Books by Ioannis Xydopoulos
Macedonia's eastern borders in Alexander's I. reign (2): Argilos
Mission archéologique gréco-canadienne d'Argilos Υπό την διεύθυνση των / Sous la direction de Ζήσ... more Mission archéologique gréco-canadienne d'Argilos Υπό την διεύθυνση των / Sous la direction de Ζήση Μπόνια-Jacques Y. Perreault 25 χρόνια έρευνας Οργάνωση πόλης και χώρας στις αποικίες του βορείου Αιγαίου, 8ος-3ος αι. π.Χ. 25 années de recherches Organisation de la ville et de la campagne dans les colonies du Nord de l'Égée, VIII e-III e siècles av. n.è.
Mission archéologique gréco-canadienne d'Argilos Υπό την διεύθυνση των / Sous la direction de Ζήσ... more Mission archéologique gréco-canadienne d'Argilos Υπό την διεύθυνση των / Sous la direction de Ζήση Μπόνια-Jacques Y. Perreault 25 χρόνια έρευνας Οργάνωση πόλης και χώρας στις αποικίες του βορείου Αιγαίου, 8ος-3ος αι. π.Χ. 25 années de recherches Organisation de la ville et de la campagne dans les colonies du Nord de l'Égée, VIII e-III e siècles av. n.è. 3 ARGILOS 2021 Publications of the Canadian Institute in Greece Publications de l'Institut canadien en Grèce No. 13 Ελληνοκαναδική Ανασκαφή Αργίλου Mission archéologique gréco-canadienne d'Argilos Υπό την διεύθυνση των / Sous la direction de Ζήση Μπόνια-Jacques Y. Perreault 25 χρόνια έρευνας Οργάνωση πόλης και χώρας στις αποικίες του βορείου Αιγαίου, 8ος-3ος αι. π.Χ. 25 années de recherches Organisation de la ville et de la campagne dans les colonies du Nord de l'Égée VIII e-III e siècles av. n.è. 3 ARGILOS 2021 Publications of the Canadian Institute in Greece Publications de l'Institut canadien en Grèce No. 13 Ελληνοκαναδική Ανασκαφή Αργίλου Mission archéologique gréco-canadienne d'Argilos Υπό την διεύθυνση των / Sous la direction de Ζήση Μπόνια-Jacques Y. Perreault 25 χρόνια έρευνας Οργάνωση πόλης και χώρας στις αποικίες του βορείου Αιγαίου, 8ος-3ος αι. π.Χ. 25 années de recherches Organisation de la ville et de la campagne dans les colonies du Nord de l'Égée VIII e-III e siècles av. n.è. 3 ARGILOS 2021 Publications of the Canadian Institute in Greece Publications de l'Institut canadien en Grèce No. 13 Ελληνοκαναδική Ανασκαφή Αργίλου Mission archéologique gréco-canadienne d'Argilos Υπό την διεύθυνση των / Sous la direction de Ζήση Μπόνια-Jacques Y. Perreault 25 χρόνια έρευνας Οργάνωση πόλης και χώρας στις αποικίες του βορείου Αιγαίου, 8ος-3ος αι. π.Χ. 25 années de recherches Organisation de la ville et de la campagne dans les colonies du Nord de l'Égée, VIII e-III e siècles av. n.è. 3 ARGILOS 2021 Publications of the Canadian Institute in Greece Publications de l'Institut canadien en Grèce No. 13 Ελληνοκαναδική Ανασκαφή Αργίλου Mission archéologique gréco-canadienne d'Argilos Υπό την διεύθυνση των / Sous la direction de Ζήση Μπόνια-Jacques Y. Perreault 25 χρόνια έρευνας Οργάνωση πόλης και χώρας στις αποικίες του βορείου Αιγαίου, 8ος-3ος αι. π.Χ. 25 années de recherches Organisation de la ville et de la campagne dans les colonies du Nord de l'Égée VIII e-III e siècles av. n.è.
