This paper deals with the heritage and development contestation in the upper Omo valley. The obje... more This paper deals with the heritage and development contestation in the upper Omo valley. The objectives of this paper were to analyze the contestation of the cultural heritage dimension in Gibe III dam's Environmental and Social Impact Assessment (ESIA) and propose a GIS map informed conservation and tourism planning for the great Dawuro defensive dry-stone Walls (Kati Halala Keela) at the dam's reservoiraffected sites. This study employed a qualitative approach applied in ethnographic study supplemented with mapping. Data collection methods include fieldwork observation, interview, mapping (GIS), and document review. It reviewed that the state bypassed mitigation measures to rescue heritage at the dam-affected sites. The factors that contributed to that were the state's conception of the Omo River valley as "empty land," vested interest of consultancy firms, uninformed decision-making, inadequate documentation of the heritage, and absence of the heritage site map. This study partly mapped 83.5km of the defense walls along the Gibe III dam reservoir. Today, the heritage is at a crossway that is partly affected by modern hydroelectric dam projects, concurrently promoting emerging tourist sites under the Gebeta Lehager Koyisha scheme. Thus, the GIS mapping of the walls assists in planning integrated conservation for heritage sites at the Gibe III dam-affected area.
Journal for Studies in Management and Planning, 2015
Historically, in different countries walls are built for different purposes. Among others, defens... more Historically, in different countries walls are built for different purposes. Among others, defense purpose is the most common one. For instance, to mention a few, we do have the Great Wall of China was built from 3rdcentury B.C to 17thcentury A.D, the Great Zimbabwe Wall was built from 1100–1450 A.D; the Koso Defense mud Wall in Nigeria was built from1000 to 1500 A.D, in Kenya the Gunda-buche Wall and in Ethiopia,
The medieval Dawuro kingdom in south-western Ethiopia was able to build defensive dry stone walls... more The medieval Dawuro kingdom in south-western Ethiopia was able to build defensive dry stone walls and dig defensive ditches from the 16th to the 18th century. The motivation for these activities might have been the need to protect the territory against the neighboring arch-enemies, the Ahmed Gragn’s war and the Oromo population expansion or pastoralist pressure. This paper basically assessed the construction process, the scientific value and the physical structure of the Great Dry Stone Walls of the medieval Dawuro kingdom in the upper Omo Valley. The data was collected in 2011 through fieldwork, in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, and document analysis. The walls are locally called the Kati Halala Keela. They are dry stone walls constructed without using any joining materials. The walls counted three to seven rows and the kingdom was watched over by seven main gateways. Some sources estimated the length of a single wall from 150 km to 200 km length. The sum total of the s...
Dinka woodwind Music instrument of Dawuro, Ethiopia, 2016
The study was conducted on Dinka, the longest traditional wind music instrument of Dawuro society... more The study was conducted on Dinka, the longest traditional wind music instrument of Dawuro society in Southwestern Ethiopia (initially written in Amharic). Its objectives were to describe the creativity and production of musical instruments in association with cultural features, to discuss Dinka’s overall socio-economic and cultural values, and to examine the effects of globalization that caused the devolvement of this indigenous art product from its practitioners. Data was collected through fieldwork observations (from 2011 to 2015), interviews, FGD, and document analysis. In the meantime, musical instruments, rhythms, folk songs, and dances were digital (Video and photos) and text documented. Thus, the term Dinka also refers to a traditional music band (kocha dinka) composed of four sizes of wind instruments (Lamiya, Hesiya, Oyitiya, and Mara) and a drum/Darbiya. Wind instruments are made from bamboo stalks topped with antelope and cattle horns, and the nick of each one is tied with a skin nick tie called chala (which has a symbolic meaning). Distinctively, it accompanies funeral ceremonies and is considered the leading entertainer of the rituals in Dawuro society. The burial ceremony was attended by music, dance, and chant. So, it was thought that “Mourn without Dinka likes eating food without salt.” When music professionals play the Dinka instrument, all mourners form age, gender, and social groups and start dancing. It produces seven different rhythms (tsesa, gadliya, tata,zeqa,lomatsuwa, karchiya and Hata); four are fixed for funeral processions and others for wedding ceremonies and public festivals. Another remarkable aspect is its worldwide unique values in size that would make it the world`s longest wind instrument (its size ranges from 2.5m to 5m). For instance, it is compared with Switzerland's Alphorn (2.4 to 3.6m) and the Ukrainian Trembita (3 to 4 m). This should make Dinka as world`s living cultural wonders. Nonetheless, due to enforced social changes after the 1990s, performing Dinka to express grief was abandoned. The so-called “Committee of Harmful Traditional Practices” banned all funeral ceremonies and their associated practices as harmful by law. Consecutively, the dramatic conversion of the society to the protestant religion and its teaching clustered all traditional practices as evil deeds and prohibited Dinka`s performance on its member’s death. Furthermore, changes attributed to globalization and other political dynamism have drastically dropped its values to a situation where a few old-aged Dinkatuwa can now produce and play it (not more than 25). As a result of the devolved production and consumption chain (musicians with society), its professionals are forced to live in miserable conditions. Knowledge, creativity, Art, folk songs, and performing dance associated with it have been severely endangered. Thus, socio-cultural and economic dynamics at global and national levels pressured the indigenous art products of Dinka and deteriorated its local social marketable values.
