Papers by Βασίλης Δημητριάδης Vassilios Dimitriadis
Gustavo Gutiérrez: Liberation Theology for a World of Social Justice and Just Peace
Journal of Ecumenical Studies, 2019
When studying the great ideas that have changed or could transform the human and the world, thoug... more When studying the great ideas that have changed or could transform the human and the world, thoughts emerge from verba et scripta, thoughts that try to pinpoint fragments of truth, in order to give birth to an exit from roaming into the labyrinth of our microcosm. Th ere is a struggle against egocentric individualism, in order to distance ourselves from the pursuit, the disturbance, the root of the problem and its solution—from the constant “why?”1 Each era has its own historical background and its own interpretation. Objective reconsideration of the current situation comes to life through the eye of Gustavo Gutiérrez (b. 1928), in order to fi ght off the accommodation of personal, social, economic, and political interest, since “the faith is not an ideological, oppressive juggernaut, free of the analysis of a particular historical reality and the immediate humanitarian need ad hoc.”2 Liberation Th eology is redefi ned in light of the perspective of the neoliberal globalized economy, assisted by an extreme antiChristian and antihuman political expression that imposes interpretations and perspectives utt erly unfamiliar with the principles of solidarity, social justice, and a just peace.
Journal of Ecumenical Studies, Volume 54, Number 3, Summer 2019, pp. 431-441 (Article), 2019
Θεολογία (Theologia), τομ. (vol.) 84 (1), 2013
«Ἡ ἐνασχόληση μὲ τὸ ἐκκλησιολογικὸ πρόβλημα εἶναι ἀπαραίτητη προκειμένου νὰ ἑξασφαλιστεῖ μεγαλύτε... more «Ἡ ἐνασχόληση μὲ τὸ ἐκκλησιολογικὸ πρόβλημα εἶναι ἀπαραίτητη προκειμένου νὰ ἑξασφαλιστεῖ μεγαλύτερη σαφήνεια καὶ συμφωνία σὲ σχέση μὲ τὸ θέμα αὐτό», τὸ ὁποῖο «κρύβει τεράστιες οἰκουμενικὲς δυνατότητες, δεδομένου καὶ τοῦ πλουραλιστικοὺ καὶ πολυθρησκευτικοὺ περιβάλλοντος μέσα στὸ ὁποῖο ζοὺν σήμερα οἱ ἐκκλησίες». 1 Ἐκκινώντας ἀπὸ τὴν παραπάνω θέση τοῦ Στυλιανοῦ Τσομπανίδη, κρίνεται ἀπαραίτητο να δοθεῖ ἀρχικὼς (ἢ τουλάχιστον να καταβληθεῖ προσπάθεια κατανόησης) ὁ ὁρισμὸς τῆς Ἐκκλησίας, ἔτσι ὅπως παρατίθεται στὴν πλειοψηφία τῶν δογματικῶν πονημάτων ἀπὸ διακεκριμένους δογματολόγους. Εἶναι ξεκάθαρο, πὼς σὲ ὅλα τὰ δογματικὰ βιβλία ποὺ πέρασαν ἀπὸ τὰ χέρια μας, ὑπάρχει ἕνα κοινὸ στοιχεῖο, ποὺ δὲν εἶναι ἄλλο ἀπὸ τὸν ὁρισμὸ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας, στὸν ὁποῖο ἡ πλειοψηφία τῶν συγγραφέων μάλιστα συμφωνεῖ. 