Drafts by Angelos Seriatos
Πιθανότατα οι εκλογές του 2019 θα μείνουν στην ιστορία ως το κλείσιμο ενός κύκλου του κομματικού ... more Πιθανότατα οι εκλογές του 2019 θα μείνουν στην ιστορία ως το κλείσιμο ενός κύκλου του κομματικού συστήματος, ο οποίος θα πρέπει να ειδωθεί με ενιαίο τρόπο. Οι εκλογές του 2019 αποτέλεσαν ουσιαστικά και το επισφράγισμα της επιστροφής στην «κανονικότητα», η οποία διαταράχθηκε κατά τον διπλό εκλογικό σεισμό του 2012. Σημαντικότερη ένδειξη της ομαλοποίησης του κομματικού συστήματος αποτελεί αναμφίβολα ή επιστροφή των ποσοστών του δικομματισμού στα επίπεδα που αυτά είχαν σταθεροποιηθεί το 2009, δηλαδή λίγο πάνω από 70%. Ο δικομματισμός (ΝΔ-ΠΑΣΟΚ) το 2009 άθροιζε 77,4%, στις εκλογές αποευθυγράμμισης του 2012 μειώθηκε δραματικά στο 35,7%, ενώ τα επόμενα χρόνια εν μέσω μιας διαδικασίας επανευθυγραμμίσεων ψηφοφόρων και ανάδειξης ενός νέου δικομματισμού (ΝΔ-ΣΥΡΙΖΑ) κυμάνθηκε σε επίπεδο βουλευτικών εκλογών μεταξύ 56,6% και 64,1%, φτάνοντας στις πρόσφατες κάλπες το εντυπωσιακό 71,4%. Παράλληλα, έναν δεύτερο παράγοντα ομαλοποίησης ενός κομματικού συστήματος αποτελεί και το ύψος της εκλογικής συμμετοχής. Σε αυτό το επίπεδο, η μείωση της συμμετοχής που παρουσιάστηκε σταδιακά και με επί μέρους διακυμάνσεις (71% max-59,3% min) από το 2009 μέχρι και τις πρώτες εκλογές του 2015, φαίνεται ότι σταθεροποιήθηκε ουσιαστικά λίγο κάτω από το 60% κατά τις τρείς εκλογικές αναμετρήσεις που διεξήχθησαν έως και σήμερα (βουλευτικές εκλογές Σεπτεμβρίου 2015, ευρωεκλογές 2015, βουλευτικές εκλογές 2019). Η μείωση της εκλογικής συμμετοχής είναι ένα ζήτημα που ταλανίζει τις δυτικές δημοκρατίες τις τελευταίες δεκαετίες και υπό αυτή την έννοια η αναχαίτιση και τελικά σταθεροποίηση της προηγούμενης πτωτικής της πορείας φαντάζει ισχυρή ένδειξη κανονικοποίησης ενός κομματικού συστήματος (βλ. πίνακας 1) Πίνακας
Είναι υπαρκτό το δίλημμα μεταξύ ελευθερίας και ασφάλειας στην ανάπτυξη της κοινωνικής ζωής; Είναι... more Είναι υπαρκτό το δίλημμα μεταξύ ελευθερίας και ασφάλειας στην ανάπτυξη της κοινωνικής ζωής; Είναι η σχέση μεταξύ των δύο εννοιών συγκρουσιακή ή δεκτική εξισορρόπησης; Και αν είναι το πρώτο, οι άνθρωποι θα προτιμούσαν να ζήσουν «ανελεύθερα» αλλά «ασφαλείς» ή «ελεύθεροι» χωρίς «ασφάλεια»; Είναι το δόγμα της τάξης και της ασφάλειας επιταχυντής διαιρέσεων στην νέα εποχή που ανοίγεται;
In this study, the idea of populism is approached as a political logic. The minimal definition gi... more In this study, the idea of populism is approached as a political logic. The minimal definition given by Essex School was used: populism is a political/discursive logic that considers society ultimately separated between two groups and that argues that politics should be an expression of the will of the people (Mudde & Kaltwasser, 2012). The aforementioned definition established two criteria which should be met in the discourse / political logic of the political actor: central reference to ‘The people’ and central reference to different antagonistic blocks, such as elites against underdogs, native people against immigrants etc. The case of SYRIZA political campaigns strategy is dicussed.
The aim of this study was twofold: First, to investigate whether basic findings of previous studi... more The aim of this study was twofold: First, to investigate whether basic findings of previous studies, regarding the mass media’s parliamentary agenda setting power, can be generalized to countries belonging to the Mediterranean political and media system (such as Greece). The second goal was to examine the motivations that drive political actors to act upon media information, taking into account the role of politicians’ political orientation. Two aspects of political ideology were discussed: Right wing conservatism and left wing populism, which have lately dominated the Greek ideological and political spectrum. In order to investigate the topic a behavioral approach was followed. 52 Members of the Greek parliament were surveyed. The results revealed that media do matter in shaping the political agenda in the country. Furthermore, the present study well established that some of the motivations that drive politicians to use media information in their work are associated with right conservatism and left populism, respectively, while others not.
