t literature, nourished by the debates about the disintegration of the liberal international orde... more t literature, nourished by the debates about the disintegration of the liberal international order, tends to view the new wave of regionalism as anti-globalisation. This article questions this dominant dichotomy in the literature and focuses on the academic benefits of overcoming it. Drawing on the New Regionalism approach, the article proceeds from the assumption that the new regionalism process develops both as a component of neoliberal globalization and as a reaction to the problems it poses. Globalization is commonly associated with integration. On the contrary, the new regionalism is understood in opposition to global integration. Accepting judgments as clear as this common black and white divide, prevents us from seeing reality, which is actually much complex. Therefore, we conclude that the new wave of regionalism cannot be understood simply as anti-globalisation, or as a variant of the traditional phenomenon of integration. Rather, the new regionalism emerging in the context of the devastating social consequences of neoliberal globalization, points to regional political efforts aimed at renegotiating certain aspects of the globalization process. Keywords: Regionalism, New Regionalism, Regional Orders, Neoliberal
The association of the concept of political radicalism with terrorism and extremism makes it diff... more The association of the concept of political radicalism with terrorism and extremism makes it difficult to discuss the social reality that the concept refers to. In this study, it was claimed that our handling of the concept of radicalism with the phenomenon of alienation rather than extremism or terrorism will contribute to the analysis of the issues related to radicalism from a broader perspective. The argument that there are two different dimensions of radicalism (cognitive radicalism and behavioral radicalism) in studies on the literature of radicalism and terrorism has also been adopted in this study. In this direction, it has been tried to show that cognitive radicalism is not an extremism, while different worldviews that have not reached the level of action are considered as cognitive radicalism. In this study, it is aimed to construct an analysis model regarding alienation and cognitive radicalism by making use of Phenomenology. Through the aforementioned phenomenological model, the mutual construction process between the individual or various groups and the social and political order in which they live has been revealed. It has been claimed that the social reality called alienation and cognitive radicalism is seen in the country related to the deterioration of the said construction process. It is planned to apply the model of alienation and cognitive radicalism built in the study to practice in subsequent projects.
Özet Bu makale, Fransız Dördüncü Cumhuriyeti'nin siyasal yapısının dış politika üzerindeki etkisi... more Özet Bu makale, Fransız Dördüncü Cumhuriyeti'nin siyasal yapısının dış politika üzerindeki etkisini analiz etmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bu analizi, Süveyş Krizi'ne giden yolda Fransa'nın İsrail'e karşı izlediği politika üzerinden yapmaktadır. Fransa'nın bu krizde kritik bir rol oynadığını savlayan makale, Paris'in bu politikasını açıklayabilmek için Dördüncü Cumhuriyetin zayıf ve istikrarsız siyasal yapısı içerisinde öne çıkan savunma ve dışişleri bürokrasileri arasında bürokratik siyaset modeli çerçevesinde cereyan eden iç mücadeleye odaklanmaktadır. Bu mücadelede Savunma Bakanlığı bürokrasisinin galip gelmesinde bir dizi bölgesel gelişme etkili olmuş ve sonuçta Fransa, Mısır'a yönelik ortak askerî müdahalenin planlanmasında öncü bir rol oynamıştır.
Abstract This article aims to analyse the effect of the political structure of the French Fourth Republic on foreign policy. It makes this analysis over the case of French foreign policy towards Israel on the road to Suez Crisis. The article argues that France played a critical role in this crisis, and in order to explain the policy of Paris, it focuses on the internal struggle that took place between the foreign and defence bureaucracies, which came to the fore thanks to the weak and unstable political structure of the Fourth Republic, under the framework of bureaucratic
This article deals with the political struggle during the establishment of
the Fourth Republic wh... more This article deals with the political struggle during the establishment of the Fourth Republic which is renowned with its weak coalition governments. Anti-parliamentarism, a strong and resistant political tendency in French political history, re-emerged under the leadership of General de Gaulle in that time period. When France was occupied in 1940, Free French Movement under the leadership of him was organized in London for the liberation of France. While he struggled to convince the Allies that he was an equal partner, he was trying to become the leader of the emerging Fourth Republic. Despite the political struggle of de Gaulle, parliamentarism became dominant in France again with the Constitution of the Fourth Republic. The main reason of his failure was his underestimation of the influence of political parties and the political elite of the Third Republic.