2 Ὁ ὁρισμὸς ὅπως τὸν παραθέτει ὁ Νίκος Ματσούκας ἀναφέρει ὅτι: 3 «ἡ Ἐκκλησία εἶναι θεῖο καθίδρυμα ἐπὶ γῆς, ἔχοντας τὴν προέλευσή του ἀπὸ τὸν Ἰησοῦ Χριστὸ καὶ τοὺς Ἀποστόλους, οἱ ὁποῖοι μεταβιβάζουν τὴν ἐξουσία στοὺς ἐπισκόπους. Τὸ σῶμα τῆς Ἐκκλησίας νοεῖται * Το άρθρο έχει δημοσιευτεί στο περιοδικό Θεολογία 84, τεύχος 1 ο , Ιανουάριος-Μάρτιος 2013, σσ. 93-120. ** Ο Βασίλειος Δημητριάδης είναι Υποψήφιος Διδάκτορας στη Θεολογική Σχολή του Α.Π.Θ. ἱεραρχικὰ ὡς κλῆρος καὶ λαός, μέσα σὲ ἱστορικὰ διοικητικὰ καὶ θεολογικὰ περιγράμματα». 4 Καθίδρυμα λοιπὸν ἡ Ἐκκλησία ἢ ζωντανὸς ὀργανισμὸς, ποὺ ἄγει τὴν δομή του ἀπὸ τὴν κοινωνία ὡς ἕνωση τῶν μελῶν ἐν Χριστῷ; 5 Τὸ ἐρώτημα αὐτὸ εἶναι ξεκάθαρο, ἂν μελετήσει κανεὶς τὸν παραπάνω ὁρισμό. Ὡστόσο δὲν μποροῦμε μὲ ἀσφάλεια νὰ ἀπαντήσουμε σὲ αὐτὸ τὸ ἐρώτημα τὴ στιγμὴ μάλιστα ποὺ ἡ πλειοψηφία τῶν δογματολόγων δὲν ὁμοφωνεῖ, ἀλλ' ἀντιθέτως ὑπάρχει μερίδα ποὺ θέτει τὸ ζήτημα καθιδρυματικὰ καὶ μερίδα ποὺ θέτει σὲ προτεραιότητα τὴν ἔννοια τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ὡς κοινωνία. Ἀκόμη καὶ σπουδαῖοι δάσκαλοι τῆς δογματικῆς, ὅπως ὁ μακαριστὸς Παναγιώτης Τρεμπέλας, δὲν μπόρεσαν νὰ δώσουν ἕναν σαφῆ ὁρισμὸ γιὰ τὴν Ἐκκλησιολογία βασιζόμενο στὶς ἔννοιες τοῦ καθιδρύματος καὶ τῆς κοινωνίας. 6 Ἑπομένως ἡ ὀρθόδοξη Ἐκκλησία καὶ συνάμα ἡ θεολογία βρίσκεται σὲ παράδοξη θέση, ἀφοῦ σὲ πολλὲς περιπτώσεις ταυτίζεται μὲ τὴν ρωμαιοκαθολικὴ ἀντίληψη περὶ θείου καθιδρύματος τῆς Ἐκκλησίας, τὸ ὁποῖο ὅμως καταλήγει σύντομα ἀκραῖο καὶ ἐπικίνδυνο, ἀφοῦ συναρτᾶται μὲ τὴν ἀπολύτως λανθασμένη ἄποψη, ὅτι ἡ ὀρθόδοξη θεολογία δὲν ἔχει ἀναπτύξει Ἐκκλησιολογία. 7 Αὐτὸ τὸ παράδοξο προσπάθησε ὁ Φλωρόφσκυ νὰ ἀποσαφηνίσει. Ἡ θέση αὐτὴ φυσικὰ ἀναιρεῖται, ἂν μελετήσει κάποιος τὴν πατερικὴ γραμματεία καὶ θεολογία, ἡ ὁποία φυσικὰ δὲν ὑφίσταται κατὰ τὰ δυτικὰ πρότυπα. 8 Στὴν ὀρθόδοξη, ὅμως, Παράδοση καὶ διδασκαλία τὰ πάντα, ἀπὸ τὴν Θεολογία, τὴν Τριαδολογία καὶ τὴν Χριστολογία, μέχρι τὴν ἐμπειρία τῶν θαυμάτων καὶ τοῦ βιωματικοῦ τρόπου ἔκφανσης τῆς Ἐκκλησίας, ἀναπτύχθηκαν μὲ τελείως διαφορετικὸ τρόπο ἀπὸ τὴ δύση, στηριζόμενα πάντοτε στὴν διπλὴ μεθοδολογία τῶν Πατέρων καὶ ὄχι στὴν σχολαστικὴ θεολογία τῆς Δύσεως, ἡ ὁποία μὲ τὴν διαλεκτικὴ μέθοδο προσπάθησε νὰ φτάσει στὴν θέαση τοῦ Θεοῦ, σὲ ἀντίθεση βεβαίως μὲ τὴν ἀποδεικτικὴ μέθοδο τῶν ὀρθοδόξων, οἱ ὁποῖοι στηρίζονταν πάντοτε στὸ βίωμα, στὴν ἐμπειρία μέσα στὴν Ἐκκλησία γιὰ νὰ ἀποδείξουν τὶς θέσεις