Papers by Maria Markantonatou
Journal of Regional Socio-Economic Issues, Volume 14, Issue 2, June , 2024
The article discusses the law “Strengthening the Public Universities: Framework for the Operation... more The article discusses the law “Strengthening the Public Universities: Framework for the Operation of Non-Profit Branches of Foreign Universities and Other Provisions” (Law 5094/2024) which was passed in March 2024 and institutionalizes the establishment of private
universities in Greece. Although there has been much political debate around the privatization of higher education in the past, previous Greek governments have respected the constitutional mandate: “The establishment of university level institutions by private persons is prohibited” (Hellenic Parliament, 2022: 39). For the first time, private universities are now allowed in the country after Law 5094 was passed.
The article analyzes documents related to this law. Specifically, the documents used for the analysis are a) the “Explanatory Report and Other Accompanying Reports” (2024), which shows the rationale behind the law
and attempts to justify the necessity of its implementation and b) the Minutes of the Parliament (2024), which contain the statements made during the plenary session of the Greek Parliament on 08.03.2024 by political leaders (government representatives and representatives of all the opposition parties). These are official state documents (Bryman,
2017: 597), which are available online and, therefore, can be processed and analyzed by researchers, who usually focus on language, ideology, and discourses as research subjects (Bryman, 2017: 578).
In this article, we will focus on the government’s discourse. The article is in line with studies which approach the field of higher education policy as a discursive process. These studies emphasize the necessity, from a methodological standpoint, of employing text and discourse analysis, and utilizing policy documents as data (Saarinen, 2008). Debates between
political parties during legislation processes related to higher education have often been the subject of research through discourse analysis (Gándara and Jones, 2020; Vingaard Johansen et al., 2015). Furthermore, researchers have focused on the “discourse of political elites on
higher education” (Amuwo, 2000; Lewis and Lall, 2024); political ideology and discourse about the “higher education quality assurance” (Rubaii and Bandeira, 2016); discourses of “excellence” in teaching and research in higher education (Wilcox, 2021); discourses about the free-tuition in higher education and fee policies (Veliz, et. al. 2022; Hickey, 2024) and
student activism against neoliberal education policies (Cole and Heinecke, 2020). After briefly presenting the fundamental ideas with which the law on private universities was framed, we argue that the background of this law is Hayekian. It constitutes one more liberalization policy which leads to the commodification of education and new social inequalities.
Journal Volume XIV Issue 3 September, 1 17 (1), 2024
In an earlier article (Markantonatou and Paraskevopoulos, 2024), we examined the political discou... more In an earlier article (Markantonatou and Paraskevopoulos, 2024), we examined the political discourse of the Greek government regarding the bill, which was passed in March 2024, and allows, for the first time, for the establishment of private universities in Greece (Law 5094/2024, “Strengthening the Public Universities: Framework for the Operation of Non Profit Branches of Foreign Universities and Other Provisions”). For our analysis of the government’s arguments in favor of the bill in that earlier article, we used official documents. We follow the same method in the present article to examine the arguments against this bill by all opposition parties. In particular, we use the Minutes of the Parliament (2024), which
contain the statements made on 08.03.2024, the day the bill was passed, by leaders of eight opposition parties. After briefly presenting previous university reforms, we categorize and present the Greek opposition parties’ criticisms to the law on privatization. Furthermore, we
compare the arguments of the opposition parties, focusing on the main convergences and differences in their positions.
EUROPEAN RESEARCH STUDIES JOURNAL, 2010
This paper examines the effects of the transformations and the changing notions of the national a... more This paper examines the effects of the transformations and the changing notions of the national and international security, especially by the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) in Greek policies. In this frame, it discusses the debate over "new wars", as one that incorporates the rhetoric of globalization, the increasing role of information technologies, as well as the "preemptive wars" as response to "new threats". Furthermore, this paper discusses the development of the ESDP and categorizes different sets of arguments that focus on the relationship between ESPD and the nation state. These sets of arguments refer to the EU as an emerging global superpower, as an agent of governmentality in agendas of "good governance" and "humanitarian intervention", as a response to the decline of nation states in the frame of globalization and also, as a coalition where the nation state remains predominant and operates as a reference level for the EU. As far as Greece is concerned, this paper summarizes its basic foreign policy features, the problem of its high defence expenditure, its participation to several ESDP-institutions, police missions and peacekeeping operations, as well as problems that concern both the EU and Greece as a border and transition country, such as the migration from belligerent countries.