The study was conducted on Dinka, the longest traditional wind music instrument of Dawuro society... more The study was conducted on Dinka, the longest traditional wind music instrument of Dawuro society in Southwestern Ethiopia (initially written in Amharic). Its objectives were to describe the creativity and production of musical instruments in association with cultural features, to discuss Dinka’s overall socio-economic and cultural values, and to examine the effects of globalization that caused the devolvement of this indigenous art product from its practitioners. Data was collected through fieldwork observations (from 2011 to 2015), interviews, FGD, and document analysis. In the meantime, musical instruments, rhythms, folk songs, and dances were digital (Video and photos) and text documented. Thus, the term Dinka also refers to a traditional music band (kocha dinka) composed of four sizes of wind instruments (Lamiya, Hesiya, Oyitiya, and Mara) and a drum/Darbiya. Wind instruments are made from bamboo stalks topped with antelope and cattle horns, and the nick of each one is tied with a skin nick tie called chala (which has a symbolic meaning). Distinctively, it accompanies funeral ceremonies and is considered the leading entertainer of the rituals in Dawuro society. The burial ceremony was attended by music, dance, and chant. So, it was thought that “Mourn without Dinka likes eating food without salt.” When music professionals play the Dinka instrument, all mourners form age, gender, and social groups and start dancing. It produces seven different rhythms (tsesa, gadliya, tata,zeqa,lomatsuwa, karchiya and Hata); four are fixed for funeral processions and others for wedding ceremonies and public festivals. Another remarkable aspect is its worldwide unique values in size that would make it the world`s longest wind instrument (its size ranges from 2.5m to 5m). For instance, it is compared with Switzerland's Alphorn (2.4 to 3.6m) and the Ukrainian Trembita (3 to 4 m). This should make Dinka as world`s living cultural wonders. Nonetheless, due to enforced social changes after the 1990s, performing Dinka to express grief was abandoned. The so-called “Committee of Harmful Traditional Practices” banned all funeral ceremonies and their associated practices as harmful by law. Consecutively, the dramatic conversion of the society to the protestant religion and its teaching clustered all traditional practices as evil deeds and prohibited Dinka`s performance on its member’s death. Furthermore, changes attributed to globalization and other political dynamism have drastically dropped its values to a situation where a few old-aged Dinkatuwa can now produce and play it (not more than 25). As a result of the devolved production and consumption chain (musicians with society), its professionals are forced to live in miserable conditions. Knowledge, creativity, Art, folk songs, and performing dance associated with it have been severely endangered. Thus, socio-cultural and economic dynamics at global and national levels pressured the indigenous art products of Dinka and deteriorated its local social marketable values.
This paper deals with the heritage and development contestation in the upper Omo valley. The obje... more This paper deals with the heritage and development contestation in the upper Omo valley. The objectives of this paper were to analyze the contestation of the cultural heritage dimension in Gibe III dam's Environmental and Social Impact Assessment (ESIA) and propose a GIS map informed conservation and tourism planning for the great Dawuro defensive dry-stone Walls (Kati Halala Keela) at the dam's reservoiraffected sites. This study employed a qualitative approach applied in ethnographic study supplemented with mapping. Data collection methods include fieldwork observation, interview, mapping (GIS), and document review. It reviewed that the state bypassed mitigation measures to rescue heritage at the dam-affected sites. The factors that contributed to that were the state's conception of the Omo River valley as "empty land," vested interest of consultancy firms, uninformed decision-making, inadequate documentation of the heritage, and absence of the heritage site map. This study partly mapped 83.5km of the defense walls along the Gibe III dam reservoir. Today, the heritage is at a crossway that is partly affected by modern hydroelectric dam projects, concurrently promoting emerging tourist sites under the Gebeta Lehager Koyisha scheme. Thus, the GIS mapping of the walls assists in planning integrated conservation for heritage sites at the Gibe III dam-affected area.
