Videos by Omar Ramon Serrano Oswald 欧山
This special issue examines the consequences of the ongoing power transition in the world economy... more This special issue examines the consequences of the ongoing power transition in the world economy for global regulatory regimes. In the introductory article, Lavenex, Serrano and Büthe put forth the Power Transition Theory of Global Economic Governance (PTT‐GEG) as an analytical framework for better understanding those consequences and more generally for understanding conflict and cooperation in the international political economy and in global market governance. The theory identifies the conditions under which rising powers will become regime‐transforming rule‐makers, regime‐undermining rule‐breakers, resentful rule‐fakers, or regime‐strengthening rule‐promoters, as well as the conditions under which they might remain weakly regime‐supporting rule‐takers. 31 views
Peer reviewed articles by Omar Ramon Serrano Oswald 欧山
Review of International Political Economy, 2022
Following decades of relative isolation, China and India have become the world's largest new trad... more Following decades of relative isolation, China and India have become the world's largest new traders. In this paper, we focus on their Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs). While the two economies initially followed similar paths, with a growing number of PTAs signed in the first decade of the 21st Century, since 2011 India has taken a U-turn and stopped completing them. China, on the other hand, has widened and deepened its trade agreements. We present a novel theoretical framework to analyze international economic negotiations by emerging economies and use it to study the puzzling divergence of the trade policies of China and India. By adapting the two-level game framework to emerging economies, we argue that there are key differences in the political economies of countries like China and India (compared to Western industrialized ones), which requires a more specific focus on the domestic side of the two-level game. We show that accounting for non-legislative domestic ratification processes and for iterative games and experiential learning by domestic actors are crucial in understanding the trade strategies of emerging economies. While much of the literature explains large emerging economies by looking at external systemic factors, we instead suggest that their domestic politics trumps international politics.
bidt Analyses and Studies No. 8, 2022
Since introduction of the Chinese Social Credit System (SCS) in 2014 – 2020, there have been conc... more Since introduction of the Chinese Social Credit System (SCS) in 2014 – 2020, there have been concerns about the repercussions of this system on companies and individuals trading in China. In this study, we examine the Chinese SCS’ impact on Bavarian companies. We investigate how large, medium, small and micro Bavarian companies active in China are being classified and assessed under the SCS. This publicly accessible system aims to rank specific business activities either as desirable, rewarding them (through red lists), or as un- desirable, punishing them (through administrative penalties or blacklists).
Our analysis of 170 Bavarian companies in China shows that these firms, for the most part, feature on red (positive) lists. However, almost 9% of the companies are subject to nega- tive entries in the system by way of an administrative penalty, which under certain circums- tances may lead to inclusion on a blacklist. The positive entries relate mainly to tax matters, while contraventions to regulations in the areas of work safety, health and environment constitute the majority of negative entries. At regional level, though, there are significant differences regarding the implementation of the SCS by local authorities. We complement our analysis with findings from 10 in-depth interviews that provide insights into the expe- riences and perspectives of Bavarian companies based in China in the context of the SCS. Our evaluation feeds into recommendations for action, particularly regarding potential measures of support for Bavarian companies with Chinese subsidiaries.
Global Studies Quarterly, 2022
The extensive delegation of power to international organizations (IOs) has been accompanied by oc... more The extensive delegation of power to international organizations (IOs) has been accompanied by occasional agency slack. While prior studies suggest that IOs' propensity for agency slack may be rooted in their organizational characteristics, this has rarely been explored empirically. To address this lacuna, in this article we propose a conceptualization and measurement of agency slack and develop a framework of organizational characteristics. Our empirical analysis applies qualitative comparative analysis to assess the conditions under which agency slack occurs across sixteen United Nations institutions. We complement the cross-case analysis with two case illustrations. Our results document the empirical existence of two paths to agency slack, providing confirmatory evidence for our theoretical expectations. Path 1 combines staffing rules that are favorable for the agent with wide access to third parties. Path 2 entails the combination of favorable staffing rules with extensive delegation of authority and a vague organizational mandate.
