on shaping control strategies refer to the proportion of repressive and non-repressive proactive action against organized crime, what should be the role of certain segments of the social system in this division of labor, and what are the opportunities to progress in organized crime the "new warring entity" model predicted by American theorists is prevented by a combination of criminal and non-criminal approaches by the state.Also, the authors consider and assess the realistic scope of favorable consequences that such a combined policy of combating organized crime would produce in the sphere of protection of dominions, ie a composite corpus of human and civil rights affected through categories and institutions of a democratic political system.
Centar za menadžment i Institut za kriminološka i sociološka istraživanja su 2005. godine objavili knjigu Korupcija čime je odgovoreno na potrebu da i na srpskom jeziku postoje odgovarajući stručni izvori koji će omogućiti sticanje i produbljivanje znanja o fenomenu korupcije. Knjiga Korupcija i stvaranje moderne srpske države je sledeći korak ― odgovor na potrebu da se ti izvori dopune tako što bi se ponudila studija slučajeva kao forma konkretnih primera pojave korupcije. U tom smislu ova knjiga predstalja praktikum za proučavanje uzroka i posledica korupcije.
Uređivački napor priređivača je bio usmeren na osvetljavanje događaja iz prošlosti u kontekstu pojave korupcije koji su ostali van vidokruga srpske naučne i šire kulturne javnosti, nudeći sadržaj koji polemiše sa standardima u razumevanju uloge nekih od najznačajnijih ličnosti iz vremena stvaranja moderne srpske države. U tom smislu su postupanje i događaji opisani u knjizi podsećanje na koren sukoba u društvu (uvek je povezan sa nastojanjem da se sprovede pretežniji, važniji interes), na poverenje (javnosti želi da vidi na vlasti ljude u koje može da ima poverenje), na značaj i posledice revizije istorije, kao i na uzročnoposledičnu vezu traganja i nalaženja u kontekstu pogrešnih identite kao pribežišta jednog društva.
Izvori korišćeni u knjizi većinom su neobjavljena arhivska građa, a sada su dostupni ne samo istoričarima već i najširoj javnosti. Zahvaljujući autorskom pristupu u oblikovanju tekstova u knjizi Korupcija i stvaranje moderne srpske države, činjenice o kojima ta građa govori su na takav način dovedene u logički sled, da rezultat predstavlja potpun odgovor na osnovni zadatak istoričara, posebno i zato što nam nudi „razumevanje prošlosti kao nekad pluralne stvarnosti, odnosno drugosti prošlosti“ (Latinka Perović). Ova svojevrsna hronika tzv. loše prakse u upravljanju javnim dobrima i javnim interesom, ukazuje i na mogućnosti istorijskog naučnog metoda da doprinese savremenom diskursu javne politike na osnovu „prepoznavanja“ i analogije. Upravo pouka u cilju „podizanja svesti“ o razarajućim posledicama korupcije u kom god vremenu se ispoljavala, prava je namera autora.
Poglavlja
SADRŽAJ
Uvod
1. Uvodni teorijski modul
1. Korupcija i kriminalna devijacija;
2. Međunarodna dimenzija korupcije;
3. Strukturna osnova korupcije;
4. Korupcija i javna moć;
5. Osnovni principi etike i javna služba.
2. Ekonomski modul
6. Ekonomsko značenje korupcije (ekonomski aspekti korupcije);
7. Vrste korupcije i njihove ekonomske posledice;
8. Sitna korupcija;
9. Korupcija srednjeg obima.
3. Etički modul
10. Institucionalna lojalnost i problem odavanja poslovnih tajni;
11. «Duvanje u pištaljku»;
12. Vraćanje lopte (“kickbacks”);
13. Službena neposlušnost;
14. Etička odgovornost u pravnom zastupanju;
15. Profesionalizacija kao dominacija.
4. Politički modul
16. Politička korupcija – pojam, uzroci, tipologija;
17. Okolnosti u Srbiji i manifestacije korupcije;
18. Srbija u ogledalu – politička korupcija na početku XXI veka;
19. Korupcija u javnim službama.
Ova vrsta shvatanja duševnog zdravlja podrazumeva i razumevanje dobro integrisane ličnosti kao manje ili više sinoniman pojam dobro socijalizovanoj ličnosti. U lakanovskoj psihoanalizi osnovni činilac socijalizacije, istovremeno nosical simbolizacije iskustva, pre svega moralno normativne simbolizacije, upravo je glavni signifikator "Ime Oca", koji upućuje na funkciju očinske figure u socijalizaciji deteta koju mogu vršiti različiti akteri u životu pojedinca.
Na osnovu razumevanja signifikatora Ime Oca, Lacan i lacanovci izvode jasno razgraničene koncepcije neuroze i psihoze, i, na osnovu toga, sasvim različite, metodološki radikalno raznorodne, pristupe u lečenju jednog i drugog.
U tekstu se razmatra različita funkcija moralne normativnosti u konstituciji subjektiviteta u slučaju neuroze i psihoze i nudi se jedna donekle originalna perspektiva u duhu lakanovskih interpretacija do sada, prema kojoj svest o značaju i instrumentalnoj korisnosti moralnog normativiteta definiše duševno zdravlje, a funkcioniše dinamički i strukturno različito u slučaju neuroze i slučaju psihoze.