Özet Siyasal istikrarsızlık, III. Cumhuriyet'in son dönemindeki temel sorundur. II. Dünya Savaşı'... more Özet Siyasal istikrarsızlık, III. Cumhuriyet'in son dönemindeki temel sorundur. II. Dünya Savaşı'nın başlaması, Fransa'daki istikrarsızlığı daha da artırmıştır. Özellikle, " Tuhaf Savaş " döneminin belirsizliği, Paris'teki güç mücadelesini daha karmaşık hale getirmiştir. Bu karmaşık yapıda devam eden liderlik mücadelesi, yenilgi sonrasında Vichy ile Londra arasındaki kamplaşma ekseninde daha belirgin hale gelmiştir. Bu kamplaşmada açıkça görünen taraflar, Almanya ile işbirliği yapan kadro ile İngiltere'den mücadeleyi sürdüren kadrodur. Dolayısıyla ilk bakışta, Vichy Fransası ile Özgür Fransa arasında ve Pétain ile de Gaulle arasında net biçimde görülebilen bir mücadeleden bahsedilebilir. Oysa hem iki kampın kendi içinde, hem de de Gaulle ve Müttefiklerin Vichy Fransası'na müdahaleleriyle, liderlik mücadelesi göründüğünden daha karmaşıktır. Bu mücadele, işgalin doğal sonucu olarak değerlendirilebileceği gibi, III. Cumhuriyet'in son döneminde ortaya çıkan yapısal sorunların ve kadrolar arası mücadelenin bir uzantısı olarak da değerlendirilebilir.
Özet ABD'nin Almanya sorununa ilişkin politikası, Alman sanayisinin yok edilmesini öngören Morgen... more Özet ABD'nin Almanya sorununa ilişkin politikası, Alman sanayisinin yok edilmesini öngören Morgenthau Planı'ndan, onu Avrupa'nın yeniden inşasının çekirdeği olarak öngören Schuman Planı yönünde radikal bir değişim göstermiştir. Almanya'nın sanayisizleştirilmesi düşüncenin savunucusu Başkan Roosevelt'in ani ölümü esas alındığında ilk bakışta, Amerikan Hükümetinde meydana gelen lider değişikliğin politika değişikliğini belirlediği düşünülebilecektir. Öte yandan görece kısa sürede ortaya çıkan bu radikal politika değişikliği sadece lider değişikliği ile açıklanamayacak bir derinlikte siyasal kaymayı işaret etmektedir. Makale, uluslararası olguların nedenlerinin hükümetlerin davranışlarına indirgenmeden açıklanması gerektiği varsayımından hareketle, Almanya Sorunu ile ilgili yaşanan politika değişikliğinin yapısal nedenlerini ortaya koymayı hedeflemektedir. Makalede iki kutupluluğun bir sonucu olarak ABD ve Sovyetler'in yeni karşılıklı konumlanması ve daha da önemlisi bu konumlanmanın etkisi altında Batı Avrupa'da hegemonik bir liberal düzen inşa süreci yapısal belirleyenler olarak incelenecektir. Abstract US policy regarding the German question, witnessed a radical change from the Morganthau Plan that envisaged the destruction of German heavy industry into the Schuman Plan that made the latter the core of European reconstruction. If we focus on the sudden death of the president Roosevelt, it appears that the change in US
This work analyses the role played by the Montenegrin administration in the 1911 Malësor Rebellio... more This work analyses the role played by the Montenegrin administration in the 1911 Malësor Rebellion and the differences in approach and evaluation between the Hariciye Nezareti (Foreign Ministry) and the Harbiye Nezareti (War Ministry) of the Ottoman Empire based on the 43 documents uncovered from a file dated 1911, located in the Ottoman Archives of the Turkish Prime Ministry. The archives clearly show that the War Ministry, assumed that Montenegro organised renegades and provided them with weapons and ammunition, and saw the activities of Montenegro as preparation for an invasion aimed at the Ottoman lands. The documents, also show that the Interior Ministry shared the same views with the War Ministry to a great extent. Until May 1911, in contrast to these two ministries, the Foreign Ministry and the Ottoman Minister to Montenegro's capital Cetinje, were under the view that Montenegro's intentions were good and did not suspect that the Montenegrin Royal Government would provide help to the Malësors, and felt that the government's promises that the necessary precautions would be taken in an effort to keep order were actually guarantees. It would, however, soon become evident that the Foreign Ministry and the Minister to Cetinje were wrong. As a result, this division of ideas within Ottoman bureaucracy and government would deeply affect the policy the empire would pursue during the Balkan Wars.