Kriminologisches Journal, 2007
Griechenland im europäischen Kontext, 2015
Karl Polanyi (1977) beschrieb das System des Marktliberalismus, das im 19. Jahrhundert begann, al... more Karl Polanyi (1977) beschrieb das System des Marktliberalismus, das im 19. Jahrhundert begann, als jenes System, das mit der Unterstutzung des Staates der neuen Industriegesellschaft die Orientierung und Form des freien Marktes, des Laissezfaire und der okonomischen Gesellschaft gegeben hat. Der Niedergang des Systems in den 1930er-Jahren gab Polanyi einen optimistischen Anlass zu dem Glauben, dass der Marktliberalismus, die vermeintliche „Zivilisation des 19. Jahrhunderts“, endgultig beendet war. Ob der Grund fur Polanyis Optimismus dem Versaumnis, den Kapitalismus ernst zu nehmen, unterlag (Burawoy 2014), steht freilich zur Diskussion.
Agenda Publishing eBooks, Jul 30, 2019
Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal, 2018
Political and Military Sociology, 2017
Θέσεις τεύχος 160, Ιούλιος-Σεπτέμβριος, 2022
Ο Καρλ Πολάνυι και ο Νίκος Πουλαντζάς δεν έχουν συγκριθεί μεταξύ τους, αν και έκαστος έχει συγκρι... more Ο Καρλ Πολάνυι και ο Νίκος Πουλαντζάς δεν έχουν συγκριθεί μεταξύ τους, αν και έκαστος έχει συγκριθεί με διάφορους άλλους. Οι Πουλαντζάς-Φουκώ έχουν συγκριθεί ως προς τις θεωρήσεις τους περί κράτους, εξουσίας και πολιτικής στρατηγικής (Jessop 2004) και περί ναζισμού (Ραμαντάνης 2020). Οι Πουλαντζάς-Μίλιμπαντ έχουν συγκριθεί εξαιτίας της περίφημης διαμάχης τους στο περιοδικό New Left Review στα τέλη της δεκαετίας του 1960 για τη «σχετική αυτονομία» και τις λειτουργίες του κράτους, τον βοναπαρτικό ή μη χαρακτήρα του κ.ά. (Πουλαντζάς/Μίλιμπαντ/Φάυ 1984, Jessop 2008). Οι Πουλαντζάς-Αλτουσέρ έχουν συγκριθεί ως προς την αντίληψη τους για το κράτος και για τη χρησιμότητα, στο πλαίσιο της κρίσης της δεκαετίας του 2010, της κατανόησης του κράτους ως μηχανισμού ταξικής κυριαρχίας και ως υλική συμπύκνωση ενός ορισμένου συσχετισμού δυνάμεων (Gallas 2017).
Οι Πολάνυι-Μαρξ και Πολάνυι-Γκράμσι έχουν συγκριθεί σε περιοδολογήσεις των διαφορετικών φάσεων ανάπτυξης του καπιταλισμού και της κριτικής σε αυτόν με άξονα τη σχέση κράτους-κοινωνίας-αγοράς (Burawoy 2013). Οι Πολάνυι-Φουκώ έχουν συγκριθεί ως προς τις θεωρήσεις τους περί ιστορικής συγκρότησης του οικονομικού φιλελευθερισμού και του ρόλου των φορέων πολιτικής εξουσίας (Guizzo/de Lima 2017). Οι Πολάνυι-Βέμπερ έχουν συγκριθεί ως προς τις θεωρήσεις τους για τη σχέση ανάμεσα στο χρήμα, το χρηματοπιστωτικό σύστημα και το κράτος, με άξονα την ανάπτυξη των οικονομικών θεσμών και της σχέσης οικονομίας-δικαίου (Frerichs 2013). Οι αδελφοί Πολάνυι (Michael και Karl Polanyi) έχουν συγκριθεί μεταξύ τους ως προς τις θεωρήσεις τους για τη σοβιετική οικονομία (Dale 2016: 141), και θέματα επιστημολογίας και ηθικής (Nagy 1994), αλλά και σε σχέση με τους αδελφούς Βέμπερ (Alfred και Max Weber) (Roth 2003).