This volume presents essays on the ancient history and classical archae ology of the Black Sea. ... more This volume presents essays on the ancient history and classical archae ology of the Black Sea. Like a periplus, it offers a journey throughout the Pontus. The introductory chapter pro vides an overview of developments across the region over the last 20 years in the study of Greek colonisation, the local population and the rela tionship between them. The following chapters take the journey to the Cimmerians and Thrace, and how we understand them from written sources. Next to the southern Black Sea and recent surveys and excava tions there, local peoples and the early Greek presence; then to the west and an account of archaeological research from the Archaic period to the Roman conquest. To the north, with an essay on recent archaeolog ical research, a chapter on one of the local peoples, the Taurians, and another on the economy of the Greek colonies of the region, presented through an examination of Kerkinitis in the Crimea. The northern and western shores are combined in a consideration, based on epigraphic sources, of religious experience there. The final journey is to the eastern Black Sea, and a survey of recent discoveries and studies in Colchis.
The present thesis focuses on the social and economic relations between the Macedonians and the S... more The present thesis focuses on the social and economic relations between the Macedonians and the Southern Greeks, as these are depicted in the literary and epigraphic material. The problem which is set through the comparison of these sources, i.e. why in a great part of the former the Macedonians are treated as a non Greek tribe, while such an impression is not extracted from the latter, has been thoroughly examined. The first conclusion we have reached is that the literary evidence, where a certain distinction between Macedonians and Southern Greeks is being made, are relatively few. Moreover, one cannot speak of a "national" distinction, as one understands it in modern times. This is undisputably true as far as Isocrates and Thucydides are concerned, while from Herodotus' Histories one gets the impression (if not conclusion) that the historian (and along with him a large part of the public opinion in Greece) regarded the Macedonians as Greeks.
This thesis also tried to answer to the question how this Herodotean impression is explained, while there are certain phrases in Isocrates' and Thucydides' works, which lead to a totally different conlusion. Herodotus certainly made no propaganda for the Macedonian Kings, nor had he any special reason to underline (in the most emphatic way) that the Macdonians were of Dorian origin. The answer proposed to the thesis is that for Thucydides Macedonia was a "multi-national" state, which had nothing to do with the common city - state (in the political and cultural sense). On the other hand, in Isocrates' times, it seems that the impression that the term Ελλάς meant the regions up to Thessaly was widely spread. It is impressive, however, that in both these cases the Macedonians are opposed to the barbarians. The fact that in only two cases in Demosthenes' speeches and one in Thrasymachus' works the Macedonian king is characterized as "barbarian", are not of historical importance.
The literary sources of the Hellenistic Age are unfortunately few. Anyone who deals with any section of this period -especially the cultural one- can easily realize the special negative importance of the lack of evidence. The main question, i.e. how the campaign of Alexander the Great in the East was regarded and explained by the Greeks, is by all means impossible to answer through the few fragments of the historical works of the period or just their titles; some of the latter lead to the assumption that a distinction between Ελληνικά and Μακεδονικά was made, but this can be easily rejected, as Ελληνικά, which were referring to the history of the Greek city-states, were a common place in Greek Historiography. For the conception of the relations between Macedonians and Southern Greeks itself, this distinction is meaningless. It is possible that the 5th century political confrontation between Athens and Macedonia affected some historians (e.g. the scene of the fight with the Athenian and Macedonian soldier which is vividly described in Diodorus' work). On the other hand, it seems that the belief that Macedonia was a bull-work to the barbarian invaders of Greece or that Macedonia was the only state which could successfully deal with Rome, were gaining ground in Greece (one can only recall the speech of the Acarnanian envoys in Sparta or that of Agelaus in Naupactus). It is also likely that there was -as far as the Southern Greeks were concerned- a certain Panhellenic tone in Alexander's campaign. Otherwise, one could not explain Demaratus' phrase, that "the dead Greek have lost the joy of seeing Alexander siting on the throne of Darius", as Plutarch has recorded it. The lack of historical works of Macedonian origin must be emphasized here.