Montenegro launched a large-scale military attack on Northern Albania and the Sancak border regio... more Montenegro launched a large-scale military attack on Northern Albania and the Sancak border region in 1912. Many writers have analyzed this military operation in the framework of the border disputes between Montenegro and Ottoman State as their borders were not clearly established by the Berlin Treaty (June 13-July 13 1878) According to this view, the fighting that took place had a limited scale and scope. Our study is based on the material at the Ottoman Ministry of War archives. The documents assert that the said fighting was widespread and violent. The main argument of this work is that this military operation of Montenegro was not of limited scope, and the result of reacting to immediate challenges, but was a war which went beyond border skirmishes. Especially the Montenegrin operation which began at the end of July was a planned, large-scale, and violent military operation. This study is based on the idea that Montenegro started this fight upon the successful conclusion of Serbian-Bulgarian negotiations and when a Balkan War became imminent at the beginning of 1912, in order to achieve gains and to anticipate Serbia.
Bu makalenin tüm hakları Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği'ne aittir. Önceden yazılı izin al... more Bu makalenin tüm hakları Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği'ne aittir. Önceden yazılı izin alınmadan hiç bir iletişim, kopyalama ya da yayın sistemi kullanılarak yeniden yayımlanamaz, çoğaltılamaz, dağıtılamaz, satılamaz veya herhangi bir şekilde kamunun ücretli/ücretsiz kullanımına sunulamaz. Akademik ve haber amaçlı kısa alıntılar bu kuralın dışındadır. Aksi belirtilmediği sürece Uluslararası İlişkiler'de yayınlanan yazılarda belirtilen fikirler yalnızca yazarına/yazarlarına aittir. UİK Derneğini, editörleri ve diğer yazarları bağlamaz.
This article dea ls with the power structure of the capitalisi world economy and its impact on de... more This article dea ls with the power structure of the capitalisi world economy and its impact on developing countries. The article argues that the global economic system is an outcome of an international political struggle and the functioning of the global economic system is bases on the comman interests of the great powers. The article underlines the power structure behind the global economic system in an effort to understand the domestic economic and politic problems of developing countries.
The transition from the European Security and Defense identity
(ESDI) to an autonomous European ... more The transition from the European Security and Defense identity
(ESDI) to an autonomous European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP)
has signifıcant implications for the future architecture of European security.
This paper presents an evaluation of these implications in three important
dimensions. The fırst dimension of importance is the US attitude vis-â-vis
the ESDP and whether the US is ready to accept the EU as an equal partner
in international security affairs. The second important dimension is the
internal coherence and thus the credibility of the EU concerning the
Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The concerns and the
interests of the non-EU European NATO members especially Turkey
constitute the final dimension.
t literature, nourished by the debates about the disintegration of the liberal international orde... more t literature, nourished by the debates about the disintegration of the liberal international order, tends to view the new wave of regionalism as anti-globalisation. This article questions this dominant dichotomy in the literature and focuses on the academic benefits of overcoming it. Drawing on the New Regionalism approach, the article proceeds from the assumption that the new regionalism process develops both as a component of neoliberal globalization and as a reaction to the problems it poses. Globalization is commonly associated with integration. On the contrary, the new regionalism is understood in opposition to global integration. Accepting judgments as clear as this common black and white divide, prevents us from seeing reality, which is actually much complex. Therefore, we conclude that the new wave of regionalism cannot be understood simply as anti-globalisation, or as a variant of the traditional phenomenon of integration. Rather, the new regionalism emerging in the context of the devastating social consequences of neoliberal globalization, points to regional political efforts aimed at renegotiating certain aspects of the globalization process. Keywords: Regionalism, New Regionalism, Regional Orders, Neoliberal
The association of the concept of political radicalism with terrorism and extremism makes it diff... more The association of the concept of political radicalism with terrorism and extremism makes it difficult to discuss the social reality that the concept refers to. In this study, it was claimed that our handling of the concept of radicalism with the phenomenon of alienation rather than extremism or terrorism will contribute to the analysis of the issues related to radicalism from a broader perspective. The argument that there are two different dimensions of radicalism (cognitive radicalism and behavioral radicalism) in studies on the literature of radicalism and terrorism has also been adopted in this study. In this direction, it has been tried to show that cognitive radicalism is not an extremism, while different worldviews that have not reached the level of action are considered as cognitive radicalism. In this study, it is aimed to construct an analysis model regarding alienation and cognitive radicalism by making use of Phenomenology. Through the aforementioned phenomenological model, the mutual construction process between the individual or various groups and the social and political order in which they live has been revealed. It has been claimed that the social reality called alienation and cognitive radicalism is seen in the country related to the deterioration of the said construction process. It is planned to apply the model of alienation and cognitive radicalism built in the study to practice in subsequent projects.