Το παρόν άρθρο συζητά συγκριτικά τις θεωρήσεις περί φασισμού των Πουλαντζά και Πολάνυι, όπως αυτές αναδύονται κυρίως στο Φασισμός και δικτατορία: η Τρίτη Διεθνής αντιμέτωπη στον φασισμό (Πουλαντζάς 2006) και στο Ο Φασιστικός Ιός: Κείμενα της περιόδου 1923-1960 (Πολάνυι 2021), και άλλα έργα τους. Διάφοροι συγγραφείς έχουν τόσο αγιοποιήσει όσο και απορρίψει τους δύο θεωρητικούς, οι οποίοι έχουν πάντως δημιουργήσει τη δική τους σχολή στη μελέτη του καπιταλιστικού κράτους (Πουλαντζάς) και του οικονομικού φιλελευθερισμού (Πολάνυι), και γενικά στην ανάλυση και κριτική του καπιταλισμού, υπέρ δικών τους εκδοχών και θεωρήσεων του σοσιαλισμού. Το παρόν άρθρο είναι αδύνατο να επισκοπήσει τη συνολική συνεισφορά των δύο στοχαστών σε όλα αυτά τα θέματα, και στέκεται, ως εκ τούτου, ειδικά στις θεωρήσεις τους περί φασισμού, οι οποίες, όμως, έχουν σημαίνουσα θέση στο συνολικό τους έργο.
Journal of Regional and Socio-Economic Issues, vol. 13, Issue 1, 2023
Theoretical interest in globalization has been intense in the last decades. Notably, about 1.000 ... more Theoretical interest in globalization has been intense in the last decades. Notably, about 1.000 articles on globalization were published annually from 2000 to 2010 (Dobratz, Waldner, Buzzell 2021: 627). They reached to all sorts of conclusions, from dark scenarios of a world extremely polarized between powerful global elites and impoverished masses, to hyperoptimistic predictions for a common future of cosmopolitanism, global democratization, and the strengthening of international cooperation and human rights. However, recent developments such as the global financial crisis of 2008, the refugee crisis in 2015, the pandemic in 2020, and the war in Ukraine in 2022, have intensified a contrasting debate, that of "deglobalization", namely a phase of either slowing down or interrupting the practices of globalization. In this article, we overview the arguments of those suggesting an economic and a political deglobalization is unfolding. Then, we discuss some important aspects of a possible reform of globalization ("reglobalisation") and suggest that a continuation of neoliberal globalization would lead to even deeper socioeconomic inequalities, the further shrinking of the welfare state and the weakening of the position of labor in the economy.
Historical Social Research 46 (4): 143-162, 2021
This paper provides an analysis of the lockdown politics implemented in Greece during the COVID-1... more This paper provides an analysis of the lockdown politics implemented in Greece during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 and 2021. It argues that Greece's pandemic politics deepened the crisis of the familistic social model that resulted from the austerity policies of the last decade. Although caring for the family became a high priority during the pandemic, resources for families and households did not increase. Likewise, while "essential" workers were much praised by officials, their wages and working conditions hardly improved. The COVID-19 pandemic crisis management in Greece has two peculiarities: First, the country entered the pandemic after a painful decade of austerity, interrupting the fragile, long-awaited economic recovery. Second, given the inadequate state of the public healthcare system after a decade of austerity, the lockdowns in Greece were among the strictest in Europe. Rather than being the result of state preparedness, these lockdowns can be interpreted as an acknowledgment of state failure.
Markantonatou, Maria, in Artzmüller, R., Aulenbacher, B., Brand, U. Décieux, F., Fischer, K., Sauer, B. (eds.), Capitalism in transformation: Movements and countermovements in the 21st Century, Edward Elgar Publishing, Northampton, 2019
This paper draws on Polanyi’s analysis of the economy-democracy tension to discuss today’s crisis... more This paper draws on Polanyi’s analysis of the economy-democracy tension to discuss today’s crisis in Greece and the Eurozone. First, some of the economic and social effects of the Greek austerity program are discussed with reference to his observations on liberal international interventionism in the interwar period. Secondly, we look at the ways in which democratic outcomes (elections, referenda, parliamentarian decisions etc.) in Greece and elsewhere were, during different crisis episodes following 2010, put aside in favour of market discipline and austerity doctrines. It is argued that Polanyi’s thesis on the “mutual incompatibility” between capitalism and democracy (the core of what he termed “anti-democratic virus”) is crucial for understanding today’s crisis and crisis management in the framework of Eurozone’s liberalism.