Global Policy, 2021
This is an open access article under the terms of the Creat ive Commo ns Attri bution-NonCo mmerc... more This is an open access article under the terms of the Creat ive Commo ns Attri bution-NonCo mmercial License, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited and is not used for commercial purposes.
Review of International Political Economy , 2022
Following decades of relative isolation, China and India have become the world's largest new trad... more Following decades of relative isolation, China and India have become the world's largest new traders. In this paper, we focus on their Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs). While the two economies initially followed similar paths, with a growing number of PTAs signed in the first decade of the 21 st Century, since 2011 India has taken a U-turn and stopped completing them. China, on the other hand, has widened and deepened its trade agreements. We present a novel theoretical framework to analyze international economic negotiations by emerging economies and use it to study the puzzling divergence of the trade policies of China and India. By adapting the two-level game framework to emerging economies, we argue that there are key differences in the political economies of countries like China and India (compared to Western industrialized ones), which requires a more specific focus on the domestic side of the two-level game. We show that accounting for non-legislative domestic ratification processes and for iterative games and experiential learning by domestic actors are crucial in understanding the trade strategies of emerging economies. As such, we go against the tendency of much of the literature to explain economic relations of large emerging economies by looking at external systemic factors. Although we do not deny that international politics matters, we suggest that given the size and complexity of countries such as China and India, their domestic politics trumps international politics.
Regulation & Governance, 2021
Analyzing the consequences of the ongoing power transition in the world economy through the prism... more Analyzing the consequences of the ongoing power transition in the world economy through the prism of the regulatory state, this special issue emphasizes the interplay of domestic and international politics that fuels or inhibits the creation of regulatory capacity and capability and thus emerging countries' transition from rule-takers to rule-makers in global markets. This introductory article proposes a power transition theory of global economic governance, which extends the scope of power transition theory to conflict and cooperation in the international political economy and global regulatory governance. It emphasizes variation in the institutional strength of the regulatory state as the key conduit through which the growing market size of the emerging economies gives their governments leverage in global regulatory regimes-if and only if, for a particular regulatory issue, they choose to invest their resources in building regulatory capacity and capability. And it emphasizes variation in the extent to which rising powers' substantive, policy-specific preferences diverge from the established powers' preferences as enshrined in the regulatory status quo. Distinct combinations of these two variables yield, for each regulatory regime, distinct theoretical expectations about how the power transition in the world economy will affect global economic governance, helping us identify the conditions under which rule-takers will become regime-transforming rule-makers, regime-undermining rule-breakers, resentful rule-fakers, or regime-strengthening rule-promoters, as well as the conditions under which they remain weakly regime-supporting rule-takers.
Regulation & Governance , 2020
This article analyzes the domestic drivers of regulatory state formation in India and Brazil and ... more This article analyzes the domestic drivers of regulatory state formation in India and Brazil and its consequences for the global rules governing pharmaceutical patents. The field of pharmaceutical patents offers an ideal case to examine the conditions under which emerging economies may evolve into rule-makers in their own right given their conflicting preferences vis-à-vis the regulatory status quo and the importance of patent regulations for their own economic growth. We first analyze Indian and Brazilian politics of regulatory state formation; then, in light of the extent to which the two countries have built regulatory capacity and capability in the field of patent regulation, we explore whether and how they have been able to influence the existing intellectual property (IP) regime in health. We look into two key domestic regulatory initiatives where India and Brazil made use of the flexibilities available under the TRIPS agreement and which have the potential to modify the health-IP regime: India's Section 3(d) and Brazil´s prior consent requirement. Whereas India's Section 3(d) regulation has gained international regulatory influence by diffusing to other developing countries, the same cannot be said for Brazil's prior consent regulation, which has been caught by policy-reversals. In sum, these case studies provide two key insights. Firstly, the transition towards regulatory states in emerging countries is a bulky road and does not progress in linear ways. Secondly, once regulatory capacity and capability have been solidified, domestic policy innovations can become internationally influential. This needs not work through the traditional channels of multilateralism, but can also occur horizontally through policy-diffusion to other jurisdictions.