The epigraphic evidence, especially that of the 3rd century B.C., gives us a quite safe impression. The city as a unit has already been deployed in Macedonia, Antigonus Gonatas took care of the financial and cultural relations with S. Greece, Macedonian officials, merchants and individuals were honoured in the Greek cities as proxenoi. Characteristic, from this point of view is also the participation of Macedonians in the Panhellenic festivals, above all at the Soteria, which were being held at Delphi, under the supervision on the Aitolians, as well as for their participation in the Delphic Amphictyony. Impressive is also the emphatical declaration of their origin (Μακεδών), even in periods of great tension, e.g. between Athens and Philipp V. The highest level of this incorporation of the Macedonians in Greek political life was reached through the foundation in 224 B.C. of the Greek League by Antigonus Doson, in which the Macedonians were also admitted like any other Greeks. Approximately ten years later, the citizens of Epidauros call Philipp V in an epigram αινετον των Ελλήνων πρύτανιν (honorable chieftain of the Greeks).
The literary sources of the early Roman period are, as already known, too many, compared to the epigraphic evidence. The understanding of the perception of the Macedonians in the former is a difficult task, since the general cultural view of the period is required, something not yet done. What is surprising, and was pointed out in this thesis, is the fact that certain writers such as Plutarch, Dio Chrysostomus and Dionysius from Halicarnassus may well write in some parts of their works for "Greeks" and "Macedonians", while in other parts they present the latter as Greeks. Furthermore, Plutarch describes the Macedonian companions of Alexander the Great as examples of Greek virtue. On the other hand, in the works of others the classical view of Macedonians as barbarians is obvious, e.g. in Pausanias and Arrian, though Pausanias reports the constant presence of Macedonians in the Delphic Amphictyony, while Arrian enlightens -through the true testimonies of Alexander- the Panhellenic character of his campaign.
The epigraphic evidence may be less than the literary sources we possess, but it is of an undisputed historical value. In an inscription from Ephesus, the Macedonians are characterized as a Greek tribe, in cities of Macedonia (e.g. Thessaloniki, Beroea) Panhellenic festivals were being held, and the "archon" of the Panhellenion in Athens, i.e. T. Aelius Geminius Macedo, a citizen of Thessaloniki, wished to express his native status with emphasis. Of special importance are also the Macedonian names as well as the presence of the ethnic name Μακεδών, both of which are epigrafically attested in the cities of S. Greece, Asia Minor and Egypt, for the reason that the Macedonian names show another perspective of the Macedonian's incorporation in the social life of the Greek cities, while the use of their ethnic shows the self-sentiment of the Macedonians themselves.
Of greater importance is the conclusion which definitely comes out of these testimonies, in which Macedonians underline their ethnic identity: Alexander's letter to Dareius, the treaty between Hannibal and Philipp V, the dedication of Damon, son of Nikanor, in Olympia as well as the inscription where the activities of the archon of the Panhellenion in Athens are inscribed, is evidence which shows that any objections, concerning the question of the relations between the S. Greeks and the Macedonians, should have not occured long ago.
Papers by Ioannis Xydopoulos
Violence and Community, 2017
The current research aimed at identifying the effect of using social networks in developing mathe... more The current research aimed at identifying the effect of using social networks in developing mathematics learning maintanance, achievement and electronic mathematical communication among the first-grade intermediate female students in Riyadh city. The research depended on quasi-design of both experimental and control groups with pre-post-test design. The pre-test aimed at ensuring the equivalence of female pupils before the experimentation. The post-test stated the effectiveness of the Experimentation used on developing the dependent variables. The participants were limited to (76) female students, who were included in the basic research experiment. They were divided into two groups, experimental (37) and control, (39) students. There was a statistically significant difference at (α≤0.01) level between the experimental and control groups' mean score in the immediate achievement test in favor of the experimental group. There is no significance statistical difference between the experimental group's mean scores in pre/post achievement test. There is a significance statistical difference at (α≤0.01) level between the experimental group's mean scores in pre/post achievement test in favor of female students in pre-test. There was a statistically significant difference at (α≤0.01) level between the experimental and control groups' mean score in the electronic mathematical communication test in favor of the experimental group. In the light of previous findings, some recommendations and suggestions were given.