τους. Εἶναι ἀλήθεια, ὅτι ἡ ἴδια ἡ Ἐκκλησία δὲν προχώρησε σὲ καμία ἐνέργεια αὐτοπροσδιορισμοῦ της στὰ στενὰ δογματικὰ πλαίσια, ποὺ χαρακτηρίζουν τὶς λοιπὲς διδασκαλίες, καὶ ἔχουν διαμορφωθεῖ, θεσπιστεῖ καὶ ἀναγνωριστεῖ ἀπὸ κάποια Οἰκουμενικὴ Σύνοδο, ὅπως γιὰ παράδειγμα τὸ Τριαδολογικὸ ἢ τὸ Χριστολογικὸ δόγμα, ἂν καὶ ὁ Στυλιανός Τσομπανίδης στὸ ἄρθρο τοῦ «Ἡ Ἐκκλησία καὶ οἱ ἐκκλησίες στὴν οἰκουμενικὴ κίνηση» ἀναδεικνύει επιτυχώς καὶ διαπιστώνει ἀδιαμφισβήτητα, θὰ μπορούσαμε νὰ ἰσχυριστοῦμε, τὴν σύνδεση ἐκκλησιολογίας καὶ Ὀρθοδοξίας, τὴν βιωματικὴ ἔκφανσή της στὴν Παράδοση καὶ τὴ συνάφειά της μὲ τὸν Οἰκουμενικὸ χῶρο, ὅπου καὶ μεγαλούργησε ὁ Ρῶσος θεολόγος. 9 Τούτη ἡ διαπίστωση εἶναι ἀπολύτως εὔλογη· ὅμως λόγῳ τῆς μὴ δοθείσης ἀφορμῆς (ὅπως γιὰ παραδεῖγμα οἱ πεπλανημένες διδασκαλίες τῶν αἱρέσεων περὶ τῆς Τριαδολογικῆς, Χριστολογικῆς κλπ. θέσης τῆς ἀρχαίας ἀδιαίρετης Ἐκκλησίας) οὔτε καὶ οἱ Πατέρες 10 προχώρησαν σὲ κάποιο ὁρισμό της, ἀφοῦ τουλάχιστον στὰ πλαίσια τῆς Ἀνατολικῆς Παράδοσης ἡ Ἐκκλησία ἀποτελοῦσε βίωμα καὶ ἐμπειρία στὸ πλήρωμα καὶ ἦταν εὐκολότερο νὰ περιγραφεῖ συμβολικὰ παρὰ νὰ ὁρισθεῖ. Ἡ νὰ ἐπηρεάζουν τὴν θεολογικὴ ἔρευνα, ὄχι μόνο στὰ στενὰ ἀκαδημαϊκὰ καὶ ἐκκλησιαστικὰ πλαίσια, ἀλλὰ καὶ σὲ ἐκεῖνα τῆς Οἰκουμενικῆς Κινήσεως. Σύμφωνα πάντα μὲ τὸν πρύτανη τῆς ὀρθόδοξης θεολογίας τοῦ αἰώνα μας, τὸν μακαριστὸ π. Γεώργιο Φλωρόφσκυ, 11 (ὁ ὁποῖος σὲ διάφορα ἔργα του, ὅπως τὰ Θέματα Ὀρθοδόξου Θεολογίας, 12 Δημιουργία καὶ Ἀπολύτρωση, 13 Ἁγία Γραφή, Ἐκκλησία, Παράδοση, 14 τὸ ἕνα ἐκ τῶν δύο κατεξοχὴν οἰκουμενικῶν συγγραμμάτων του τὸ Ecumenism I: A doctrinal approach, 15 ἀλλὰ κυρίως καὶ μὲ ἐμφατικὸ τρόπο στὸ Τὸ σῶμα τοῦ ζῶντος τοῦ Χριστοῦ, 16 ) δὲν ὑπάρχει σὲ ὅλη τὴν μακραίωνη ἱστορία τῆς Ἐκκλησίας, ἕνα σχῆμα ἀκριβές, ἀποδεκτὸ καὶ πλῆρες ὅσον ἀφορᾶ τὸν τρόπο τῆς παρουσίασης, τῆς μελέτης καὶ τῆς ἑρμηνείας τῆς ἐκκλησιαστικῆς διδασκαλίας. 17
Talks by Βασίλης Δημητριάδης Vassilios Dimitriadis
Conference: Nationalism, Populism and Protestant political thought Cambridge Institute on Religion and International Studies 15–17 April 2020, 2020
Whether History is written by the winners or by the defeated, the cases of defeated writing Histo... more Whether History is written by the winners or by the defeated, the cases of defeated writing History are endless and overwhelming. The accusers of Socrates; the mob shouting "Barabbas, Barabbas" before Pontius Pilate. Two examples enough to illustrate the magnificence of the historical course of human civilizations.
