Banu Eligur
I am presently a Professor of Political Science at Başkent University at Political Science and International Relations Department in Ankara-Turkey. I received my Ph.D. in Political Science from Brandeis University, where I taught courses on Political Islam and Civil Society in the Middle East as the Madeleine Haas Russell Visiting Assistant Professor of Islamic and Middle East Studies during the 2007-2008 academic year. I am the author of The Mobilization of Political Islam in Turkey (Cambridge University Press, 2010) https://www.cambridge.org/us/academic/news/inaugural-bernard-lewis-memorial-prize-given-cambridge-author?utm_source=Googlehttps://www.facebook.com/CambridgeUniversityPressLaw/photos/a.214342672043298/1529260560551496/?type=3
On November 2nd, 2018, I won the inaugural Bernard Lewis Memorial Award at the Eleventh Annual Meeting of the ASMEA (Association for the Study of the Middle East and Africa) in Washington, D.C. http://www.asmeascholars.org/resources/bernard-lewis-memorial-prize/ I also won the 2013 ASMEA (Association for the Study of the Middle East and Africa) Best Paper Award in the Middle East Category with paper entitled, "The Arab Spring: Implications for U.S.-Israeli Relations," which was published by Israel Affairs in June 2014. My articles have been published in British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, Middle Eastern Studies, Israel Affairs, Current Trends in Islamist Ideology, Turkish Studies, Brandeis University Crown Center for Middle East Studies Policy Briefs, and The Jerusalem Post. Currently, I have been writing my next book entitled, Nationalism in Turkey and the Non-Muslim Minorities. My major fields of scholarship and teaching are comparative politics and Middle East politics. International Relations is my secondary field of interest. My core research and teaching interests are Comparative Politics, Social Movements, Political Islam, Politics in the Middle East, Democratization, Nationalism, Church-State and Civil-Military Relations, Arab-Israeli Conflict, U.S.-Israeli Relations, Turkish Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy, and U.S.-Turkish Strategic Relations.
On November 2nd, 2018, I won the inaugural Bernard Lewis Memorial Award at the Eleventh Annual Meeting of the ASMEA (Association for the Study of the Middle East and Africa) in Washington, D.C. http://www.asmeascholars.org/resources/bernard-lewis-memorial-prize/ I also won the 2013 ASMEA (Association for the Study of the Middle East and Africa) Best Paper Award in the Middle East Category with paper entitled, "The Arab Spring: Implications for U.S.-Israeli Relations," which was published by Israel Affairs in June 2014. My articles have been published in British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, Middle Eastern Studies, Israel Affairs, Current Trends in Islamist Ideology, Turkish Studies, Brandeis University Crown Center for Middle East Studies Policy Briefs, and The Jerusalem Post. Currently, I have been writing my next book entitled, Nationalism in Turkey and the Non-Muslim Minorities. My major fields of scholarship and teaching are comparative politics and Middle East politics. International Relations is my secondary field of interest. My core research and teaching interests are Comparative Politics, Social Movements, Political Islam, Politics in the Middle East, Democratization, Nationalism, Church-State and Civil-Military Relations, Arab-Israeli Conflict, U.S.-Israeli Relations, Turkish Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy, and U.S.-Turkish Strategic Relations.
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Papers by Banu Eligur
since the 1990s, China and Israel successfully improved their bilateral ties
by focusing on their commonalities defined by mutual economic interests
instead of their differences. Yet, besides opportunities, there are also
constraints affecting the bilateral relations: first, the U.S.-Chinese
competition for global leadership, and the U.S. as a close ally of Israel
opposing the improvement in Chinese-Israeli relations; second, China’s
close military relations with Iran; and third, Beijing’s pro-Palestinian
policies. The article argues that of the three constraints, the U.S.
disapproval of close Chinese-Israeli relations influenced the bilateral ties
the most. Although China’s military relations with Iran raised Israeli
security concerns, both states managed to focus on their mutual economic gains. Regarding the Palestinian issue, China’s cautious policies did not adversely affect the bilateral ties.
Cyprus crisis applied the principle of negative reciprocity toward
Greece and expelled Greek citizens living in Turkey. By doing so,
Turkey aimed at pressuring Greece to bring the Greek Cypriot
side to the negotiation table. Although Turkish policy proved to
be a failure, the expulsions continued. The deportation resulted
in the demise of the Greek minority in Turkey for the following
reasons: first, there were intermarriages between the Greek
citizens and the Greek minority; and second, Turkey’s Greeks
finally lost their hope of being treated as equal Turkish citizens.
Kalkınma Partisi (AKP) lost some of its votes. The article argues that the AKP’s mismanagement of the Turkish economy facing the global economic crisis, the AKP-related corruption scandals, the party’s authoritarian tendencies vis-à-vis the secular segment of the society, the party’s Kurdish policy, and its inability to satisfy the Islamist electorate’s political demands account for the decline in the AKP’s vote-share. Although there was a decline in the AKP’s vote-share, the party continued to rank first. The AKP’s strong organizational networks with diligent party workers, through which the party successfully distributed selective material incentives to poorly educated, low-income voters in shantytowns and rural areas, account for this result.
since the 1990s, China and Israel successfully improved their bilateral ties
by focusing on their commonalities defined by mutual economic interests
instead of their differences. Yet, besides opportunities, there are also
constraints affecting the bilateral relations: first, the U.S.-Chinese
competition for global leadership, and the U.S. as a close ally of Israel
opposing the improvement in Chinese-Israeli relations; second, China’s
close military relations with Iran; and third, Beijing’s pro-Palestinian
policies. The article argues that of the three constraints, the U.S.
disapproval of close Chinese-Israeli relations influenced the bilateral ties
the most. Although China’s military relations with Iran raised Israeli
security concerns, both states managed to focus on their mutual economic gains. Regarding the Palestinian issue, China’s cautious policies did not adversely affect the bilateral ties.
Cyprus crisis applied the principle of negative reciprocity toward
Greece and expelled Greek citizens living in Turkey. By doing so,
Turkey aimed at pressuring Greece to bring the Greek Cypriot
side to the negotiation table. Although Turkish policy proved to
be a failure, the expulsions continued. The deportation resulted
in the demise of the Greek minority in Turkey for the following
reasons: first, there were intermarriages between the Greek
citizens and the Greek minority; and second, Turkey’s Greeks
finally lost their hope of being treated as equal Turkish citizens.
Kalkınma Partisi (AKP) lost some of its votes. The article argues that the AKP’s mismanagement of the Turkish economy facing the global economic crisis, the AKP-related corruption scandals, the party’s authoritarian tendencies vis-à-vis the secular segment of the society, the party’s Kurdish policy, and its inability to satisfy the Islamist electorate’s political demands account for the decline in the AKP’s vote-share. Although there was a decline in the AKP’s vote-share, the party continued to rank first. The AKP’s strong organizational networks with diligent party workers, through which the party successfully distributed selective material incentives to poorly educated, low-income voters in shantytowns and rural areas, account for this result.