Journal for Studies in Management and Planning, 2015
Historically, in different countries walls are built for different purposes. Among others, defens... more Historically, in different countries walls are built for different purposes. Among others, defense purpose is the most common one. For instance, to mention a few, we do have the Great Wall of China was built from 3rdcentury B.C to 17thcentury A.D, the Great Zimbabwe Wall was built from 1100–1450 A.D; the Koso Defense mud Wall in Nigeria was built from1000 to 1500 A.D, in Kenya the Gunda-buche Wall and in Ethiopia,
The medieval Dawuro kingdom in south-western Ethiopia was able to build defensive dry stone walls... more The medieval Dawuro kingdom in south-western Ethiopia was able to build defensive dry stone walls and dig defensive ditches from the 16th to the 18th century. The motivation for these activities might have been the need to protect the territory against the neighboring arch-enemies, the Ahmed Gragn’s war and the Oromo population expansion or pastoralist pressure. This paper basically assessed the construction process, the scientific value and the physical structure of the Great Dry Stone Walls of the medieval Dawuro kingdom in the upper Omo Valley. The data was collected in 2011 through fieldwork, in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, and document analysis. The walls are locally called the Kati Halala Keela. They are dry stone walls constructed without using any joining materials. The walls counted three to seven rows and the kingdom was watched over by seven main gateways. Some sources estimated the length of a single wall from 150 km to 200 km length. The sum total of the s...
Dinka woodwind Music instrument of Dawuro, Ethiopia, 2016
The study was conducted on Dinka, the longest traditional wind music instrument of Dawuro society... more The study was conducted on Dinka, the longest traditional wind music instrument of Dawuro society in Southwestern Ethiopia (initially written in Amharic). Its objectives were to describe the creativity and production of musical instruments in association with cultural features, to discuss Dinka’s overall socio-economic and cultural values, and to examine the effects of globalization that caused the devolvement of this indigenous art product from its practitioners. Data was collected through fieldwork observations (from 2011 to 2015), interviews, FGD, and document analysis. In the meantime, musical instruments, rhythms, folk songs, and dances were digital (Video and photos) and text documented. Thus, the term Dinka also refers to a traditional music band (kocha dinka) composed of four sizes of wind instruments (Lamiya, Hesiya, Oyitiya, and Mara) and a drum/Darbiya. Wind instruments are made from bamboo stalks topped with antelope and cattle horns, and the nick of each one is tied with a skin nick tie called chala (which has a symbolic meaning). Distinctively, it accompanies funeral ceremonies and is considered the leading entertainer of the rituals in Dawuro society. The burial ceremony was attended by music, dance, and chant. So, it was thought that “Mourn without Dinka likes eating food without salt.” When music professionals play the Dinka instrument, all mourners form age, gender, and social groups and start dancing. It produces seven different rhythms (tsesa, gadliya, tata,zeqa,lomatsuwa, karchiya and Hata); four are fixed for funeral processions and others for wedding ceremonies and public festivals. Another remarkable aspect is its worldwide unique values in size that would make it the world`s longest wind instrument (its size ranges from 2.5m to 5m). For instance, it is compared with Switzerland's Alphorn (2.4 to 3.6m) and the Ukrainian Trembita (3 to 4 m). This should make Dinka as world`s living cultural wonders. Nonetheless, due to enforced social changes after the 1990s, performing Dinka to express grief was abandoned. The so-called “Committee of Harmful Traditional Practices” banned all funeral ceremonies and their associated practices as harmful by law. Consecutively, the dramatic conversion of the society to the protestant religion and its teaching clustered all traditional practices as evil deeds and prohibited Dinka`s performance on its member’s death. Furthermore, changes attributed to globalization and other political dynamism have drastically dropped its values to a situation where a few old-aged Dinkatuwa can now produce and play it (not more than 25). As a result of the devolved production and consumption chain (musicians with society), its professionals are forced to live in miserable conditions. Knowledge, creativity, Art, folk songs, and performing dance associated with it have been severely endangered. Thus, socio-cultural and economic dynamics at global and national levels pressured the indigenous art products of Dinka and deteriorated its local social marketable values.