However, History has its own social, moral, and ideological characteristics that can be counterfeited by extreme-right parties and organizations which have grown enormous as a result of the economic crisis and remain on the political scene internationally. In every country the causes are different. In Germany the extreme right is fueled by the refugee and migrant problem, in Italy is linked to the economic situation – also the case in Greece.
Therefore, the ideologicalization of History and its adaptation to the needs of the extreme right populists played an important role.
A typical example is Greece. Since 2012, the extreme right burgeoned at both parliamentary and social levels due to the extreme economic recession. At the same time, the refugee-migrant crisis exacerbated these trends and resulted in often violent reactions against refugees, immigrants, and indigenous populations.
The extreme right has succeeded in weaponizing History, distorting it with the help of the Media that have repeatedly urged extreme right reactions in order to shape a new historical consciousness. Indeed, the most negative was the masked two-way relationship with the Orthodox Church of Greece, which distanced itself from any condemnation of extreme right-wingers, and it often reinforced the actions of populist extreme right groups and parties, thus failing to perceive the ecumenicality of its mission, and also the common positions of the Churches within the ecumenical movement.
Naturally, Greece is a special case, as the extreme right elements are members of the ruling party with the tolerance of the European People's Party. The ruling right party is a member of the EEP and sanctions the coups, fascism, anti-Semitism, etc.
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Papers by Βασίλης Δημητριάδης Vassilios Dimitriadis
Talks by Βασίλης Δημητριάδης Vassilios Dimitriadis
However, History has its own social, moral, and ideological characteristics that can be counterfeited by extreme-right parties and organizations which have grown enormous as a result of the economic crisis and remain on the political scene internationally. In every country the causes are different. In Germany the extreme right is fueled by the refugee and migrant problem, in Italy is linked to the economic situation – also the case in Greece.
Therefore, the ideologicalization of History and its adaptation to the needs of the extreme right populists played an important role.
A typical example is Greece. Since 2012, the extreme right burgeoned at both parliamentary and social levels due to the extreme economic recession. At the same time, the refugee-migrant crisis exacerbated these trends and resulted in often violent reactions against refugees, immigrants, and indigenous populations.
The extreme right has succeeded in weaponizing History, distorting it with the help of the Media that have repeatedly urged extreme right reactions in order to shape a new historical consciousness. Indeed, the most negative was the masked two-way relationship with the Orthodox Church of Greece, which distanced itself from any condemnation of extreme right-wingers, and it often reinforced the actions of populist extreme right groups and parties, thus failing to perceive the ecumenicality of its mission, and also the common positions of the Churches within the ecumenical movement.
Naturally, Greece is a special case, as the extreme right elements are members of the ruling party with the tolerance of the European People's Party. The ruling right party is a member of the EEP and sanctions the coups, fascism, anti-Semitism, etc.
However, History has its own social, moral, and ideological characteristics that can be counterfeited by extreme-right parties and organizations which have grown enormous as a result of the economic crisis and remain on the political scene internationally. In every country the causes are different. In Germany the extreme right is fueled by the refugee and migrant problem, in Italy is linked to the economic situation – also the case in Greece.
Therefore, the ideologicalization of History and its adaptation to the needs of the extreme right populists played an important role.
A typical example is Greece. Since 2012, the extreme right burgeoned at both parliamentary and social levels due to the extreme economic recession. At the same time, the refugee-migrant crisis exacerbated these trends and resulted in often violent reactions against refugees, immigrants, and indigenous populations.
The extreme right has succeeded in weaponizing History, distorting it with the help of the Media that have repeatedly urged extreme right reactions in order to shape a new historical consciousness. Indeed, the most negative was the masked two-way relationship with the Orthodox Church of Greece, which distanced itself from any condemnation of extreme right-wingers, and it often reinforced the actions of populist extreme right groups and parties, thus failing to perceive the ecumenicality of its mission, and also the common positions of the Churches within the ecumenical movement.
Naturally, Greece is a special case, as the extreme right elements are members of the ruling party with the tolerance of the European People's Party. The ruling right party is a member of the EEP and sanctions the coups, fascism, anti-Semitism, etc.