Özet Bu makale, Fransız Dördüncü Cumhuriyeti'nin siyasal yapısının dış politika üzerindeki etkisi... more Özet Bu makale, Fransız Dördüncü Cumhuriyeti'nin siyasal yapısının dış politika üzerindeki etkisini analiz etmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bu analizi, Süveyş Krizi'ne giden yolda Fransa'nın İsrail'e karşı izlediği politika üzerinden yapmaktadır. Fransa'nın bu krizde kritik bir rol oynadığını savlayan makale, Paris'in bu politikasını açıklayabilmek için Dördüncü Cumhuriyetin zayıf ve istikrarsız siyasal yapısı içerisinde öne çıkan savunma ve dışişleri bürokrasileri arasında bürokratik siyaset modeli çerçevesinde cereyan eden iç mücadeleye odaklanmaktadır. Bu mücadelede Savunma Bakanlığı bürokrasisinin galip gelmesinde bir dizi bölgesel gelişme etkili olmuş ve sonuçta Fransa, Mısır'a yönelik ortak askerî müdahalenin planlanmasında öncü bir rol oynamıştır.
Abstract This article aims to analyse the effect of the political structure of the French Fourth Republic on foreign policy. It makes this analysis over the case of French foreign policy towards Israel on the road to Suez Crisis. The article argues that France played a critical role in this crisis, and in order to explain the policy of Paris, it focuses on the internal struggle that took place between the foreign and defence bureaucracies, which came to the fore thanks to the weak and unstable political structure of the Fourth Republic, under the framework of bureaucratic
This article deals with the political struggle during the establishment of
the Fourth Republic wh... more This article deals with the political struggle during the establishment of the Fourth Republic which is renowned with its weak coalition governments. Anti-parliamentarism, a strong and resistant political tendency in French political history, re-emerged under the leadership of General de Gaulle in that time period. When France was occupied in 1940, Free French Movement under the leadership of him was organized in London for the liberation of France. While he struggled to convince the Allies that he was an equal partner, he was trying to become the leader of the emerging Fourth Republic. Despite the political struggle of de Gaulle, parliamentarism became dominant in France again with the Constitution of the Fourth Republic. The main reason of his failure was his underestimation of the influence of political parties and the political elite of the Third Republic.
Özet Siyasal istikrarsızlık, III. Cumhuriyet'in son dönemindeki temel sorundur. II. Dünya Savaşı'... more Özet Siyasal istikrarsızlık, III. Cumhuriyet'in son dönemindeki temel sorundur. II. Dünya Savaşı'nın başlaması, Fransa'daki istikrarsızlığı daha da artırmıştır. Özellikle, " Tuhaf Savaş " döneminin belirsizliği, Paris'teki güç mücadelesini daha karmaşık hale getirmiştir. Bu karmaşık yapıda devam eden liderlik mücadelesi, yenilgi sonrasında Vichy ile Londra arasındaki kamplaşma ekseninde daha belirgin hale gelmiştir. Bu kamplaşmada açıkça görünen taraflar, Almanya ile işbirliği yapan kadro ile İngiltere'den mücadeleyi sürdüren kadrodur. Dolayısıyla ilk bakışta, Vichy Fransası ile Özgür Fransa arasında ve Pétain ile de Gaulle arasında net biçimde görülebilen bir mücadeleden bahsedilebilir. Oysa hem iki kampın kendi içinde, hem de de Gaulle ve Müttefiklerin Vichy Fransası'na müdahaleleriyle, liderlik mücadelesi göründüğünden daha karmaşıktır. Bu mücadele, işgalin doğal sonucu olarak değerlendirilebileceği gibi, III. Cumhuriyet'in son döneminde ortaya çıkan yapısal sorunların ve kadrolar arası mücadelenin bir uzantısı olarak da değerlendirilebilir.
