This essay examines the origins and current aspects of the place and role occupied by Tbilisi in... more This essay examines the origins and current aspects of the place and role occupied by Tbilisi in the region, and how this has come to be seen as an advantage by the most relevant external players. Georgia is the ‘open-door country’ of the Silk Road region.
Synthèse sur l'expulsion des Azéris d'Arménie en 1987-1991, ses précédents et ses effets sur le p... more Synthèse sur l'expulsion des Azéris d'Arménie en 1987-1991, ses précédents et ses effets sur le processus de paix actuel.
The plight of the ethnic-Azerbaijanis expelled from the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic during... more The plight of the ethnic-Azerbaijanis expelled from the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic during the last years of the USSR was never forgotten by the Republic of Azerbaijan. But since the end of 2022, this issue has taken on new importance in official speeches. This is particularly visible in the visit of the president of Azerbaijan, Ilham Aliyev, to the administrative building of the Western Azerbaijan Community in December 2022-his second visit since its unveiling in 2010. Quite logically, this happened after Azerbaijan's military and diplomatic victory in the Second Karabakh War, the signing of the Shusha Declaration that reinforced the Turkish-Azerbaijani military alliance in 2021, and the defeat of Armenian units that were trying to plant mines along and adjacent to the non-delineated border with Azerbaijan in September 2022. Nonetheless, the painful memory of this expulsion also must be understood in its historical depth, namely, the fact that such expulsions had already taken place four times
On 4 June 2023, speaking on the Armenian public television, Secretary of the Security Council of ... more On 4 June 2023, speaking on the Armenian public television, Secretary of the Security Council of Armenia Armen Grigoryan praised the progress made at a meeting attended by his boss, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, and President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan, which took place in Chisinau (Moldova) on the margins of the summit of the European Political Community (the meeting was facilitated by President of the EU Council Charles Michel and also included the participation of the French president and the German chancellor (Emmanuel Macron and Olaf Scholz, respectively). Grigoryan even stated: "Very intensive negotiations are being held between Armenia and Azerbaijan. If this intensity continues and there is strong assistance from the international community, then there is a possibility to sign a peace agreement before the end of the year. We are determined to sign the agreement as soon as possible." Certainly, the optimism this statement may cause should be measured. The Azerbaijani Ministry of Foreign Affairs commented upon this statement by underlining that "instead of insisting on special reference to some 1975 map, it would be more useful for the Armenian side to start the delimitation work." The Ministry also underscored that Armenia continues to occupy eight Azerbaijani villages outside of the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (NKAO). Equally problematic for Baku is the "unrestored transport connection between the western regions of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic." Regardless, even if these problems are fixed before the end of the year, does it mean that peace will necessarily prevail? No. In two previous IDD Analytical Policy Briefs I had discussed the current threat of Armenian terrorism, including the danger faced
The main aims of this essay are to explain the origins of the current
problems and (this is inext... more The main aims of this essay are to explain the origins of the current problems and (this is inextricably linked) to challenge the misunderstandings, misconceptions, and myths accumulated on both sides.
This article presents the origins of and the recent developments in the alliance between Iran, on... more This article presents the origins of and the recent developments in the alliance between Iran, on one side, and Armenian diaspora nationalists and the government of Armenia on the other. The use of Armenian nationalism by Iran started with the first Shah of the Pahlavi dynasty, but the Islamic Republic of Iran developed and intensified those ties. Building on the success of Azerbaijan in the April conflict of 2016, the liberation of its previously occupied territories in 2020, the full reconstitution of the Türkiye–Azerbaijan–Israel triangle, and the weakening of Russia since 2022, this article explains the reinforcement of the ties between the partners and the unprecedented rise of Iranian aggressiveness against Azerbaijan.