New Political Economy , 2019
This article focuses on an area that has not been systematically addressed but is of crucial impo... more This article focuses on an area that has not been systematically addressed but is of crucial importance to China, India and Brazil: the global governance of genetic resources. All three are biodiversity-rich and, ever since biotechnology promised to turn DNA into gold, have been significant players in the genetic-resources regime complex. Shortcomings notwithstanding, the establishment of a new access and benefit-sharing regime constitutes a rare instance where emerging countries have succeeded in becoming rule-makers of sorts. We analyse how these three countries have sought to pursue their interests in this area, especially after the extension of national sovereignty over previously ‘free’ genetic resources and the erection of a complex set of rules attempting to regulate access to and benefits from their utilisation from the early 1990s onwards. Despite presenting a generally unified front in international fora, their domestic implementation differs significantly and raises questions about the continuation of a common international position. The article adds to our understanding of emerging countries’ engagement with global governance by focusing on the concrete drivers and domestic processes that have motivated and shaped the agency of China, India and Brazil in this new policy regime.
Public Administration and Development
Recent academic works have shed light upon the motives and negotiation dynamics leading to the cr... more Recent academic works have shed light upon the motives and negotiation dynamics leading to the creation of the New Development Bank (NDB) and Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). We know less about their day‐to‐day activities and if (and if so why) they are being innovative in the field of multilateral development lending. This article evaluates novelty in the two banks. It uncovers and suggests an explana- tion to the puzzle of why the NDB appears more innovative (in terms of institutional design, staffing, and lending policy guidelines) than the AIIB by exploring the cases of China and Brazil. The two countries played central roles in the set‐up of each the AIIB and NDB. Drawing on extensive field research, the article proposes that their preferences and capability to engage in institutional innovation depend on interests, status, economic power, and regulatory capacity.
The EU and the US are at the origin of most international institutions and rules for both trade a... more The EU and the US are at the origin of most international institutions and rules for both trade and finance, and both have long exported their preferred policies to the rest of the world. Today, this hegemonic position is increasingly challenged by the rise of new centers of economic power such as China, India and Brazil. This introductory article introduces the "supply-and-demand model of regulatory power" guiding this Special Issue and, drawing on the latter's contributions, illustrates the interplay between EU/US regulatory outreach and emerging economies' domestic politics in explaining the embracement or rejection of EU/US trade-related agendas.
This paper focuses on the EU's and the US's relationship with Brazil, India and China (BIC) in th... more This paper focuses on the EU's and the US's relationship with Brazil, India and China (BIC) in the area of Intellectual Property Rights (IPR). The comparison of EU and US approaches yields the interplay between hierarchical (coercive) and horizontal (network-based) strategies used by both sides to advance a maximalist IP agenda vis-à-vis the BIC. We furthermore find the EU taking inspiration (i.e. "learning") from the US in the process of strengthening its external IP policy. Switching the angle to the "demand-side" of emerging countries, China comes out as the most accommodative among the BIC in terms of aligning its IP (especially patent) legislation and enforcement practices with standards promoted by the EU and the US. India and Brazil, on the other hand, have shown more signs of contestation, not only in domestic implementation but also in terms of opposing and seeking alternatives to EU-and US-induced global IP norms. Variation between the BIC is explained, inter alia, by domestic concerns related to innovation in China, the role of the (generics) pharmaceutical industry in India, and the persistence of developmentalist ideas in parts of the Brazilian public administration.
This paper looks at the insertion of China and India in the contested and highly legalised regime... more This paper looks at the insertion of China and India in the contested and highly legalised regime of intellectual property rights (IP). In doing so it pays particular attention at two dimensions, the internal adoption of this regime and external endorsement/contestation of international IP norms. Much has been written about whether emerging countries will challenge or support the maintenance of an open rules-based multilateral trade system. In this context, the differentiated integration of these two countries in the IP regime is notable. Domestically, China despite much criticism for widespread IP infringement has followed a maximalist interpretation of TRIPS. India, on the contrary has followed other emerging countries in pursuing a more critical, minimalist understanding. These positions have also been visible at the multilateral arena. This empirical finding runs contrary to the assumption that defiance results from market power. The divergence is the more surprising given a recent explosion of patent filings in both countries. From a political economy perspective, this should translate into support for stricter rules under TRIPS. In explanaining the two countries' divertent insertion this paper looks beyond economic (market) power and domestic interests and underlines the role of ideational legacies, domestic interests and regulatory capacity. The paper thus stresses the need to look deep into domestic politics and ideational cleavages, as well as at their evolution over time, in order to better understand the international behaviour of emerging countries.