Özet ABD'nin Almanya sorununa ilişkin politikası, Alman sanayisinin yok edilmesini öngören Morgen... more Özet ABD'nin Almanya sorununa ilişkin politikası, Alman sanayisinin yok edilmesini öngören Morgenthau Planı'ndan, onu Avrupa'nın yeniden inşasının çekirdeği olarak öngören Schuman Planı yönünde radikal bir değişim göstermiştir. Almanya'nın sanayisizleştirilmesi düşüncenin savunucusu Başkan Roosevelt'in ani ölümü esas alındığında ilk bakışta, Amerikan Hükümetinde meydana gelen lider değişikliğin politika değişikliğini belirlediği düşünülebilecektir. Öte yandan görece kısa sürede ortaya çıkan bu radikal politika değişikliği sadece lider değişikliği ile açıklanamayacak bir derinlikte siyasal kaymayı işaret etmektedir. Makale, uluslararası olguların nedenlerinin hükümetlerin davranışlarına indirgenmeden açıklanması gerektiği varsayımından hareketle, Almanya Sorunu ile ilgili yaşanan politika değişikliğinin yapısal nedenlerini ortaya koymayı hedeflemektedir. Makalede iki kutupluluğun bir sonucu olarak ABD ve Sovyetler'in yeni karşılıklı konumlanması ve daha da önemlisi bu konumlanmanın etkisi altında Batı Avrupa'da hegemonik bir liberal düzen inşa süreci yapısal belirleyenler olarak incelenecektir. Abstract US policy regarding the German question, witnessed a radical change from the Morganthau Plan that envisaged the destruction of German heavy industry into the Schuman Plan that made the latter the core of European reconstruction. If we focus on the sudden death of the president Roosevelt, it appears that the change in US
This work analyses the role played by the Montenegrin administration in the 1911 Malësor Rebellio... more This work analyses the role played by the Montenegrin administration in the 1911 Malësor Rebellion and the differences in approach and evaluation between the Hariciye Nezareti (Foreign Ministry) and the Harbiye Nezareti (War Ministry) of the Ottoman Empire based on the 43 documents uncovered from a file dated 1911, located in the Ottoman Archives of the Turkish Prime Ministry. The archives clearly show that the War Ministry, assumed that Montenegro organised renegades and provided them with weapons and ammunition, and saw the activities of Montenegro as preparation for an invasion aimed at the Ottoman lands. The documents, also show that the Interior Ministry shared the same views with the War Ministry to a great extent. Until May 1911, in contrast to these two ministries, the Foreign Ministry and the Ottoman Minister to Montenegro's capital Cetinje, were under the view that Montenegro's intentions were good and did not suspect that the Montenegrin Royal Government would provide help to the Malësors, and felt that the government's promises that the necessary precautions would be taken in an effort to keep order were actually guarantees. It would, however, soon become evident that the Foreign Ministry and the Minister to Cetinje were wrong. As a result, this division of ideas within Ottoman bureaucracy and government would deeply affect the policy the empire would pursue during the Balkan Wars.
Montenegro launched a large-scale military attack on Northern Albania and the Sancak border regio... more Montenegro launched a large-scale military attack on Northern Albania and the Sancak border region in 1912. Many writers have analyzed this military operation in the framework of the border disputes between Montenegro and Ottoman State as their borders were not clearly established by the Berlin Treaty (June 13-July 13 1878) According to this view, the fighting that took place had a limited scale and scope. Our study is based on the material at the Ottoman Ministry of War archives. The documents assert that the said fighting was widespread and violent. The main argument of this work is that this military operation of Montenegro was not of limited scope, and the result of reacting to immediate challenges, but was a war which went beyond border skirmishes. Especially the Montenegrin operation which began at the end of July was a planned, large-scale, and violent military operation. This study is based on the idea that Montenegro started this fight upon the successful conclusion of Serbian-Bulgarian negotiations and when a Balkan War became imminent at the beginning of 1912, in order to achieve gains and to anticipate Serbia.