Karl Polanyi’s Political and Economic Thought: A Critical Guide, co-edited with Chris Holmes & Maria Markantonatou, Agenda Publishers, 2019
An exposition and critique of Karl Polanyi's theorisation of state power.
by Maria Markantonatou and Geoff Kennedy, In Schmalz, Stefan, Sommer, Brandon (eds.), Confronting Crisis and Precariousness: Organized Labour and Social Unrest in the European Union, Rowman and Littlefield, 2019
The paper compares the League of Nations' program of "Financial Reconstruction of Austria" (1922)... more The paper compares the League of Nations' program of "Financial Reconstruction of Austria" (1922) and the austerity program for Greece since 2010 ("Memorandum of Understanding") by drawing on Polanyi's analysis on interwar Austria. Sect. 1 and 2 look at the similarities between the two economic programs. Similarities are found in the policies implemented (austerity, liberalization, public sector shrinking), the outcomes (economic deterioration, unemployment, weakening of social services) and the political methods (foreign interventions combined with law and order politics internally). Sect. 3 discusses the differences in the two cases. While Austria had stepped out of the Habsburg Empire's common currency zone in the period concerned, Greece still remains into the Eurozone. In the case of the Greek bailout program, there was no urgent geopolitical expediency, as in the case of the League of Nations' intervention (to prevent an Anschluss with Germany). Despite these differences and the fact that economic interdependence is deeper today , what makes the two cases comparable, is the "authoritarian interventionism" of the liberal actors involved. It is argued that Polanyi's concept of "authoritarian interventionism" and his related analysis on fascism have a particularly "Austrian" background (i. e. one relating to the Austrian program), but they are also crucial for the analysis of the Greek austerity politics and the crisis management in the Eurozone.
In Grigoriou, Panos, (ed), Youth and Crises in Europe, Eurasia Publications, Athens, 2019
Since 2010, Greek governments from the entire political spectrum have hastily imposed dozens of n... more Since 2010, Greek governments from the entire political spectrum have hastily imposed dozens of new laws and regulations in the framework of the “Memoranda of Understanding”, a series of agreements between Greece and its international creditors. In return of loans provided to Greece to service its payment and debt obligations, austerity measures have been required, along with market liberalization legislation, privatizations, and a further shrinking of the Greek public sector and the welfare state. This kind of crisis management, from the first to the third austerity package had a series of devastating effects for economy and society. The paper overviews three crisis effects on Greek youth: youth unemployment, child pauperization and the deterioration of the education system. It argues that the complex ways the crisis hits vulnerable social groups and ages will have a long-term impact on the country’s social capital and possibly on its pre-crisis familistic social model.
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Papers by Maria Markantonatou
universities in Greece. Although there has been much political debate around the privatization of higher education in the past, previous Greek governments have respected the constitutional mandate: “The establishment of university level institutions by private persons is prohibited” (Hellenic Parliament, 2022: 39). For the first time, private universities are now allowed in the country after Law 5094 was passed.
The article analyzes documents related to this law. Specifically, the documents used for the analysis are a) the “Explanatory Report and Other Accompanying Reports” (2024), which shows the rationale behind the law
and attempts to justify the necessity of its implementation and b) the Minutes of the Parliament (2024), which contain the statements made during the plenary session of the Greek Parliament on 08.03.2024 by political leaders (government representatives and representatives of all the opposition parties). These are official state documents (Bryman,
2017: 597), which are available online and, therefore, can be processed and analyzed by researchers, who usually focus on language, ideology, and discourses as research subjects (Bryman, 2017: 578).