New Political Economy, 2018
Rising economies face a crucial dilemma when establishing their position on international patent ... more Rising economies face a crucial dilemma when establishing their position on international patent law. Should they translate their increasing economic strength into political power to further developing countries' interests in lower levels of international patent protection? Or, anticipating a rising domestic interest in stronger international patent protection, should they adopt a position that favors maximal patent protection? Drawing on multiple case studies using a most similar system design, we argue that rising economies, after having been coerced into adopting more stringent patent standards, tend to display ambivalent positions, trapped in bureaucratic politics and caught between conflicting domestic constituencies. We find that the recent proliferation of international institutions and the expansion of transnational networks have contributed to fragmentation and polarization in domestic patent politics. As a result, today's emerging economies experience a more tortuous transformative process than did yesterday's. This finding is of particular relevance for scholars studying rising powers, as well as for those working on policy diffusion, regulatory regimes, transnational networks and regime complexes.
Peer reviewed books by Omar Ramon Serrano Oswald 欧山
The Domestic Sources of European Foreign Policy: Defence and Enlargement looks at the challenge o... more The Domestic Sources of European Foreign Policy: Defence and Enlargement looks at the challenge of developing a foreign policy for a Union of 27 states. It analyses the relevance of domestic political processes for the EU’s common policies and examines the democratic deficit in EU foreign policy. It thereby highlights what is unique about this policy and reflects about its possible future evolution. The study is novel in that it examines the influence of domestic politics across the whole of the EU. As the EU continues to face di culties in formulat- ing common policies (this goes beyond foreign policy; the crisis surrounding the single currency is a recent and notable exam- ple), this book offers a unique insight into the complexities of enhancing the EU’s common policies by assessing domestic political debates and the role of actors who legitimize or con-
strain support for common policies.
Working papers by Omar Ramon Serrano Oswald 欧山
Technoregulierung in China: bayerische Unternehmen im Sozialkreditsystem, 2022
Seit Einführung des chinesischen Sozialkreditsystems (SKS) in den Jahren 2014 2020 stehen Bedenke... more Seit Einführung des chinesischen Sozialkreditsystems (SKS) in den Jahren 2014 2020 stehen Bedenken darüber im Raum, welche Auswirkungen dieses System auf Unternehmen und Einzelpersonen hat, die in China Handel treiben. In der vorliegenden Studie untersuchen wir den Einfluss des chinesischen Sozialkreditsystems (SKS) auf bayerische Unternehmen. Wir ermitteln, wie große, mittlere, kleine und kleinste, in China aktive bayerische Unternehmen im SKS klassifiziert und bewertet werden. Das öffentlich zugängliche System zielt darauf ab, be- stimmte Geschäftsaktivitäten entweder als erwünscht einzustufen und zu belohnen (durch rote Listen) oder als unerwünscht und diese zu bestrafen (durch Verwaltungsstrafen und schwarze Listen).
Unsere Analyse von 170 bayerischen Unternehmen in China zeigt, dass diese Unternehmen größtenteils auf roten (positiven) Listen erfasst sind. Fast neun Prozent der Unternehmen haben jedoch einen negativen Systemeintrag in Form einer Verwaltungsstrafe, der unter Umständen zu einem Eintrag auf einer schwarzen Liste führen kann. Die positiven Einträge beziehen sich hauptsächlich auf Steuerangelegenheiten, während die Missachtung von Vorschriften in den Bereichen Arbeitssicherheit, Gesundheit und Umwelt den Großteil der Negativeinträge ausmacht. Auf regionaler Ebene existieren jedoch erhebliche Unterschiede bei der Umsetzung des SKS durch die einzelnen lokalen Behörden. Wir ergänzen unsere Analyse mit Erkenntnissen aus 10 Tiefeninterviews, die Einblicke in die Erfahrungen und Perspektiven in China ansässiger bayerischer Unternehmen im Kontext des SKS gewähren. Unsere Gesamtauswertung fließt in Handlungsempfehlungen ein, die sich auf potenzielle Unterstützungsmaßnahmen für bayerische Unternehmen mit chinesischen Tochtergesellschaften konzentrieren.