Papers by Angelos Seriatos
![Research paper thumbnail of Το αντι-ΣΥΡΙΖΑ ρεύμα: Συγκρότηση, εύρος και δυναμική ["The anti-SYRIZA current: Composition, scope and dynamics 2022]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/102732955/thumbnails/1.jpg)
Η Εκλογική Συμπεριφορά των Ελλήνων: Ανάμεσα στα Μνημόνια και την Πανδημία, 2022
The chapter attempts the first systematic elaboration of what has been labeled as the anti-SYRIZA... more The chapter attempts the first systematic elaboration of what has been labeled as the anti-SYRIZA current in Greece. SYRIZA benefited greatly from the de-alignment and subsequent realignment of voters that took place during the great debt crisis and remained in government from January 2015 until July 2019. Its ascendance and time in power created strong feelings of mistrust and rejection (negative partisanship) under conditions of major political polarization. The chapter analyzes the extent of the anti-SYRIZA trend amongst the population, the key moments that shaped it, as well as its ideological and demographic characteristics.
During the second SYRIZA government (September 2015-July 2019) the initial anti-SYRIZA feelings of a minority of the electorate transformed into a majority trend, with stereotypical properties to a great degree. Consequently, the bulk of anti-SYRIZA sentiment was not due to their exercise of radical left policies, but, on the contrary, to the collapse of the left narrative because of the implementation of austerity policies (a classic case of ‘left brand dilution’).
In the aforementioned period anti-SYRIZA negativism extended to an impressive 70% of the electorate, steadily exceeding 60%, whilst its hard-core was higher than 40%. The development of feelings and reflexes of animosity towards SYRIZA played a critical role in the party’s defeat in the 2019 national elections.
South European Society and Politics, 2020
ABSTRACT The article examines the four electoral contests (municipal, regional, European, and par... more ABSTRACT The article examines the four electoral contests (municipal, regional, European, and parliamentary) that took place in Greece in 2019 through the prism of the growing polarisation that has dominated Greek political life since the early 2010s. It is argued that with these elections, the decade-long political cycle that began with the economic crisis came to its conclusion. The new party system resembles the pre-crisis one, featuring a return of two-partyism, single-party governments, and competition along the left-right dimension. However, the legacy of the crisis period remains present, as the ‘new’ two-party system continues to be characterised by high degrees of affective polarisation and negative partisanship.
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13608746.2020.1855798?journalCode=fses20
The article... more https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13608746.2020.1855798?journalCode=fses20
The article examines the four electoral contests (municipal, regional, European and parliamentary) that took place in Greece in 2019 through the prism of the growing polarisation that has dominated Greek political life since the early 2010s. It is argued that with these elections, the decade-long political cycle that began with the economic crisis came to its conclusion. The new party system resembles the pre-crisis one, featuring a return of two-partyism, single-party governments and competition along the left-right dimension. However, the legacy of the crisis period remains present, as the ‘new’ two-party system continues to be characterised by high degrees of affective polarisation and negative partisanship.
Journal articles by Angelos Seriatos
South European Society and Politics, 2020
The article examines the four electoral contests (municipal, regional, European, and parliamentar... more The article examines the four electoral contests (municipal, regional, European, and parliamentary) that took place in Greece in 2019 through the prism of the growing polarisation that has dominated Greek political life since the early 2010s. It is argued that with these elections, the decade-long political cycle that began with the economic crisis came to its conclusion. The new party system resembles the pre-crisis one, featuring a return of two-partyism, single-party governments, and competition along the left-right dimension. However, the legacy of the crisis period remains present, as the ‘new’ two-party system continues to be characterised by high degrees of affective polarisation and negative partisanship.
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Drafts by Angelos Seriatos
Papers by Angelos Seriatos
During the second SYRIZA government (September 2015-July 2019) the initial anti-SYRIZA feelings of a minority of the electorate transformed into a majority trend, with stereotypical properties to a great degree. Consequently, the bulk of anti-SYRIZA sentiment was not due to their exercise of radical left policies, but, on the contrary, to the collapse of the left narrative because of the implementation of austerity policies (a classic case of ‘left brand dilution’).
In the aforementioned period anti-SYRIZA negativism extended to an impressive 70% of the electorate, steadily exceeding 60%, whilst its hard-core was higher than 40%. The development of feelings and reflexes of animosity towards SYRIZA played a critical role in the party’s defeat in the 2019 national elections.
The article examines the four electoral contests (municipal, regional, European and parliamentary) that took place in Greece in 2019 through the prism of the growing polarisation that has dominated Greek political life since the early 2010s. It is argued that with these elections, the decade-long political cycle that began with the economic crisis came to its conclusion. The new party system resembles the pre-crisis one, featuring a return of two-partyism, single-party governments and competition along the left-right dimension. However, the legacy of the crisis period remains present, as the ‘new’ two-party system continues to be characterised by high degrees of affective polarisation and negative partisanship.
Journal articles by Angelos Seriatos
During the second SYRIZA government (September 2015-July 2019) the initial anti-SYRIZA feelings of a minority of the electorate transformed into a majority trend, with stereotypical properties to a great degree. Consequently, the bulk of anti-SYRIZA sentiment was not due to their exercise of radical left policies, but, on the contrary, to the collapse of the left narrative because of the implementation of austerity policies (a classic case of ‘left brand dilution’).
In the aforementioned period anti-SYRIZA negativism extended to an impressive 70% of the electorate, steadily exceeding 60%, whilst its hard-core was higher than 40%. The development of feelings and reflexes of animosity towards SYRIZA played a critical role in the party’s defeat in the 2019 national elections.
The article examines the four electoral contests (municipal, regional, European and parliamentary) that took place in Greece in 2019 through the prism of the growing polarisation that has dominated Greek political life since the early 2010s. It is argued that with these elections, the decade-long political cycle that began with the economic crisis came to its conclusion. The new party system resembles the pre-crisis one, featuring a return of two-partyism, single-party governments and competition along the left-right dimension. However, the legacy of the crisis period remains present, as the ‘new’ two-party system continues to be characterised by high degrees of affective polarisation and negative partisanship.