Bu makalenin tüm hakları Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği'ne aittir. Önceden yazılı izin al... more Bu makalenin tüm hakları Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği'ne aittir. Önceden yazılı izin alınmadan hiç bir iletişim, kopyalama ya da yayın sistemi kullanılarak yeniden yayımlanamaz, çoğaltılamaz, dağıtılamaz, satılamaz veya herhangi bir şekilde kamunun ücretli/ücretsiz kullanımına sunulamaz. Akademik ve haber amaçlı kısa alıntılar bu kuralın dışındadır. Aksi belirtilmediği sürece Uluslararası İlişkiler'de yayınlanan yazılarda belirtilen fikirler yalnızca yazarına/yazarlarına aittir. UİK Derneğini, editörleri ve diğer yazarları bağlamaz.
This article dea ls with the power structure of the capitalisi world economy and its impact on de... more This article dea ls with the power structure of the capitalisi world economy and its impact on developing countries. The article argues that the global economic system is an outcome of an international political struggle and the functioning of the global economic system is bases on the comman interests of the great powers. The article underlines the power structure behind the global economic system in an effort to understand the domestic economic and politic problems of developing countries.
The transition from the European Security and Defense identity
(ESDI) to an autonomous European ... more The transition from the European Security and Defense identity
(ESDI) to an autonomous European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP)
has signifıcant implications for the future architecture of European security.
This paper presents an evaluation of these implications in three important
dimensions. The fırst dimension of importance is the US attitude vis-â-vis
the ESDP and whether the US is ready to accept the EU as an equal partner
in international security affairs. The second important dimension is the
internal coherence and thus the credibility of the EU concerning the
Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The concerns and the
interests of the non-EU European NATO members especially Turkey
constitute the final dimension.
... vii M. Ugur Ersen When Not Losing Is Winning: Terrorist Organizations and Asymmetrical War 1 ... more ... vii M. Ugur Ersen When Not Losing Is Winning: Terrorist Organizations and Asymmetrical War 1 Cinar Ozen and Itir Bagdadi The Concept and Parameters of the Use of Force 13 Christopher C. Harmon Military Counter-Terrorist Operations and International Humanitarian Law ...
Montenegro launched a large-scale military attack on Northern Albania and the Sancak border regio... more Montenegro launched a large-scale military attack on Northern Albania and the Sancak border region in 1912. Many writers have analyzed this military operation in the framework of the border disputes between Montenegro and Ottoman State as their borders were not clearly established by the Berlin Treaty (June 13-July 13 1878) According to this view, the fighting that took place had a limited scale and scope. Our study is based on the material at the Ottoman Ministry of War archives. The documents assert that the said fighting was widespread and violent. The main argument of this work is that this military operation of Montenegro was not of limited scope, and the result of reacting to immediate challenges, but was a war which went beyond border skirmishes. Especially the Montenegrin operation which began at the end of July was a planned, large-scale, and violent military operation. This study is based on the idea that Montenegro started this fight upon the successful conclusion of Serbian-Bulgarian negotiations and when a Balkan War became imminent at the beginning of 1912, in order to achieve gains and to anticipate Serbia.
Avrasya Jeopolitiği ve Türkiye-Türk Dünyası İlişkileri Sempozyumu, Kastamonu, 1 Kasım 2018
Soğuk Savaş biterken dünya sisteminin geleceği konusunda iki farklı görüş öne çıkmıştır. Soğuk Sa... more Soğuk Savaş biterken dünya sisteminin geleceği konusunda iki farklı görüş öne çıkmıştır. Soğuk Savaş'ın kazananı ABD'nin tek büyük güç olarak kaldığı ve artık dünya siyasal sisteminin ABD liderliği altıda bir bütün şeklinde yeniden inşa olacağı tezi bu görüşlerden ilkidir. Tek kutupluluk tezlerinin esasını oluşturan bu görüş, dünya sistemini tek parça ve küresel bir bütün olacak şekilde görme ya da gösterme eğilimindedir. Bu bağlamda küreselleşme ABD liderliğinin ve ABD merkezli siyasal ve ekonomik düzenin genellik kazanması eğilimine ya da siyasetine işaret etmektedir. Tarihin sonu tezi bu yaklaşımın tipik bir yansımasıdır. Buna karşılık bölgeselci yazın içinde Soğuk Savaş sonrası için bölgeselleşme ve bölgesel aktörleri öne çıkaran tezler ortaya konulmaya başlanmıştır. Bölgeciliği esas alan bu tezler bölge olgusunu yeniden tanımlayarak işe koyulmuşlardır. Bölge artık sosyal olarak inşa edilen siyasal bir varlıktır. Nesnel ve maddi unsurları esas alan coğrafi bölgeler ve bu bağlamda gelişen jeopolitik yaklaşımlardan süratli bir uzaklaşmayı temsil eden bu yeni girişimler, kimliksel unsurları öne çıkarmıştır. Bölge coğrafi olmaktan çok kimliksel bir bütündür. Teknolojik imkanlar maddi coğrafyanın önemini azaltırken, kimsel iletişimi artırmaktadır. Bu şekilde ortak kimlikler üzerinden gelişen bütün olma duygusu siyasal alanda