This paper looks comparatively at four emerging markets (Brazil, China, India and Mexico) and at ... more This paper looks comparatively at four emerging markets (Brazil, China, India and Mexico) and at their insertion (adaptation/contestation) within existing trade-rules in the framework of the Post-Washington consensus (PWC). A theoretical framework is proposed that links the analysis of international processes of rule diffusion with the domestic processes creating either demand for or contestation to these rules. This framework adopts a sectoral approach in order to highlight variation across different rules of the global economy in countries' positioning in the global trade regime. Our preliminary findings suggest that overall, emerging economies insert quite smoothly into the liberal trade order that others designed. Although contrary developmentalist tendencies persist, "two-level games" often circumvent cleavages within ruling elites. In most cases, emerging countries have taken up existing rules, sometimes implementing them in creative ways, and have started promoting these rules themselves. In those cases, where we find attempts at the creation of alternative rules, mainly in the field of intellectual property rights and, to some extent, service-trade related labour mobility, the conjuncture international codification and pressure by influential domestic interest groups benefiting from alternative approaches seem to have triggered the transition towards international rule-making. For these efforts to be successful however, we find that the development of regulatory capacity is of crucial importance.
This paper offers a first attempt at a comparative political economy analysis of preferential tra... more This paper offers a first attempt at a comparative political economy analysis of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) signed by the two main emerging markets in Asia: China and India. The following questions are addressed. Are the economic, political, and security dynamics behind the PTA strategies of the countries in question different or similar? Do we witness action–reaction processes when it comes to PTA strategies of China and India? And, finally, does one, or a particular mixture of (economic, domestic, security) conditions, help explain variation or similarity in depth, scope and target countries of the PTAs signed by these two countries? The questions are answered using a combination of interviews and primary and secondary sources. We envisage expanding on the paper at a later date to include the cases of Japan and South Korea and comparing all four cases with the help of a fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA).
As their economic clout increases, emerging powers are becoming policy-shapers in their own right... more As their economic clout increases, emerging powers are becoming policy-shapers in their own right. This chapter evaluates the ways in which emerging countries have made use of the flexibilities available under the TRIPS Agreement to espouse their social and economic concerns. We consider one of the most significant and controversial of these flexibilities: compulsory licensing as a tool for providing access to essential medicines. Our analysis focuses on India and Brazil as the two most vocal actors on the international scene opposing strong intellectual property (IP) protection. It compares Brazil and India's patterns of domestic implementation so as to gain a more granular understanding of the law and practice of compulsory licensing in these countries. A further aim of the chapter is to determine whether coordination, learning or emulation has taken place between these countries. If it has, does it explain the diffusion of compulsory licensing practices and, if not, what has led to the particular implementation design chosen? The results are somewhat puzzling, but all the more interesting as they reveal that India and Brazil, despite their shared IP strategies at the international level, have chosen different TRIPS implementation paths domestically. We find no evidence of coordination but of processes of learning and emulation taking place. WTI working papers are preliminary documents posted on the WTI website (www.wti.org) and widely circulated to stimulate discussion and critical comment. These papers have not been formally edited. Citations should refer to a " WTI Working Paper " , with appropriate reference made to the author(s). Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2748447 2 Making use of TRIPS flexibilities: implementation and diffusion of compulsory licensing regimes in Brazil and India I. Introduction Global public health is one of the areas in which emerging countries have taken a critical role in shaping international rules. As early on as the Uruguay Round Negotiations, which ultimately led to the adoption of the Agreement on Trade-related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) 1 as part of the World Trade Organization (WTO), Brazil and India assumed a leading role in opposing stronger intellectual property (IP) protection. Ultimately, these countries only acquiesced because of the pressures of the WTO single undertaking and the inherent bargains that linked IP protection to improved market access for textiles and agriculture (Deere Birkbeck 2008). Post-TRIPS, India and particularly Brazil, have continued to lead coalitions of developing countries with the aim of limiting and calibrating the impact of the changes brought about by the TRIPS Agreement. These efforts have involved launching agendas on diverse development issues such as: access to medicines, the linkage between human rights and health, protection of traditional knowledge and access to biological resources (Kapczynski 2008). These initiatives have been taken up in different international venues, among them the WTO, the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO), the World Health Organization (WHO) and the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD). As we discuss later on, Brazil and India have been especially successful in transforming the norms governing global health, thus establishing one of the few areas in which it is possible to observe real rule shaping by emerging actors. Not all emerging countries have taken the same approach. While on the surface it is opposed to Western-dominated IP regimes, China " has been reluctant to press for a structural reform of intellectual property rights regulation in the WTO, despite lending its support to developing countries when the negotiations over the Decision on Implementation of Paragraph 6 of the Doha Declaration were under way " (Chan 2010: 115). Thus, while nominally in favour of these initiatives, China has pursued a less contentious approach. Other emerging economies, such as Mexico, have distanced themselves from these international efforts, seeking to act as mediators between industrialized and industrializing countries. This position has proved hard to maintain and even led to a heated exchange between the Brazilian, Argentinian and Mexican delegates during the launching of the WIPO Development Agenda (see WIPO IIM/1/6 PROV.2). 2 Given their salience, multilateral efforts by developing countries towards ensuring a balanced interpretation of TRIPS are well documented. Domestic efforts complementing and supporting these international initiatives have received much less attention. One notable exception is Birkbeck's (2008) work on TRIPS' implementation by developing countries. That the countries leading multilateral efforts towards shaping the global health regime, mainly Brazil and India, have also been enacting domestic legislation seeking to maximize flexibilities under TRIPS is an interesting empirical observation. Rule shaping can be a result of multilateral initiatives, but it may also result from norm evolution through domestic practice and institutional adaptation. We suggest that the interaction between the international and the national level needs to be further explored, so that we can understand why and how policies are enacted and implemented.
Book chapters by Omar Ramon Serrano Oswald 欧山
The Shifting Landscape of Global Trade Governance, Cambridge University Press, 2019
This chapter sketches future scenarios of TRIPS implementation in developing countries by looking... more This chapter sketches future scenarios of TRIPS implementation in developing countries by looking at past experience, current trends and by comparing historical and crosscountry patterns. The chapter focuses on the three largest emerging economies-Brazil, India and China (BICs), since they are those with the highest potential to shape the intellectual property regime. Through international contestation, domestic implementation and even novel rule-making, they have been able to ensure that some flexibilities in the implementation of TRIPS remain. Their domestic policies and coalition-building efforts have been followed by many other developing countries. Shifts in the political economies of Brazil and India towards 2025 due to increased patenting and rise in innovation could mean that they will calibrate or even drop their opposition to TRIPS. China will likely be an innovation giant by then and eager to join the club of proponents of strong and enforceable intellectual property (IP) rights. In the area of access and benefit sharing of genetic resources and related traditional knowledge (ABS), the BICs are likely to remain opposed to stringent IP, and could even become active rule-makers. A degree of homologation between the TRIPS and the Nagoya Protocol, which has codified ABS, appears likely. In general, access to health, as one of the typically contentious domains of IP law and policy, is likely to remain a hotly debated issue. Challenges to pharmaceutical patents by developing countries that use TRIPS flexibilities will continue, as will the efforts by industrialized countries to constrain the available flexibilities through bilateral and regional trade agreements. Overall, the domain of IP law and policy is likely to remain complex and dynamic, with different interests colliding. This may reduce the chances of new multilateral law-making-for instance in the area of substantive patent law, while increasing the chances of new rule-making through domestic practice by BICs in the shadow of the TRIPS.