At this point, I shall warmly thank my supervisor,Ioannis Xydopoulos, firstly because he was the ... more At this point, I shall warmly thank my supervisor,Ioannis Xydopoulos, firstly because he was the person who inspired my interest in order to make the choice of my topic and secondly for all the assistance and guidance that he provided during the writing of the current paper. Moreover, I cordially thank the great team of Professors in the International Hellenic University in Thessaloniki for all their hard and enthusiastic work, while I would especially like to thank Dr. Nikolaos Akamatis for his great guidance throughout my MA studies. Last but not least, I would like to thank my fellow students and great friends for making this MA course even more interesting and for all their amazing encouragement.
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Books by Ioannis Xydopoulos
This thesis also tried to answer to the question how this Herodotean impression is explained, while there are certain phrases in Isocrates' and Thucydides' works, which lead to a totally different conlusion. Herodotus certainly made no propaganda for the Macedonian Kings, nor had he any special reason to underline (in the most emphatic way) that the Macdonians were of Dorian origin. The answer proposed to the thesis is that for Thucydides Macedonia was a "multi-national" state, which had nothing to do with the common city - state (in the political and cultural sense). On the other hand, in Isocrates' times, it seems that the impression that the term Ελλάς meant the regions up to Thessaly was widely spread. It is impressive, however, that in both these cases the Macedonians are opposed to the barbarians. The fact that in only two cases in Demosthenes' speeches and one in Thrasymachus' works the Macedonian king is characterized as "barbarian", are not of historical importance.
The literary sources of the Hellenistic Age are unfortunately few. Anyone who deals with any section of this period -especially the cultural one- can easily realize the special negative importance of the lack of evidence. The main question, i.e. how the campaign of Alexander the Great in the East was regarded and explained by the Greeks, is by all means impossible to answer through the few fragments of the historical works of the period or just their titles; some of the latter lead to the assumption that a distinction between Ελληνικά and Μακεδονικά was made, but this can be easily rejected, as Ελληνικά, which were referring to the history of the Greek city-states, were a common place in Greek Historiography. For the conception of the relations between Macedonians and Southern Greeks itself, this distinction is meaningless. It is possible that the 5th century political confrontation between Athens and Macedonia affected some historians (e.g. the scene of the fight with the Athenian and Macedonian soldier which is vividly described in Diodorus' work). On the other hand, it seems that the belief that Macedonia was a bull-work to the barbarian invaders of Greece or that Macedonia was the only state which could successfully deal with Rome, were gaining ground in Greece (one can only recall the speech of the Acarnanian envoys in Sparta or that of Agelaus in Naupactus). It is also likely that there was -as far as the Southern Greeks were concerned- a certain Panhellenic tone in Alexander's campaign. Otherwise, one could not explain Demaratus' phrase, that "the dead Greek have lost the joy of seeing Alexander siting on the throne of Darius", as Plutarch has recorded it. The lack of historical works of Macedonian origin must be emphasized here.
The epigraphic evidence, especially that of the 3rd century B.C., gives us a quite safe impression. The city as a unit has already been deployed in Macedonia, Antigonus Gonatas took care of the financial and cultural relations with S. Greece, Macedonian officials, merchants and individuals were honoured in the Greek cities as proxenoi. Characteristic, from this point of view is also the participation of Macedonians in the Panhellenic festivals, above all at the Soteria, which were being held at Delphi, under the supervision on the Aitolians, as well as for their participation in the Delphic Amphictyony. Impressive is also the emphatical declaration of their origin (Μακεδών), even in periods of great tension, e.g. between Athens and Philipp V. The highest level of this incorporation of the Macedonians in Greek political life was reached through the foundation in 224 B.C. of the Greek League by Antigonus Doson, in which the Macedonians were also admitted like any other Greeks. Approximately ten years later, the citizens of Epidauros call Philipp V in an epigram αινετον των Ελλήνων πρύτανιν (honorable chieftain of the Greeks).