The paper focuses on an understanding of mental health as a sort of social idealisation: the conceptualisation of an ideally healthy personality, in practice, usually overlaps with the idealisation of those personality traits which, in the respective society, are considered particularly desirable. The quantification of mental health is then conducted based on the approximation of an individual's situation with the mentioned ideal.
The described view of mental health presupposes a corresponding understanding of a well integrated personality as more or less synonimous with a well socialised personality. In Lacanian psychoanalysis, the main factor of socialisation, and at the same time the carrier of symbolisation of experience (primarily of its morally normative symbolisation) is the main signified "Name of the Father", which suggests the morally formative role of the father figure in the socialisation of a child (a function which, admittedly, can be performed by others, as well as by the actual father).
Based on an interpretation of the signifier Name of the Father, Lacan and the Lacanians derive clearly delineated conceptualisations of neurosis and psychosis and, consequently, methodologically radically different approaches to treating the former and the latter.
The paper discusses the roles of moral normativity in the constitution of subjectivity in the case of neurosis and of psychosis, and offers a perspective which is to some extent novel, however still in line with the main Lacanian interpretations offerred so far: the interpretation whereby it is the awareness of the significance of one's choices and the instrumental usefulness of the moral normativity one adopts that define mental health. This awareness of moral normativity functions dynamically and structurally differently in neurosis and in psychosis.
Povezanost daje ogromnu prednost u kriznim situacijama, jer kohezija u zajednici kreira potencijal za prevazilađenje krize. Uključivanje žena kao akterki u sferi bezbednosti usmereno je na postizanje takve kohezije, jer podrazumeva korigovanje asimetrije moći učesnika, subjekta bezbednosti i subjekta opasnosti. U radu se sagledava društvena regulacija uloge žena u bezbednosnoj sferi kako bi se utvrdili elementi povezanosti u odnosu na one koji dovode do izolovanosti. Cilj ovog rada je da ukaže na to da funkcionalan pristup obezbeđivanju bezbednosti, kao vrednosti koja omogućava održivost i razvoj zajednice, podrazumeva integrativan pristup otpornosti, odn. potrebu uključivanja žena kao akterki u sistem bezbednosti, jer društvena praksa koja nema integrativan pristup bezbednosnoj strategiji lišava to društvo njegovih ukupnih atributa i time negativno utiče na njegovu otpornost umanjujući je.
Resilience is described as the ability to respond to challenges through adaptation, because adaptation enables recovery and development. The concept of resilience is closely related to the concept of well-being, which is understood through the improvement of human existence in various spheres. Quality of life is a fundamental element of well-being, and the dynamics of perception of risks and intense changes in society shape the modern perspective on security, which is phenomenologically at the core of human needs.
Social connections gives huge advantage in crisis situations, because cohesion in the community creates the potential to overcome the crisis. The inclusion of women as actors in the security sphere is aimed at achieving such cohesion, because it implies correcting the asymmetry of power of the participants (i.g. the subject of security and the subject of danger). The paper examines the social regulation of the role of women in the security sphere in order to determine and relate what enables building of social networks and what leads to isolation. The aim of this paper is to highlight a functional approach to security determined as a value that enables sustainability and community development, Such social function of security implies an integrative approach to resilience that features women as actors within the security system, because a social practice that does not have an integrative approach to security strategy deprives that society of its overall attributes and thus negatively affects its resilience by diminishing it.
Strateški okviri za zasnivanje sistema socijalne zaštite bi trebalo da objedinjuje i usklađuje međusobno povezane ciljeve: zaštitu, stabilizaciju i socijalne investicije. Ovaj pristup se mora temeljiti na razvijanju integralne socijalne zaštite koji uključuje i inovativne pristupe u sprovođenju usluga socijalne a socijalni akteri na najefikasniji način koriste, unutar sistema, postojeće i razvijaju nove resurse putem dostupnih, kvalitetnih i raznovrsnih usluga, radi očuvanja i poboljšanja kvaliteta života ranjivih i marginalizovanih pojedinaca i grupa, osposobljavanja za produktivan život u zajednici i predupređenja zavisnosti od socijalnih službi.
The traditional intervention horizon of the helping professions with regard to well–being has been re–set by philosophical practice that emerged as a cultivating methodology by the community of philosophical practitioners gathering philosophers ranging from the so–called philosophical ‘generalists’ to specialists from varied fields as philosophy of language on the one hand and traditional metaphysics, on the other, engaged in consultations, advice of organizations or facilitating Socratic group dialogue. The common denominator of all these philosophers’ work is their quest to allow the wisdom, experience and conceptual rigour that characterise philosophy to bear upon the solution of everyday individual or organisational problems, dilemmas and issues. When it is seen in this way, philosophical practice can be understood as sustainably enhancing individual and social well–being. Being fundamental and systematic philosophy is about curiosity faced with the perennial questions of life, meaning and values, whilst philosophical practice being reflection, is related to every aspect of life and changes the way we view the world so it seeks to use philosophy to foster the quality and transparency of the meaning of life, both organisational (or corporate) and individual.
This paper seeks to address some of the therapeutic consequences that philosophical practice can have on both subjective and collective well–being.