From Terrorism to Insurgencies: The Armenian Revolutionary Nationalists Against the Ottoman State... more From Terrorism to Insurgencies: The Armenian Revolutionary Nationalists Against the Ottoman State, 1912-1915 has been obscured by "historiography by political committees and committed historians" 14 , the necessity for impartial studies is even more acute. The goal of this paper is to analyze the reasons and developments of this anti-Ottoman, pro-Russian turn, up to the insurrections and relocations of 1915. The fi rst part analyzes how the Armenian revolutionary nationalists initially returned to terrorism and prepared insurrection, at the benefi t of Russia, from 1912 to 1914. The second part is about their insurgency strategy in 1914-1915. The third and last part studies the articulation between this strategy and the Ottoman state's response. The fi rst major attack against the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire, after 1908, was the Italian invasion of Libya (1911-1912). In 1901 Italy had signed an agreement with France, leaving her free hands in Morocco in exchange for no French interference in Libya, but the agreement did not include any reference to a military conquest, precisely because it was, unlike Morocco, an Ottoman province 15 . Regardless, Rome took profi t of the French expansion in Morocco and even more of the crisis between Paris and Berlin (very close to a war) to impose a very broad interpretation of the 1901 agreement 16 . That having been said, the Quai d'Orsay had warned (in vain) the Ottoman embassy in Paris, then helped Fethi Okyar, the Ottoman military attaché in Paris, to pass in Libya to organize the resistance to the Italian invasion, André Tardieu (1876-1945), who was at that time the unoffi cial voice of the Ministry of Foreign Aff airs, supported the Ottoman point of view 17 . Even more serious were the Balkan wars (1912-1913), because of the rapidity of 14
The political affiliation and agenda of authors are not, in themselves, relevant to assess the va... more The political affiliation and agenda of authors are not, in themselves, relevant to assess the value of their books; but the counterpart of this principle is that historians must, as much as possible, leave aside their political preferences in working on history and in writing it. Aurore Bruna is currently (2021) serving as chair of the Ramkavar-affiliated Armenian General Benevolent Union (AGBU, UGAB in France) of Marseille, after having been, from 2018 to 2020, president of the southern branch of Coordination Council of France's Armenian Associations (CCAF), also headquartered in Marseille. Regrettably, this book is not a scholarly contribution; it is not even a partly valuable, politically oriented work akin to what other Armenian nationalist historians have made. 1 This is, rather, a Review of Armenian Studies
Öz: Eylül 1922'de İzmir'i harap eden yangın közleri halen sıcakken başlayan keskin tartışmaların ... more Öz: Eylül 1922'de İzmir'i harap eden yangın közleri halen sıcakken başlayan keskin tartışmaların ve münakaşaların konusudur. Fransız, Amerikan ile İngiliz arşivleri ve Türk ile İtalyan yayınlanmış kaynaklar vasıtasıyla yapılmış bir araştırmayı temel alan bu yazı farklı tezleri değerlendirmekte ve yangın için evrensel bir açıklamayı savunmaktadır ve araştırma kapsamını kronolojik ve coğrafi açıdan genişletme ihtiyacını savunmaktadır. Yangın Yunan ordusunun 1921De ortaya çıkan ve 1922 yazında geniş ölçüde uygulanan arazi yakma politikasının sonucudur. Ancak, diğer yıkımların aksine, iş şehrin Ermeni ihtilalci milliyetçilerine bırakılmıştı. İç bölgede mümkün olan Fransız, İngiliz, Amerikan ve İtalyan askeri gemilerin yoğun olarak bulunduğu Anadolu'daki en büyük limanda mümkün değildi. Buna rağmen İzmir'deki Ermeni komitesi – çoğunluğu 1919-1920 arasında Kilikya'da görev yapmış olan ve ez az bir kısmı kundakçılık tecrübesine sahip – Yunan komutasının ihtiyaç duyduğu insan gücünü tedarik etmiştir. Abstract: The fire that ravaged the city of İzmir in September 1922 is the subject of vivid debates and controversies that began when the embers were
The decision pronounced on January 26, 2017, by the French Constitutional Council marked the end ... more The decision pronounced on January 26, 2017, by the French Constitutional Council marked the end of the attempts to censor freedom of expression regarding the Turkish-Armenian conflict, at least the serious ones in France. It finished a 23-years cycle that had begun with the court cases against Bernard Lewis in 1994-1995: The Anglo-Saxon historian was acquitted in four of them, sentenced for one civil case, in the name of a case law canceled in 2005. Even before Prof. Lewis was sentenced, bills were introduced in the Parliament, in vain until 2011. The Boyer bill was adopted, unlike the previous ones, in 2011-2012, but was immediately censored by the Constitutional Council, which maintained its position in a preliminary ruling on the issue of constitutionality (regarding Holocaust denial) in 2016. Correspondingly, the European Court of Human Rights found the conviction of Doğu Perinçek unjustified, and 1915 to be a matter of debates. The decision of 2017 is the culmination of this national and international case law, the ultimate confirmation of the freedom for historical research.