The literary sources of the early Roman period are, as already known, too many, compared to the epigraphic evidence. The understanding of the perception of the Macedonians in the former is a difficult task, since the general cultural view of the period is required, something not yet done. What is surprising, and was pointed out in this thesis, is the fact that certain writers such as Plutarch, Dio Chrysostomus and Dionysius from Halicarnassus may well write in some parts of their works for "Greeks" and "Macedonians", while in other parts they present the latter as Greeks. Furthermore, Plutarch describes the Macedonian companions of Alexander the Great as examples of Greek virtue. On the other hand, in the works of others the classical view of Macedonians as barbarians is obvious, e.g. in Pausanias and Arrian, though Pausanias reports the constant presence of Macedonians in the Delphic Amphictyony, while Arrian enlightens -through the true testimonies of Alexander- the Panhellenic character of his campaign.
The epigraphic evidence may be less than the literary sources we possess, but it is of an undisputed historical value. In an inscription from Ephesus, the Macedonians are characterized as a Greek tribe, in cities of Macedonia (e.g. Thessaloniki, Beroea) Panhellenic festivals were being held, and the "archon" of the Panhellenion in Athens, i.e. T. Aelius Geminius Macedo, a citizen of Thessaloniki, wished to express his native status with emphasis. Of special importance are also the Macedonian names as well as the presence of the ethnic name Μακεδών, both of which are epigrafically attested in the cities of S. Greece, Asia Minor and Egypt, for the reason that the Macedonian names show another perspective of the Macedonian's incorporation in the social life of the Greek cities, while the use of their ethnic shows the self-sentiment of the Macedonians themselves.
Of greater importance is the conclusion which definitely comes out of these testimonies, in which Macedonians underline their ethnic identity: Alexander's letter to Dareius, the treaty between Hannibal and Philipp V, the dedication of Damon, son of Nikanor, in Olympia as well as the inscription where the activities of the archon of the Panhellenion in Athens are inscribed, is evidence which shows that any objections, concerning the question of the relations between the S. Greeks and the Macedonians, should have not occured long ago.
Papers by Ioannis Xydopoulos
This thesis also tried to answer to the question how this Herodotean impression is explained, while there are certain phrases in Isocrates' and Thucydides' works, which lead to a totally different conlusion. Herodotus certainly made no propaganda for the Macedonian Kings, nor had he any special reason to underline (in the most emphatic way) that the Macdonians were of Dorian origin. The answer proposed to the thesis is that for Thucydides Macedonia was a "multi-national" state, which had nothing to do with the common city - state (in the political and cultural sense). On the other hand, in Isocrates' times, it seems that the impression that the term Ελλάς meant the regions up to Thessaly was widely spread. It is impressive, however, that in both these cases the Macedonians are opposed to the barbarians. The fact that in only two cases in Demosthenes' speeches and one in Thrasymachus' works the Macedonian king is characterized as "barbarian", are not of historical importance.