In this article, we will focus on the government’s discourse. The article is in line with studies which approach the field of higher education policy as a discursive process. These studies emphasize the necessity, from a methodological standpoint, of employing text and discourse analysis, and utilizing policy documents as data (Saarinen, 2008). Debates between
political parties during legislation processes related to higher education have often been the subject of research through discourse analysis (Gándara and Jones, 2020; Vingaard Johansen et al., 2015). Furthermore, researchers have focused on the “discourse of political elites on
higher education” (Amuwo, 2000; Lewis and Lall, 2024); political ideology and discourse about the “higher education quality assurance” (Rubaii and Bandeira, 2016); discourses of “excellence” in teaching and research in higher education (Wilcox, 2021); discourses about the free-tuition in higher education and fee policies (Veliz, et. al. 2022; Hickey, 2024) and
student activism against neoliberal education policies (Cole and Heinecke, 2020). After briefly presenting the fundamental ideas with which the law on private universities was framed, we argue that the background of this law is Hayekian. It constitutes one more liberalization policy which leads to the commodification of education and new social inequalities.
contain the statements made on 08.03.2024, the day the bill was passed, by leaders of eight opposition parties. After briefly presenting previous university reforms, we categorize and present the Greek opposition parties’ criticisms to the law on privatization. Furthermore, we
compare the arguments of the opposition parties, focusing on the main convergences and differences in their positions.
Οι Πολάνυι-Μαρξ και Πολάνυι-Γκράμσι έχουν συγκριθεί σε περιοδολογήσεις των διαφορετικών φάσεων ανάπτυξης του καπιταλισμού και της κριτικής σε αυτόν με άξονα τη σχέση κράτους-κοινωνίας-αγοράς (Burawoy 2013). Οι Πολάνυι-Φουκώ έχουν συγκριθεί ως προς τις θεωρήσεις τους περί ιστορικής συγκρότησης του οικονομικού φιλελευθερισμού και του ρόλου των φορέων πολιτικής εξουσίας (Guizzo/de Lima 2017). Οι Πολάνυι-Βέμπερ έχουν συγκριθεί ως προς τις θεωρήσεις τους για τη σχέση ανάμεσα στο χρήμα, το χρηματοπιστωτικό σύστημα και το κράτος, με άξονα την ανάπτυξη των οικονομικών θεσμών και της σχέσης οικονομίας-δικαίου (Frerichs 2013). Οι αδελφοί Πολάνυι (Michael και Karl Polanyi) έχουν συγκριθεί μεταξύ τους ως προς τις θεωρήσεις τους για τη σοβιετική οικονομία (Dale 2016: 141), και θέματα επιστημολογίας και ηθικής (Nagy 1994), αλλά και σε σχέση με τους αδελφούς Βέμπερ (Alfred και Max Weber) (Roth 2003).
Το παρόν άρθρο συζητά συγκριτικά τις θεωρήσεις περί φασισμού των Πουλαντζά και Πολάνυι, όπως αυτές αναδύονται κυρίως στο Φασισμός και δικτατορία: η Τρίτη Διεθνής αντιμέτωπη στον φασισμό (Πουλαντζάς 2006) και στο Ο Φασιστικός Ιός: Κείμενα της περιόδου 1923-1960 (Πολάνυι 2021), και άλλα έργα τους. Διάφοροι συγγραφείς έχουν τόσο αγιοποιήσει όσο και απορρίψει τους δύο θεωρητικούς, οι οποίοι έχουν πάντως δημιουργήσει τη δική τους σχολή στη μελέτη του καπιταλιστικού κράτους (Πουλαντζάς) και του οικονομικού φιλελευθερισμού (Πολάνυι), και γενικά στην ανάλυση και κριτική του καπιταλισμού, υπέρ δικών τους εκδοχών και θεωρήσεων του σοσιαλισμού. Το παρόν άρθρο είναι αδύνατο να επισκοπήσει τη συνολική συνεισφορά των δύο στοχαστών σε όλα αυτά τα θέματα, και στέκεται, ως εκ τούτου, ειδικά στις θεωρήσεις τους περί φασισμού, οι οποίες, όμως, έχουν σημαίνουσα θέση στο συνολικό τους έργο.
universities in Greece. Although there has been much political debate around the privatization of higher education in the past, previous Greek governments have respected the constitutional mandate: “The establishment of university level institutions by private persons is prohibited” (Hellenic Parliament, 2022: 39). For the first time, private universities are now allowed in the country after Law 5094 was passed.
The article analyzes documents related to this law. Specifically, the documents used for the analysis are a) the “Explanatory Report and Other Accompanying Reports” (2024), which shows the rationale behind the law
and attempts to justify the necessity of its implementation and b) the Minutes of the Parliament (2024), which contain the statements made during the plenary session of the Greek Parliament on 08.03.2024 by political leaders (government representatives and representatives of all the opposition parties). These are official state documents (Bryman,
2017: 597), which are available online and, therefore, can be processed and analyzed by researchers, who usually focus on language, ideology, and discourses as research subjects (Bryman, 2017: 578).