The study was conducted on Dinka, the longest traditional wind music instrument of Dawuro society... more The study was conducted on Dinka, the longest traditional wind music instrument of Dawuro society in Southwestern Ethiopia (initially written in Amharic). Its objectives were to describe the creativity and production of musical instruments in association with cultural features, to discuss Dinka’s overall socio-economic and cultural values, and to examine the effects of globalization that caused the devolvement of this indigenous art product from its practitioners. Data was collected through fieldwork observations (from 2011 to 2015), interviews, FGD, and document analysis. In the meantime, musical instruments, rhythms, folk songs, and dances were digital (Video and photos) and text documented. Thus, the term Dinka also refers to a traditional music band (kocha dinka) composed of four sizes of wind instruments (Lamiya, Hesiya, Oyitiya, and Mara) and a drum/Darbiya. Wind instruments are made from bamboo stalks topped with antelope and cattle horns, and the nick of each one is tied with a skin nick tie called chala (which has a symbolic meaning). Distinctively, it accompanies funeral ceremonies and is considered the leading entertainer of the rituals in Dawuro society. The burial ceremony was attended by music, dance, and chant. So, it was thought that “Mourn without Dinka likes eating food without salt.” When music professionals play the Dinka instrument, all mourners form age, gender, and social groups and start dancing. It produces seven different rhythms (tsesa, gadliya, tata,zeqa,lomatsuwa, karchiya and Hata); four are fixed for funeral processions and others for wedding ceremonies and public festivals. Another remarkable aspect is its worldwide unique values in size that would make it the world`s longest wind instrument (its size ranges from 2.5m to 5m). For instance, it is compared with Switzerland's Alphorn (2.4 to 3.6m) and the Ukrainian Trembita (3 to 4 m). This should make Dinka as world`s living cultural wonders. Nonetheless, due to enforced social changes after the 1990s, performing Dinka to express grief was abandoned. The so-called “Committee of Harmful Traditional Practices” banned all funeral ceremonies and their associated practices as harmful by law. Consecutively, the dramatic conversion of the society to the protestant religion and its teaching clustered all traditional practices as evil deeds and prohibited Dinka`s performance on its member’s death. Furthermore, changes attributed to globalization and other political dynamism have drastically dropped its values to a situation where a few old-aged Dinkatuwa can now produce and play it (not more than 25). As a result of the devolved production and consumption chain (musicians with society), its professionals are forced to live in miserable conditions. Knowledge, creativity, Art, folk songs, and performing dance associated with it have been severely endangered. Thus, socio-cultural and economic dynamics at global and national levels pressured the indigenous art products of Dinka and deteriorated its local social marketable values.
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Distinctively, it accompanies funeral ceremonies and is considered the leading entertainer of the rituals in Dawuro society. The burial ceremony was attended by music, dance, and chant. So, it was thought that “Mourn without Dinka likes eating food without salt.” When music professionals play the Dinka instrument, all mourners form age, gender, and social groups and start dancing. It produces seven different rhythms (tsesa, gadliya, tata,zeqa,lomatsuwa, karchiya and Hata); four are fixed for funeral processions and others for wedding ceremonies and public festivals. Another remarkable aspect is its worldwide unique values in size that would make it the world`s longest wind instrument (its size ranges from 2.5m to 5m). For instance, it is compared with Switzerland's Alphorn (2.4 to 3.6m) and the Ukrainian Trembita (3 to 4 m). This should make Dinka as world`s living cultural wonders. Nonetheless, due to enforced social changes after the 1990s, performing Dinka to express grief was abandoned. The so-called “Committee of Harmful Traditional Practices” banned all funeral ceremonies and their associated practices as harmful by law. Consecutively, the dramatic conversion of the society to the protestant religion and its teaching clustered all traditional practices as evil deeds and prohibited Dinka`s performance on its member’s death. Furthermore, changes attributed to globalization and other political dynamism have drastically dropped its values to a situation where a few old-aged Dinkatuwa can now produce and play it (not more than 25). As a result of the devolved production and consumption chain (musicians with society), its professionals are forced to live in miserable conditions. Knowledge, creativity, Art, folk songs, and performing dance associated with it have been severely endangered. Thus, socio-cultural and economic dynamics at global and national levels pressured the indigenous art products of Dinka and deteriorated its local social marketable values.