This essay examines the origins and current aspects of the place and role occupied by Tbilisi in... more This essay examines the origins and current aspects of the place and role occupied by Tbilisi in the region, and how this has come to be seen as an advantage by the most relevant external players. Georgia is the ‘open-door country’ of the Silk Road region.
Synthèse sur l'expulsion des Azéris d'Arménie en 1987-1991, ses précédents et ses effets sur le p... more Synthèse sur l'expulsion des Azéris d'Arménie en 1987-1991, ses précédents et ses effets sur le processus de paix actuel.
The plight of the ethnic-Azerbaijanis expelled from the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic during... more The plight of the ethnic-Azerbaijanis expelled from the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic during the last years of the USSR was never forgotten by the Republic of Azerbaijan. But since the end of 2022, this issue has taken on new importance in official speeches. This is particularly visible in the visit of the president of Azerbaijan, Ilham Aliyev, to the administrative building of the Western Azerbaijan Community in December 2022-his second visit since its unveiling in 2010. Quite logically, this happened after Azerbaijan's military and diplomatic victory in the Second Karabakh War, the signing of the Shusha Declaration that reinforced the Turkish-Azerbaijani military alliance in 2021, and the defeat of Armenian units that were trying to plant mines along and adjacent to the non-delineated border with Azerbaijan in September 2022. Nonetheless, the painful memory of this expulsion also must be understood in its historical depth, namely, the fact that such expulsions had already taken place four times
On 4 June 2023, speaking on the Armenian public television, Secretary of the Security Council of ... more On 4 June 2023, speaking on the Armenian public television, Secretary of the Security Council of Armenia Armen Grigoryan praised the progress made at a meeting attended by his boss, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, and President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan, which took place in Chisinau (Moldova) on the margins of the summit of the European Political Community (the meeting was facilitated by President of the EU Council Charles Michel and also included the participation of the French president and the German chancellor (Emmanuel Macron and Olaf Scholz, respectively). Grigoryan even stated: "Very intensive negotiations are being held between Armenia and Azerbaijan. If this intensity continues and there is strong assistance from the international community, then there is a possibility to sign a peace agreement before the end of the year. We are determined to sign the agreement as soon as possible." Certainly, the optimism this statement may cause should be measured. The Azerbaijani Ministry of Foreign Affairs commented upon this statement by underlining that "instead of insisting on special reference to some 1975 map, it would be more useful for the Armenian side to start the delimitation work." The Ministry also underscored that Armenia continues to occupy eight Azerbaijani villages outside of the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (NKAO). Equally problematic for Baku is the "unrestored transport connection between the western regions of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic." Regardless, even if these problems are fixed before the end of the year, does it mean that peace will necessarily prevail? No. In two previous IDD Analytical Policy Briefs I had discussed the current threat of Armenian terrorism, including the danger faced
The main aims of this essay are to explain the origins of the current
problems and (this is inext... more The main aims of this essay are to explain the origins of the current problems and (this is inextricably linked) to challenge the misunderstandings, misconceptions, and myths accumulated on both sides.
This article presents the origins of and the recent developments in the alliance between Iran, on... more This article presents the origins of and the recent developments in the alliance between Iran, on one side, and Armenian diaspora nationalists and the government of Armenia on the other. The use of Armenian nationalism by Iran started with the first Shah of the Pahlavi dynasty, but the Islamic Republic of Iran developed and intensified those ties. Building on the success of Azerbaijan in the April conflict of 2016, the liberation of its previously occupied territories in 2020, the full reconstitution of the Türkiye–Azerbaijan–Israel triangle, and the weakening of Russia since 2022, this article explains the reinforcement of the ties between the partners and the unprecedented rise of Iranian aggressiveness against Azerbaijan.