Liberal Party is an old and important political movement in the British political life. British ... more Liberal Party is an old and important political movement in the British political life. British Liberal Party came to power in 1905 and regained a very powerful political position with the 1906 elections. British Liberal Party influenced radically the British foreign policy leading to the First World War. This article analyses the British political power before the Balkan Wars under the conceptual framework of order and the revolutionary power argued by Kissenger. It is argued that British Foreign Policy transformed to a revolutionary policy against Berlin order under the British Liberal government. Shaped under the influence of liberalism and nationalism Liberals in Britain defended and pursued policies of radical change in Europe. British Government, under the this ideological shift and the changing European geopolitical balance due to Austro-Russian rapprochement after the Macedonian revolt in 1903, started to target the political order established with the Treaty of Berlin in the Balkans and its ideological foundations. This article deals with how a state known for its conservative policies such as Britain transformed to a revolutionary power, and to open the way towards the Balkan Wars. The main assumption of the article is that the Balkan Wars has altered the foundations of the European political order and had a much more devastating consequences than its generally argued.
In this paper we analyze the potential impact of the EU sugar reform on the Turkish sugar industr... more In this paper we analyze the potential impact of the EU sugar reform on the Turkish sugar industry. Turkey's candidacy to the EU and its strong economic links to the region imply that EU sugar policy will likely to be binding for Turkey as well in which case this will lead to a decrease in prices of Turkish sugar by no less than 55%. Turkish sugar industry will be seriously affected by the reduction in beet and sugar prices which will not be offset by possible increases in world sugar prices. Growers on contract will decline substantially. Since the reduction in growers contracted is more extensive than declines in sales, we can predict that the sugar industry will be transformed as a result of the synchronization with EU policies. In the aftermath of this transformation, we expect to see larger and more efficient plants prevail with increased capacities and work with fewer growers with large acreages.
Uploads
Articles by Cinar Ozen
literature and focuses on the academic benefits of overcoming it. Drawing on the New Regionalism approach, the article proceeds from the assumption that the new regionalism process develops both as a component of
neoliberal globalization and as a reaction to the problems it poses. Globalization is commonly associated with integration. On the contrary, the new regionalism is understood in opposition to global integration. Accepting
judgments as clear as this common black and white divide, prevents us from seeing reality, which is actually much complex. Therefore, we conclude that the new wave of regionalism cannot be understood simply as anti-globalisation, or as a variant of the traditional phenomenon of integration. Rather, the new regionalism emerging in the context of the devastating social consequences of neoliberal globalization, points to regional political efforts aimed at renegotiating certain aspects of the globalization process.
Keywords: Regionalism, New Regionalism, Regional Orders, Neoliberal
terrorism will contribute to the analysis of the issues related to radicalism from a broader perspective. The argument that there are two different dimensions of radicalism (cognitive radicalism and behavioral radicalism) in studies on the literature of radicalism and terrorism has also been adopted in this study. In this direction, it has been tried to show that cognitive radicalism is not an extremism, while different worldviews that have not reached the level of action are considered as cognitive
radicalism. In this study, it is aimed to construct an analysis model regarding alienation and cognitive radicalism by making use of Phenomenology. Through the aforementioned phenomenological model,
the mutual construction process between the individual or various groups and the social and political order in which they live has been revealed. It has been claimed that the social reality called alienation
and cognitive radicalism is seen in the country related to the deterioration of the said construction process. It is planned to apply the model of alienation and cognitive radicalism built in the study to practice in subsequent projects.