Distinctively, it accompanies funeral ceremonies and is considered the leading entertainer of the rituals in Dawuro society. The burial ceremony was attended by music, dance, and chant. So, it was thought that “Mourn without Dinka likes eating food without salt.” When music professionals play the Dinka instrument, all mourners form age, gender, and social groups and start dancing. It produces seven different rhythms (tsesa, gadliya, tata,zeqa,lomatsuwa, karchiya and Hata); four are fixed for funeral processions and others for wedding ceremonies and public festivals. Another remarkable aspect is its worldwide unique values in size that would make it the world`s longest wind instrument (its size ranges from 2.5m to 5m). For instance, it is compared with Switzerland's Alphorn (2.4 to 3.6m) and the Ukrainian Trembita (3 to 4 m). This should make Dinka as world`s living cultural wonders. Nonetheless, due to enforced social changes after the 1990s, performing Dinka to express grief was abandoned. The so-called “Committee of Harmful Traditional Practices” banned all funeral ceremonies and their associated practices as harmful by law. Consecutively, the dramatic conversion of the society to the protestant religion and its teaching clustered all traditional practices as evil deeds and prohibited Dinka`s performance on its member’s death. Furthermore, changes attributed to globalization and other political dynamism have drastically dropped its values to a situation where a few old-aged Dinkatuwa can now produce and play it (not more than 25). As a result of the devolved production and consumption chain (musicians with society), its professionals are forced to live in miserable conditions. Knowledge, creativity, Art, folk songs, and performing dance associated with it have been severely endangered. Thus, socio-cultural and economic dynamics at global and national levels pressured the indigenous art products of Dinka and deteriorated its local social marketable values.
Distinctively, it accompanies funeral ceremonies and is considered the leading entertainer of the rituals in Dawuro society. The burial ceremony was attended by music, dance, and chant. So, it was thought that “Mourn without Dinka likes eating food without salt.” When music professionals play the Dinka instrument, all mourners form age, gender, and social groups and start dancing. It produces seven different rhythms (tsesa, gadliya, tata,zeqa,lomatsuwa, karchiya and Hata); four are fixed for funeral processions and others for wedding ceremonies and public festivals. Another remarkable aspect is its worldwide unique values in size that would make it the world`s longest wind instrument (its size ranges from 2.5m to 5m). For instance, it is compared with Switzerland's Alphorn (2.4 to 3.6m) and the Ukrainian Trembita (3 to 4 m). This should make Dinka as world`s living cultural wonders. Nonetheless, due to enforced social changes after the 1990s, performing Dinka to express grief was abandoned. The so-called “Committee of Harmful Traditional Practices” banned all funeral ceremonies and their associated practices as harmful by law. Consecutively, the dramatic conversion of the society to the protestant religion and its teaching clustered all traditional practices as evil deeds and prohibited Dinka`s performance on its member’s death. Furthermore, changes attributed to globalization and other political dynamism have drastically dropped its values to a situation where a few old-aged Dinkatuwa can now produce and play it (not more than 25). As a result of the devolved production and consumption chain (musicians with society), its professionals are forced to live in miserable conditions. Knowledge, creativity, Art, folk songs, and performing dance associated with it have been severely endangered. Thus, socio-cultural and economic dynamics at global and national levels pressured the indigenous art products of Dinka and deteriorated its local social marketable values.
Distinctively, it accompanies funeral ceremonies and is considered the leading entertainer of the rituals in Dawuro society. The burial ceremony was attended by music, dance, and chant. So, it was thought that “Mourn without Dinka likes eating food without salt.” When music professionals play the Dinka instrument, all mourners form age, gender, and social groups and start dancing. It produces seven different rhythms (tsesa, gadliya, tata,zeqa,lomatsuwa, karchiya and Hata); four are fixed for funeral processions and others for wedding ceremonies and public festivals. Another remarkable aspect is its worldwide unique values in size that would make it the world`s longest wind instrument (its size ranges from 2.5m to 5m). For instance, it is compared with Switzerland's Alphorn (2.4 to 3.6m) and the Ukrainian Trembita (3 to 4 m). This should make Dinka as world`s living cultural wonders. Nonetheless, due to enforced social changes after the 1990s, performing Dinka to express grief was abandoned. The so-called “Committee of Harmful Traditional Practices” banned all funeral ceremonies and their associated practices as harmful by law. Consecutively, the dramatic conversion of the society to the protestant religion and its teaching clustered all traditional practices as evil deeds and prohibited Dinka`s performance on its member’s death. Furthermore, changes attributed to globalization and other political dynamism have drastically dropped its values to a situation where a few old-aged Dinkatuwa can now produce and play it (not more than 25). As a result of the devolved production and consumption chain (musicians with society), its professionals are forced to live in miserable conditions. Knowledge, creativity, Art, folk songs, and performing dance associated with it have been severely endangered. Thus, socio-cultural and economic dynamics at global and national levels pressured the indigenous art products of Dinka and deteriorated its local social marketable values.