From Terrorism to Insurgencies: The Armenian Revolutionary Nationalists Against the Ottoman State... more From Terrorism to Insurgencies: The Armenian Revolutionary Nationalists Against the Ottoman State, 1912-1915 has been obscured by "historiography by political committees and committed historians" 14 , the necessity for impartial studies is even more acute. The goal of this paper is to analyze the reasons and developments of this anti-Ottoman, pro-Russian turn, up to the insurrections and relocations of 1915. The fi rst part analyzes how the Armenian revolutionary nationalists initially returned to terrorism and prepared insurrection, at the benefi t of Russia, from 1912 to 1914. The second part is about their insurgency strategy in 1914-1915. The third and last part studies the articulation between this strategy and the Ottoman state's response. The fi rst major attack against the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire, after 1908, was the Italian invasion of Libya (1911-1912). In 1901 Italy had signed an agreement with France, leaving her free hands in Morocco in exchange for no French interference in Libya, but the agreement did not include any reference to a military conquest, precisely because it was, unlike Morocco, an Ottoman province 15 . Regardless, Rome took profi t of the French expansion in Morocco and even more of the crisis between Paris and Berlin (very close to a war) to impose a very broad interpretation of the 1901 agreement 16 . That having been said, the Quai d'Orsay had warned (in vain) the Ottoman embassy in Paris, then helped Fethi Okyar, the Ottoman military attaché in Paris, to pass in Libya to organize the resistance to the Italian invasion, André Tardieu (1876-1945), who was at that time the unoffi cial voice of the Ministry of Foreign Aff airs, supported the Ottoman point of view 17 . Even more serious were the Balkan wars (1912-1913), because of the rapidity of 14
The political affiliation and agenda of authors are not, in themselves, relevant to assess the va... more The political affiliation and agenda of authors are not, in themselves, relevant to assess the value of their books; but the counterpart of this principle is that historians must, as much as possible, leave aside their political preferences in working on history and in writing it. Aurore Bruna is currently (2021) serving as chair of the Ramkavar-affiliated Armenian General Benevolent Union (AGBU, UGAB in France) of Marseille, after having been, from 2018 to 2020, president of the southern branch of Coordination Council of France's Armenian Associations (CCAF), also headquartered in Marseille. Regrettably, this book is not a scholarly contribution; it is not even a partly valuable, politically oriented work akin to what other Armenian nationalist historians have made. 1 This is, rather, a Review of Armenian Studies
Öz: Eylül 1922'de İzmir'i harap eden yangın közleri halen sıcakken başlayan keskin tartışmaların ... more Öz: Eylül 1922'de İzmir'i harap eden yangın közleri halen sıcakken başlayan keskin tartışmaların ve münakaşaların konusudur. Fransız, Amerikan ile İngiliz arşivleri ve Türk ile İtalyan yayınlanmış kaynaklar vasıtasıyla yapılmış bir araştırmayı temel alan bu yazı farklı tezleri değerlendirmekte ve yangın için evrensel bir açıklamayı savunmaktadır ve araştırma kapsamını kronolojik ve coğrafi açıdan genişletme ihtiyacını savunmaktadır. Yangın Yunan ordusunun 1921De ortaya çıkan ve 1922 yazında geniş ölçüde uygulanan arazi yakma politikasının sonucudur. Ancak, diğer yıkımların aksine, iş şehrin Ermeni ihtilalci milliyetçilerine bırakılmıştı. İç bölgede mümkün olan Fransız, İngiliz, Amerikan ve İtalyan askeri gemilerin yoğun olarak bulunduğu Anadolu'daki en büyük limanda mümkün değildi. Buna rağmen İzmir'deki Ermeni komitesi – çoğunluğu 1919-1920 arasında Kilikya'da görev yapmış olan ve ez az bir kısmı kundakçılık tecrübesine sahip – Yunan komutasının ihtiyaç duyduğu insan gücünü tedarik etmiştir. Abstract: The fire that ravaged the city of İzmir in September 1922 is the subject of vivid debates and controversies that began when the embers were
The decision pronounced on January 26, 2017, by the French Constitutional Council marked the end ... more The decision pronounced on January 26, 2017, by the French Constitutional Council marked the end of the attempts to censor freedom of expression regarding the Turkish-Armenian conflict, at least the serious ones in France. It finished a 23-years cycle that had begun with the court cases against Bernard Lewis in 1994-1995: The Anglo-Saxon historian was acquitted in four of them, sentenced for one civil case, in the name of a case law canceled in 2005. Even before Prof. Lewis was sentenced, bills were introduced in the Parliament, in vain until 2011. The Boyer bill was adopted, unlike the previous ones, in 2011-2012, but was immediately censored by the Constitutional Council, which maintained its position in a preliminary ruling on the issue of constitutionality (regarding Holocaust denial) in 2016. Correspondingly, the European Court of Human Rights found the conviction of Doğu Perinçek unjustified, and 1915 to be a matter of debates. The decision of 2017 is the culmination of this national and international case law, the ultimate confirmation of the freedom for historical research.