Abstract This article aims to analyse the effect of the political structure of the French Fourth Republic on foreign policy. It makes this analysis over the case of French foreign policy towards Israel on the road to Suez Crisis. The article argues that France played a critical role in this crisis, and in order to explain the policy of Paris, it focuses on the internal struggle that took place between the foreign and defence bureaucracies, which came to the fore thanks to the weak and unstable political structure of the Fourth Republic, under the framework of bureaucratic
the Fourth Republic which is renowned with its weak coalition governments. Anti-parliamentarism, a strong and resistant political tendency in French political history, re-emerged under the leadership of General de Gaulle in that time period. When France was occupied in 1940, Free French Movement under the leadership of him was organized in London for the liberation of France. While he struggled to convince the Allies that he was an equal partner, he was trying to become the leader of the emerging Fourth Republic. Despite the political struggle of de Gaulle, parliamentarism became dominant in France again with the Constitution of the Fourth Republic. The main reason of his failure was his underestimation of the influence of political parties and the political elite of the Third Republic.
(ESDI) to an autonomous European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP)
has signifıcant implications for the future architecture of European security.
This paper presents an evaluation of these implications in three important
dimensions. The fırst dimension of importance is the US attitude vis-â-vis
the ESDP and whether the US is ready to accept the EU as an equal partner
in international security affairs. The second important dimension is the
internal coherence and thus the credibility of the EU concerning the
Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The concerns and the
interests of the non-EU European NATO members especially Turkey
constitute the final dimension.
literature and focuses on the academic benefits of overcoming it. Drawing on the New Regionalism approach, the article proceeds from the assumption that the new regionalism process develops both as a component of
neoliberal globalization and as a reaction to the problems it poses. Globalization is commonly associated with integration. On the contrary, the new regionalism is understood in opposition to global integration. Accepting
judgments as clear as this common black and white divide, prevents us from seeing reality, which is actually much complex. Therefore, we conclude that the new wave of regionalism cannot be understood simply as anti-globalisation, or as a variant of the traditional phenomenon of integration. Rather, the new regionalism emerging in the context of the devastating social consequences of neoliberal globalization, points to regional political efforts aimed at renegotiating certain aspects of the globalization process.
Keywords: Regionalism, New Regionalism, Regional Orders, Neoliberal
terrorism will contribute to the analysis of the issues related to radicalism from a broader perspective. The argument that there are two different dimensions of radicalism (cognitive radicalism and behavioral radicalism) in studies on the literature of radicalism and terrorism has also been adopted in this study. In this direction, it has been tried to show that cognitive radicalism is not an extremism, while different worldviews that have not reached the level of action are considered as cognitive
radicalism. In this study, it is aimed to construct an analysis model regarding alienation and cognitive radicalism by making use of Phenomenology. Through the aforementioned phenomenological model,
the mutual construction process between the individual or various groups and the social and political order in which they live has been revealed. It has been claimed that the social reality called alienation
and cognitive radicalism is seen in the country related to the deterioration of the said construction process. It is planned to apply the model of alienation and cognitive radicalism built in the study to practice in subsequent projects.
Abstract This article aims to analyse the effect of the political structure of the French Fourth Republic on foreign policy. It makes this analysis over the case of French foreign policy towards Israel on the road to Suez Crisis. The article argues that France played a critical role in this crisis, and in order to explain the policy of Paris, it focuses on the internal struggle that took place between the foreign and defence bureaucracies, which came to the fore thanks to the weak and unstable political structure of the Fourth Republic, under the framework of bureaucratic
the Fourth Republic which is renowned with its weak coalition governments. Anti-parliamentarism, a strong and resistant political tendency in French political history, re-emerged under the leadership of General de Gaulle in that time period. When France was occupied in 1940, Free French Movement under the leadership of him was organized in London for the liberation of France. While he struggled to convince the Allies that he was an equal partner, he was trying to become the leader of the emerging Fourth Republic. Despite the political struggle of de Gaulle, parliamentarism became dominant in France again with the Constitution of the Fourth Republic. The main reason of his failure was his underestimation of the influence of political parties and the political elite of the Third Republic.
(ESDI) to an autonomous European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP)
has signifıcant implications for the future architecture of European security.
This paper presents an evaluation of these implications in three important
dimensions. The fırst dimension of importance is the US attitude vis-â-vis
the ESDP and whether the US is ready to accept the EU as an equal partner
in international security affairs. The second important dimension is the
internal coherence and thus the credibility of the EU concerning the
Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The concerns and the
interests of the non-EU European NATO members especially Turkey
constitute the final dimension.