In this article, we will focus on the government’s discourse. The article is in line with studies which approach the field of higher education policy as a discursive process. These studies emphasize the necessity, from a methodological standpoint, of employing text and discourse analysis, and utilizing policy documents as data (Saarinen, 2008). Debates between
political parties during legislation processes related to higher education have often been the subject of research through discourse analysis (Gándara and Jones, 2020; Vingaard Johansen et al., 2015). Furthermore, researchers have focused on the “discourse of political elites on
higher education” (Amuwo, 2000; Lewis and Lall, 2024); political ideology and discourse about the “higher education quality assurance” (Rubaii and Bandeira, 2016); discourses of “excellence” in teaching and research in higher education (Wilcox, 2021); discourses about the free-tuition in higher education and fee policies (Veliz, et. al. 2022; Hickey, 2024) and
student activism against neoliberal education policies (Cole and Heinecke, 2020). After briefly presenting the fundamental ideas with which the law on private universities was framed, we argue that the background of this law is Hayekian. It constitutes one more liberalization policy which leads to the commodification of education and new social inequalities.
contain the statements made on 08.03.2024, the day the bill was passed, by leaders of eight opposition parties. After briefly presenting previous university reforms, we categorize and present the Greek opposition parties’ criticisms to the law on privatization. Furthermore, we
compare the arguments of the opposition parties, focusing on the main convergences and differences in their positions.
Οι Πολάνυι-Μαρξ και Πολάνυι-Γκράμσι έχουν συγκριθεί σε περιοδολογήσεις των διαφορετικών φάσεων ανάπτυξης του καπιταλισμού και της κριτικής σε αυτόν με άξονα τη σχέση κράτους-κοινωνίας-αγοράς (Burawoy 2013). Οι Πολάνυι-Φουκώ έχουν συγκριθεί ως προς τις θεωρήσεις τους περί ιστορικής συγκρότησης του οικονομικού φιλελευθερισμού και του ρόλου των φορέων πολιτικής εξουσίας (Guizzo/de Lima 2017). Οι Πολάνυι-Βέμπερ έχουν συγκριθεί ως προς τις θεωρήσεις τους για τη σχέση ανάμεσα στο χρήμα, το χρηματοπιστωτικό σύστημα και το κράτος, με άξονα την ανάπτυξη των οικονομικών θεσμών και της σχέσης οικονομίας-δικαίου (Frerichs 2013). Οι αδελφοί Πολάνυι (Michael και Karl Polanyi) έχουν συγκριθεί μεταξύ τους ως προς τις θεωρήσεις τους για τη σοβιετική οικονομία (Dale 2016: 141), και θέματα επιστημολογίας και ηθικής (Nagy 1994), αλλά και σε σχέση με τους αδελφούς Βέμπερ (Alfred και Max Weber) (Roth 2003).
Το παρόν άρθρο συζητά συγκριτικά τις θεωρήσεις περί φασισμού των Πουλαντζά και Πολάνυι, όπως αυτές αναδύονται κυρίως στο Φασισμός και δικτατορία: η Τρίτη Διεθνής αντιμέτωπη στον φασισμό (Πουλαντζάς 2006) και στο Ο Φασιστικός Ιός: Κείμενα της περιόδου 1923-1960 (Πολάνυι 2021), και άλλα έργα τους. Διάφοροι συγγραφείς έχουν τόσο αγιοποιήσει όσο και απορρίψει τους δύο θεωρητικούς, οι οποίοι έχουν πάντως δημιουργήσει τη δική τους σχολή στη μελέτη του καπιταλιστικού κράτους (Πουλαντζάς) και του οικονομικού φιλελευθερισμού (Πολάνυι), και γενικά στην ανάλυση και κριτική του καπιταλισμού, υπέρ δικών τους εκδοχών και θεωρήσεων του σοσιαλισμού. Το παρόν άρθρο είναι αδύνατο να επισκοπήσει τη συνολική συνεισφορά των δύο στοχαστών σε όλα αυτά τα θέματα, και στέκεται, ως εκ τούτου, ειδικά στις θεωρήσεις τους περί φασισμού, οι οποίες, όμως, έχουν σημαίνουσα θέση στο συνολικό τους έργο.