La question de la souveraineté turque à Lausanne Contrairement à une légende tenace, la conférenc... more La question de la souveraineté turque à Lausanne Contrairement à une légende tenace, la conférence et le traité de Lausanne ont surtout confirmé les frontières de la Turquie plus qu'ils ne les ont tracées. La question des frontières orientales et méridionales avaient été réglées par le traité soviéto-turc de Kars 1 et par l'accord franco-turc d'Ankara 2 , tous deux signés en octobre 1921. Il n'a pas été question, à Lausanne, de revenir là-dessus. La récupération de la Thrace orientale avait été actée par les propositions d'armistice décidées lors de la conférence de Paris en septembre 1922, puis par l'armistice lui-même, signé le mois suivant 3. La seule modification introduite dans le traité fut l'annexion du faubourg de Karaağaç, comme compensation des dévastations par les forces grecques. Dès lors, les discussions ont largement porté sur le degré de liberté du gouvernement turc à l'intérieur de ses frontières. Je prendrai ici deux exemples : la question du « foyer national arménien » et celles des capitulations (avantages juridiques accordés aux étrangers). I) La question du « foyer national arménien » A) De la Grande Arménie au « Foyer national » Le nationalisme arménien commence avec la révolte de Zeytun en 1862 (évènement très local), puis commence à s'affirmer en 1878, à la conférence de la paix de Berlin, et avec la seconde révolte politique à Zeytun, la même année. Il se structure avec la fondation du parti Hintchak, à Genève, en 1887, et avec celle de la Fédération révolutionnaire arménienne, à Tbilissi (qui ait alors partie de l'Empire russe), en 1890. Or, tous ces évènements de produisent dans un contexte d'égalité civique (suppression progressive des inégalités juridiques pour les non-musulmans, entre 1839 et 1856) et de place croissante des Arméniens dans l'appareil d'État. 20 % des fonctionnaires les mieux payés d'Istanbul en 1896 sont des Arméniens 4 , parmi lesquels Artin Dadian, secrétaire général du ministère des Affaires étrangères. Se sachant minoritaires dans la communauté arménienne, et sachant qu'elle est elle-même minoritaire dans les territoires convoités, les nationalistes arméniens choisissent une stratégie de la provocation et de la tension dans les années 1890 : insurrections, assassinats (y compris d'Arméniens loyalistes) et prise d'otages à la Banque ottomane 5. En 1908, la révolution jeune-turque, restaure la Constitution de 1876, qui avait été suspendue en 1878. L'école des officiers aux non-musulmans. Des Arméniens sont élus à la Chambre des députés, y compris avec l'étiquette du Comité Union et progrès (CUP, le parti au pouvoir), comme Artin Boşgezenyan (député d'Alep) et Bedros Hallaçyan (député d'Istanbul), d'autres sont nommés au Sénat, parmi lesquels Zareh Dilber, membre du CUP 6. Jusqu'en 1912, le CUP coopère même (non sans
La fin de l'Empire ottoman et l'importance du traité de Lausanne Le traité de paix signé à Lausan... more La fin de l'Empire ottoman et l'importance du traité de Lausanne Le traité de paix signé à Lausanne conclut la Première Guerre mondiale et la guerre de libération nationale turque, c'est-à-dire une décennie de conflits, mais aussi un cycle de guerres remontant au moins au XIX e siècle. Si on prend le cas de la Grèce, un siècle de guerres se termine en 1923. Malgré toutes les crises (crises de Chypre en 1964 et 1974 ; crises de la mer Égée en 1987, 1996 et 2021-2022) qui ont opposé les deux pays, il n'y a eu aucune guerre depuis. I) La lutte de l'Empire ottoman pour sa survie (1876-1918) A) Bulgarie et Crète La révolte grecque de 1821-1829 sert d'exemple, pour la forme de la société secrète, l'importance de l'intervention étrangère et la pratique de la purification ethnique contre les musulmans et les juifs 1. Pourtant, entre 1839 et 1856, une série de mesures législatives ont garanti l'égalité civile pour les nonmusulmans, ce qui s'est traduit, entre autres, par une augmentation progressive du nombre de fonctionnaires chrétiens. De fait, le mouvement