The literary sources of the Hellenistic Age are unfortunately few. Anyone who deals with any section of this period -especially the cultural one- can easily realize the special negative importance of the lack of evidence. The main question, i.e. how the campaign of Alexander the Great in the East was regarded and explained by the Greeks, is by all means impossible to answer through the few fragments of the historical works of the period or just their titles; some of the latter lead to the assumption that a distinction between Ελληνικά and Μακεδονικά was made, but this can be easily rejected, as Ελληνικά, which were referring to the history of the Greek city-states, were a common place in Greek Historiography. For the conception of the relations between Macedonians and Southern Greeks itself, this distinction is meaningless. It is possible that the 5th century political confrontation between Athens and Macedonia affected some historians (e.g. the scene of the fight with the Athenian and Macedonian soldier which is vividly described in Diodorus' work). On the other hand, it seems that the belief that Macedonia was a bull-work to the barbarian invaders of Greece or that Macedonia was the only state which could successfully deal with Rome, were gaining ground in Greece (one can only recall the speech of the Acarnanian envoys in Sparta or that of Agelaus in Naupactus). It is also likely that there was -as far as the Southern Greeks were concerned- a certain Panhellenic tone in Alexander's campaign. Otherwise, one could not explain Demaratus' phrase, that "the dead Greek have lost the joy of seeing Alexander siting on the throne of Darius", as Plutarch has recorded it. The lack of historical works of Macedonian origin must be emphasized here.
The epigraphic evidence, especially that of the 3rd century B.C., gives us a quite safe impression. The city as a unit has already been deployed in Macedonia, Antigonus Gonatas took care of the financial and cultural relations with S. Greece, Macedonian officials, merchants and individuals were honoured in the Greek cities as proxenoi. Characteristic, from this point of view is also the participation of Macedonians in the Panhellenic festivals, above all at the Soteria, which were being held at Delphi, under the supervision on the Aitolians, as well as for their participation in the Delphic Amphictyony. Impressive is also the emphatical declaration of their origin (Μακεδών), even in periods of great tension, e.g. between Athens and Philipp V. The highest level of this incorporation of the Macedonians in Greek political life was reached through the foundation in 224 B.C. of the Greek League by Antigonus Doson, in which the Macedonians were also admitted like any other Greeks. Approximately ten years later, the citizens of Epidauros call Philipp V in an epigram αινετον των Ελλήνων πρύτανιν (honorable chieftain of the Greeks).
The literary sources of the early Roman period are, as already known, too many, compared to the epigraphic evidence. The understanding of the perception of the Macedonians in the former is a difficult task, since the general cultural view of the period is required, something not yet done. What is surprising, and was pointed out in this thesis, is the fact that certain writers such as Plutarch, Dio Chrysostomus and Dionysius from Halicarnassus may well write in some parts of their works for "Greeks" and "Macedonians", while in other parts they present the latter as Greeks. Furthermore, Plutarch describes the Macedonian companions of Alexander the Great as examples of Greek virtue. On the other hand, in the works of others the classical view of Macedonians as barbarians is obvious, e.g. in Pausanias and Arrian, though Pausanias reports the constant presence of Macedonians in the Delphic Amphictyony, while Arrian enlightens -through the true testimonies of Alexander- the Panhellenic character of his campaign.
The epigraphic evidence may be less than the literary sources we possess, but it is of an undisputed historical value. In an inscription from Ephesus, the Macedonians are characterized as a Greek tribe, in cities of Macedonia (e.g. Thessaloniki, Beroea) Panhellenic festivals were being held, and the "archon" of the Panhellenion in Athens, i.e. T. Aelius Geminius Macedo, a citizen of Thessaloniki, wished to express his native status with emphasis. Of special importance are also the Macedonian names as well as the presence of the ethnic name Μακεδών, both of which are epigrafically attested in the cities of S. Greece, Asia Minor and Egypt, for the reason that the Macedonian names show another perspective of the Macedonian's incorporation in the social life of the Greek cities, while the use of their ethnic shows the self-sentiment of the Macedonians themselves.
Of greater importance is the conclusion which definitely comes out of these testimonies, in which Macedonians underline their ethnic identity: Alexander's letter to Dareius, the treaty between Hannibal and Philipp V, the dedication of Damon, son of Nikanor, in Olympia as well as the inscription where the activities of the archon of the Panhellenion in Athens are inscribed, is evidence which shows that any objections, concerning the question of the relations between the S. Greeks and the Macedonians, should have not occured long ago.