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Videos by Omar Ramon Serrano Oswald 欧山
Peer reviewed articles by Omar Ramon Serrano Oswald 欧山
Our analysis of 170 Bavarian companies in China shows that these firms, for the most part, feature on red (positive) lists. However, almost 9% of the companies are subject to nega- tive entries in the system by way of an administrative penalty, which under certain circums- tances may lead to inclusion on a blacklist. The positive entries relate mainly to tax matters, while contraventions to regulations in the areas of work safety, health and environment constitute the majority of negative entries. At regional level, though, there are significant differences regarding the implementation of the SCS by local authorities. We complement our analysis with findings from 10 in-depth interviews that provide insights into the expe- riences and perspectives of Bavarian companies based in China in the context of the SCS. Our evaluation feeds into recommendations for action, particularly regarding potential measures of support for Bavarian companies with Chinese subsidiaries.
Peer reviewed books by Omar Ramon Serrano Oswald 欧山
strain support for common policies.
Working papers by Omar Ramon Serrano Oswald 欧山
Unsere Analyse von 170 bayerischen Unternehmen in China zeigt, dass diese Unternehmen größtenteils auf roten (positiven) Listen erfasst sind. Fast neun Prozent der Unternehmen haben jedoch einen negativen Systemeintrag in Form einer Verwaltungsstrafe, der unter Umständen zu einem Eintrag auf einer schwarzen Liste führen kann. Die positiven Einträge beziehen sich hauptsächlich auf Steuerangelegenheiten, während die Missachtung von Vorschriften in den Bereichen Arbeitssicherheit, Gesundheit und Umwelt den Großteil der Negativeinträge ausmacht. Auf regionaler Ebene existieren jedoch erhebliche Unterschiede bei der Umsetzung des SKS durch die einzelnen lokalen Behörden. Wir ergänzen unsere Analyse mit Erkenntnissen aus 10 Tiefeninterviews, die Einblicke in die Erfahrungen und Perspektiven in China ansässiger bayerischer Unternehmen im Kontext des SKS gewähren. Unsere Gesamtauswertung fließt in Handlungsempfehlungen ein, die sich auf potenzielle Unterstützungsmaßnahmen für bayerische Unternehmen mit chinesischen Tochtergesellschaften konzentrieren.
Book chapters by Omar Ramon Serrano Oswald 欧山
Our analysis of 170 Bavarian companies in China shows that these firms, for the most part, feature on red (positive) lists. However, almost 9% of the companies are subject to nega- tive entries in the system by way of an administrative penalty, which under certain circums- tances may lead to inclusion on a blacklist. The positive entries relate mainly to tax matters, while contraventions to regulations in the areas of work safety, health and environment constitute the majority of negative entries. At regional level, though, there are significant differences regarding the implementation of the SCS by local authorities. We complement our analysis with findings from 10 in-depth interviews that provide insights into the expe- riences and perspectives of Bavarian companies based in China in the context of the SCS. Our evaluation feeds into recommendations for action, particularly regarding potential measures of support for Bavarian companies with Chinese subsidiaries.
strain support for common policies.
Unsere Analyse von 170 bayerischen Unternehmen in China zeigt, dass diese Unternehmen größtenteils auf roten (positiven) Listen erfasst sind. Fast neun Prozent der Unternehmen haben jedoch einen negativen Systemeintrag in Form einer Verwaltungsstrafe, der unter Umständen zu einem Eintrag auf einer schwarzen Liste führen kann. Die positiven Einträge beziehen sich hauptsächlich auf Steuerangelegenheiten, während die Missachtung von Vorschriften in den Bereichen Arbeitssicherheit, Gesundheit und Umwelt den Großteil der Negativeinträge ausmacht. Auf regionaler Ebene existieren jedoch erhebliche Unterschiede bei der Umsetzung des SKS durch die einzelnen lokalen Behörden. Wir ergänzen unsere Analyse mit Erkenntnissen aus 10 Tiefeninterviews, die Einblicke in die Erfahrungen und Perspektiven in China ansässiger bayerischer Unternehmen im Kontext des SKS gewähren. Unsere Gesamtauswertung fließt in Handlungsempfehlungen ein, die sich auf potenzielle Unterstützungsmaßnahmen für bayerische Unternehmen mit chinesischen Tochtergesellschaften konzentrieren.