national bulgare est, initialement, un mouvement loyaliste, dont l'ennemi n'est pas l'État ottoman mais l'Église grecque-orthodoxe. Il obtient la restauration de l'Église nationale bulgare en 1860. Mais il se divise ensuite entre autonomistes-loyalistes, pour qui les Bulgares doivent devenir aux Turcs ce que les Hongrois sont aux Autrichiens (transformation de l'Empire d'Autriche en Empire d'Autriche-Hongrie en 1867) et séparatistes violents. Or, l'actuelle Bulgarie compte entre 45 et 49 % de musulmans 2 , auxquels il faut ajouter les Juifs et les Bulgares catholiques, aussi hostiles à l'indépendance que ne le sont les musulmans 3 , les paysans non politisés et les autonomistes-loyalistes. Les indépendantistes optent donc pour la stratégie de la provocation en 1876 : massacrer un millier de Turcs et de Pomaks, provoquer ainsi des représailles meurtrières sur les civils orthodoxes, puis mener une campagne de presse, notamment en Grande-Bretagne, avec le soutien des fondamentalistes protestants, afin de neutraliser le turcophile Disraeli, et en Russie, afin de faciliter un intervention russe. Au total, de 1876 à 1878, au moins 260 000 Turcs et Pomaks, vraisemblablement 300 000, sont ainsi assassinés ; et plus de 500 000 expulsés, parmi lesquels des Tatars de Crimée, partis dans les années 1860 sous la pression russe 4. Il faut encore ajouter les victimes
Presentation, analysis and context of Gaston Gaillard‘s book published in 1920 in defense of the ... more Presentation, analysis and context of Gaston Gaillard‘s book published in 1920 in defense of the Turks.
Lecture given at the symposium "Prospects for Turkish-Armenian Relations" organized by AVIM on 30... more Lecture given at the symposium "Prospects for Turkish-Armenian Relations" organized by AVIM on 30 April 2015.
Prof. Michael M. Gunter’s book is the first one that is specifically devoted to criticize the “Ar... more Prof. Michael M. Gunter’s book is the first one that is specifically devoted to criticize the “Armenian genocide” label, published by a mainstream, Western publishing house and written by a non-Turkish scholar.
By his accusation of 'genocide' launched to the face of the Turkish people and his refusal to men... more By his accusation of 'genocide' launched to the face of the Turkish people and his refusal to mention the crimes of Armenian extremists, Pope Francis ignored the history of his own church, particularly the stance of his predecessor Benedict XV (1914-1922).
Over the years, there have been deliberate attempts to target Turkey regarding the 1915 events ba... more Over the years, there have been deliberate attempts to target Turkey regarding the 1915 events based on forged-evidence or manipulation, which were nurtured in several academic circles in Europe and the U.S.
An analysis of the mostly fictional book published in 1947 by Sarkis Torossian. The study focuses... more An analysis of the mostly fictional book published in 1947 by Sarkis Torossian. The study focuses on the two chapters devoted to the alleged time of Torossian in the Armenian Legion (1919-1920).
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Papers by Maxime Gauin
country’ of the Silk Road region.
problems and (this is inextricably linked) to challenge the misunderstandings, misconceptions, and myths accumulated on both sides.
its previously occupied territories in 2020, the full reconstitution of the Türkiye–Azerbaijan–Israel triangle, and the weakening of Russia since 2022, this article explains the reinforcement of the ties between the partners and the unprecedented rise of Iranian aggressiveness against Azerbaijan.
country’ of the Silk Road region.
problems and (this is inextricably linked) to challenge the misunderstandings, misconceptions, and myths accumulated on both sides.
its previously occupied territories in 2020, the full reconstitution of the Türkiye–Azerbaijan–Israel triangle, and the weakening of Russia since 2022, this article explains the reinforcement of the ties between the partners and the unprecedented rise of Iranian aggressiveness against Azerbaijan.